MASTER  NEGATIVE 

NO.  93-81447- 


MICROFILMED  1 993 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES/NEW  YORK 


as  part  of  the  „    •     » 

"Foundations  of  Western  Civilization  Preservation  Project 


Funded  by  the 
NATIONAL  ENDOWMENT  FOR  THE  HUMANITIES 


Reproductions  may  not  be  made  without  permission  from 

Columbia  University  Library 


COPYRIGHT  STATEMENT 


The  copyright  law  of  the  United  States  -  Title  17,  United 
States  Code  -  concerns  the  making  of  photocopies  or 
other  reproductions  of  copyrighted  material. 

Under  certain  conditions  specified  in  the  law,  libraries  and 
archives  are  authorized  to  furnish  a  photocopy  or  other 
reproduction.  One  of  these  specified  conditions  is  that  the 
photocopy  or  other  reproduction  is  not  to  be  "used  for  any 
purpose  other  than  private  study,  scholarship,  or 
research."  If  a  user  makes  a  request  for,  or  later  uses,  a 
photocopy  or  reproduction  for  purposes  in  excess  of  "fair 
use,"  that  user  may  be  liable  for  copyright  infringement. 

This  institution  reserves  the  right  to  refuse  to  accept  a 
copy  order  if,  in  its  judgement,  fulfillment  of  the  order 
would  involve  violation  of  the  copyright  law. 


A  UTHOR: 


SMITH,  SIR  WILLIAM 


TITLE: 


HISTORY  OF 


PLACE: 


NEW  YORK 


DATE: 


1880 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

BIBLIOGRAPHIC  MTCRnFORM  TARHKT 


'  Master  Negative  # 


Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


831 
SiaSll 


*  f 
t 

■n 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


Smith,  Sir  VJillian,  1^:13-1893. 

A  histon:  of  Greocu,  fro-n  the  earliost  times 
to  the  Roman  conquest,  vitb  supplementary  chapters 
en  the  hictorv  of  literalvro  and  art.   Rot.  v/ith 
an  p-ppondix  by  George  '/;.  Greorie.  Jw  York, 
flarper,  IbHO. 

xxxiv,  704  p.   illus.  (incl.  maps,  plans),  plate, 
(Students  serirs) 


1 
1 


« 


FILM     SIZE: 


3  ^'''^>^'^ 


TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 

//AT 


REDUCTION    RATIO: 


IMAGE  PLACEMENT:   lA    hX)  ylB  JIB 

DATE     FILMED: ^lSj$_2rr3__     INITIALS 

HLMEDBY:    RESEARCH  PIJBLICATlhMS.  INC  WOnnRRrnnB~rT 


BiBLlOGllAPHlC  IRREGULARITIES 


MAIN"  ,.  ij 

ENTRY!  /'.>f:iA    /;/■     lM;ih<i)yi 


/Ml 


BtbUographic  Irregularities  in  the  Original  Doc^men^ 

List  volumes  and  pages  affected;  include  name  of  institution  if  filming  borrowed  text. 


PageCs)  missing/ not  available:. 


Volumesls)  missing/not  available;  xx 


:  XX  >  ^i^niJf^^b^fuA 


/   /    


il  €.r  ccA 


dU  XKi  \ 


* 

Illegible  and/or  damaged  page(s):. 


Page(8)  or  volumesCs)  misnumbered:. 
Bound  out  of  sequence:, 


Pagels)  or  illustratlon(s)  filmed  from  copy  borrowed  from: 


Other: 


^*h 


"tC--^' 


c 


Association  for  information  and  Image  iManagement 

1100  Wayne  Avenue,  Suite  1100 
Silver  Spring.  Maryland  20910 

301/587-8202 


Centimeter 


1         2        3        4         5        6 

iiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiii 


I 


'l'l'i|il'||¥l'TV'|ii/1i'liliilil''|i'|iV'|ii|ii|ii|''|ii|iiii|'ii'l 


7        8        9       10       11 

iiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiili 


Inch 


1 


1 1 1 1 1 


1.0 

If  1" 

no 

■UUI4 

1.4 

lll^-^. 

22 

I.I 

2.0 
1.8 

1.6 

1.25 

12       13       14       15    mm 

iliiiiliiiiliiiili 


II  iiiiliiii  iiiiliiii  iiiiiiiii  iiii 


I  II  I  I  I  I 
5 


MfiNUFflCTURED   TO  flllM  STflNDfiRDS 
BY  fiPPLIED   IMFIGE,    INC. 


■iiiiiiiiii%. 


"■'•tiprfu 


8^0- 


S-v-nGll 


Hibrarg 

BORN  ia64-DI£0  19W 


PROFESSOR  OF  CLASSICAL  PHILOLOGY 

IN  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

SCHOLAR      AUTHOR      TBACHlll 


AS  A  MEMORIAL  OF  HIS  LIFE  AND  WORK 

HIS  STUDENTS  AND  FRIENDS  GAVE 

HIS  LIBRARY 

TO  HIS  ALMA  MATER 

A.  0.  1907 

KAcivo?  8'  6  TTO'VOS  flOl 


■((■ii  mmfpi  •■  ■ 


■"..iiiii»»  •■■  "■•,'ii" 


A 


CO 

H 

< 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE, 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST. 


WITH  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS  ON  THE  HISTORY  OF 

LITERATURE  AND  ART. 


BY  WILLIAM  SMITH,  LL.D., 

BditaHT  of  tha  DiftioiiHries  of  "  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquitiefi,**  "  BiogrRphy  and  Mytholo^," 

Bad  "  Geography." 


KEVISED,  WITH   AN   APPENDIX, 

BY  GEORGE  W.  GREENE,  A.M. 


Sllufttateli  hs  ®ne  l^unTireH  Hnjjrabfnfls  on  WSodH. 


'^KKinn 


Teiti^lv  u4  UlymiiiiHi  J*ve. 


NEW    YORK: 

HARPER    &    B  R  O  T  II  E  11  S,    PUBLISHERS, 

VBANKLIN     8QUABB. 

1880. 


A 


w 

1-4 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE, 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST. 


WITH  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS  ON  THE  HISTORY  OP 

LITERATURE  AND  ART. 


BY  WILLIAM  SMITH,  LL.D., 

K4ii«H-  of  th«  Dictionaries  of  "  Greek  nnd  Koniari  Antiquities,"  "  Biojjraphy  and  MytWIojfyi* 

«nd  "Geography." 


REVISED,   WITH    AN    APPENDIX, 

BY  GEORGE  W.  GREENE,  A.M. 


SllustratcTi  bv  #nc  IQuntivcTi  Htifltabfnas  on  S^ooH. 


NEW    YORK: 

HARPER    &    D  li  O  T  H  E  U  S,    PUBLISHERS, 

FBANKLIN     SQUAB  B- 

1880. 


^ 


THE     STUDENT'S     SEKIES 

12iiO|  Cloth,  vnifobm  in  bttlk. 


MANUAL  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTOBY, 
By  Philii*  Smith.    Illustrated.    |l  50. 

THE  STUDENT  ^8  CLASSICAL  DICTION- 
ARY.   Illastriited.    |1  95. 

ANCIENT  niSTORY  OF  THE  EAST.     By 
Philif  Smith.    IllnstrHted.    $1  S5. 

HISTORY  OF  GREECE.    By  Dr.  William 
Smith.    Itlustratetl.    $1  35. 

CON'S  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  GREECK 
With  Maps.    $1  S&. 

LlDItELL  'S  HISTORY  OF  ROME,    IlIo»tra- 
t««l.    |1  S5. 

MERIVALE'S    GENERAL    HISTORY    OF 
ROME.    With  Mapa.    |1  25. 

GIBBON'S  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE 
ROMAN  EMPIRE    Illustrated.    $1  35. 

LYELL'S  GEOLOGY.    Illuatratad.    $1  25. 


HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.  By  the  Rer.  W.  H. 
Jbrvis,  M.A.    ItliMtrnted.     |1  S5. 

HUMES  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.    nin». 

triited.    New  Edition. 

STRICKLAND'S   QUEENS  OF  ENGLAND. 
Illastriited.    $1  25. 

HALLAM'S    CONSTITUTIONAL   HISTORY 
OF  ENGLAND.    $1  25. 

HALLAM'S  MIDDLE  AGES.    #1  25. 

OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY.  By  Philip 
Smith.  With  Ma|)a  and  Illustrations. 
|1  25. 

NEW  TESTAMENT  HISTORY.  By  Philip 
Smith.  With  Ma|>8  aiul  Illu«trationa, 
|1  25. 

LEWIS'S  HISTORY  OF  GERMANY.    With 
Maps  and  Illustrations.    %\  aO. 


THE    STXJDPrJSTT'S    SMIAI^LER    SERIKS. 

16mo,  Clotu. 


SCRIPTURE  HISTORY.    60  cents. 

HISTORY  OF  GREECE    «0  cenU. 

HISTORY  OF  ROME    60  cents. 

CO.TS  SCHOOL   HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 
60  cents. 


HISTOR  Y  OF  ENGLA  ND.     «0  cents. 

A NCIENT IIISTOR  Y  OF  THE  EAST.    60  cts. 

SEEMANN'S  MYTHOLOGY.    CO  cents. 

MERir ALE'S    SCHOOL     HISTORY     OF 
ROME.     75  cents. 


PpBLi8UEi>  «Y  HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  Nnw  YoRii. 

lar  Aujt  of  the  abtm  (oofit  s«iil  fty  mail,  potlagt  prepaid,  to  any  paH  o/lkt  United  Stalei,  m  rtettpl 

of  the  priet. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  3'car  1854,  bj 


HARPER   &;    BROTHERS, 


In  the  Clerk's  Office  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


PREFACE 


BY    THE    AMERICAN    EDITOE. 


No  history  is  so  full  of  instruction  as  that  of  Greece,  and 
there  is  none  whose  lessons  have  been  more  uniformly  perverted. 
Gillies  treated  it  as  an  exposition  of  the  "  incurable  evils  inhe- 
rent in  every  form  of  republican  policy,"  and  dedicated  his 
work  to  the  King.  Mitford  wrote  from  a  point  of  view  so 
purely  English,  that,  with  all  his  learning  and  industry,  he  was 
never  able  to  understand  the  distinction  between  a  republican 
and  a  demagogue.  We  have  all  been  taught  that  the  condem- 
nation of  Miltiades  was  a  flagrant  instance  of  repubUcan  in. 
gratitude ;  that  the  Athenian  democracy  was  fickle,  and  cow- 
ardly, and  mean ;  and  that  the  happy  days  of  Greece  were  those 
transient  pauses  which  followed  the  concentration  of  power  in 
the  hands  of  an  oligarchy  or  a  tyrant. 


•:  ./"I 

\0 


Now,  if  there  be  any  value  in  history,  it  must  consist  in  the 
truthful  record  of  man's  tendency  to  grow  wiser  and  better,  or 
more  ignorant  and  more  wicked,  under  particular  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, and  in  certain  modes  of  existence.  If  "  every  form  of 
republican  policy"  be  tainted  by  incurable  evils,  it  is  very  im- 
portant that  we  should  know  it,  and  prepare  ourselves  in  time 
for  the  inevitable  development  of  them.  If  the  experience  of 
ether  nations  has  brought  any  thing  to  light  which  can  be  ap- 


423864 


▼i  PREFACE  BY  THE  AMERICAN  EDITOR. 

plied  to  our  own  ciKse,  it  is  our  duty  to  study  it  carefully,  and 
do  our  best  to  turn  it  to  account.  The  past  has  a  claim  upon 
us  for  just  and  conscientious  appreciation.  It  is  as  wicked  as 
it  is  vain  to  attempt  to  sever  the  ties  which  bind  us  to  the  old 
world  and  make  the  civilization  of  elder  days  an  important 
element  in  our  own.  And  as  every  vice  sooner  or  later  brings 
its  own  chastisement,  the  people  which  shuts  its  eyes  wilfully 
to  the  teachings  of  history,  will  sooner  or  later  find  that,  even 
in  its  hardest  struggles,  it  has  been  treading  a  path  hi  which 
almost  all  the  dangers  had  been  revealed  long  before. 

If  we  would  read  these  lessons  aright,  we  must  come  to  the 
"stndy  of  the  past  with  candid  and  fearless  minds  ;  ready  to  accept 
whatever  it  really  tells  us ;  and  earnest  only  in  searching  out  the 
true  meaning  of  its  revelations.  This  alone  can  make  the  study 
of  history  fruitful,  and  bring  out  that  earnestness,  sincerity,  can- 
dour, and  toleration,  which  are  as  essential  to  the  healthy  develop- 
ment of  nations  as  of  individuals. 

It  is  all  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  Grecian  history  has 
been  so  sadly  distorted,  as  it  necessarily  lies  at  the  basis  of  our 
historical  studies.  Greek  civilization  is  the  first  of  the  civiliza- 
tions of  the  old  world  with  which  we  still  have  an  active  and 
enduring  sympathy.  The  elder  empires  of  Asia  are  subjects  of 
deep  interest  to  the  professed  scholar ;  Egj'pt  is  full  of  strange 
revelations  of  character  and  power;  but  Greece  is  the  only 
country  which  still  continues  to  exercise  a  direct  and  healthy 
influence  upon  the  development  of  the  mind  in  every  depart- 
ment of  thought  and  taste.  Every  now  and  then,  it  is  true, 
we  are  startled  by  the  apparition  of  some  new  Homer,  or  De- 
mosthenes, or  Phidias:  but  long  before  their  generation  has 
passed  away,  the  world  is  glad  to  fall  back  again  upon  the  old 
ones.  When  Canova  began  his  reform  in  sculpture,  he  went 
back  to  the  antique  with  the  simplicity  and  devotion  of  a  chiM  ; 
and  the  result  was  the  modem  school,  the  most  brilliant  since 


PREFACE  BY  THE  AMERICAN  EDITOR. 


vii 


the  briUiant  days  of  Greece.  And  yet  I  have  often  heard  its 
greatest  master  say,  that  he  never  could  look  at  an  ancient 
statue  without  feeling  that  there  was  something  in  it  which 
neither  he,  nor  Canova,  nor  any  modern  of  them  all,  had  ever 
reached. 

It  has  often  been  said  that  half  the  disputes  between  philoso- 
phers arise  from  the  want  of  accurate  definitions  :  and  the  word 
progress  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the  truth  of  this  saying. 
For  the  greater  part  of  mankind  it  means  nothing  but  move- 
ment ;  a  change  of  position,  without  any  definite  starting-point 
or  goal :  any  thing,  in  short,  to  gratify  the  feverish  love  of 
novelty  and  that  impatience  of  delay,  which  are  the  real  incen- 
tives of  more  than  half  we  do.  But  progress  implies  move- 
ment from  a  fixed  point  to  one  still  higher  ;  a  movement  which 
shall  be  in  itself  the  preparation  for  something  higher  and  bet- 
ter still.  There  is  but  one  way  of  finding  that  starting-point, 
and  that  is  by  a  thorough  and  conscientious  study  of  the 
past. 

The  reform  in  the  study  of  Grecian  history  began  in  Germany, 
and  Mr.  Bancroft  rendered  a  real  service  to  his  countrymen  when 
he  published  his  translation  of  Heeren's  "  Politics  of  Ancient 
Greece."  Thirlwall's  work  was  a  great  improvement  upon  every 
thing  that  had  preceded  it,  both  in  the  conception  of  the  subject 
and  in  the  exposition  of  it.  But  Grote,  with  his  vast  learning, 
his  sound  philosophy,  his  grasp  of  mind,  and  liis  republican  con- 
victions, was  eminently  fitted  to  be  the  historian  of  Greece. 
The  present  volume,  though  not  without  pretensions  to  original 
investigation,  is  mainly  based  upon  Grote,  whose  enlarged  views 
will  generally  be  found  to  be  happily  reflected  in  its  pages. 
Its  author  is  well  known  by  previous  publications,  which  had 
won  him  the  reputation  of  an  accurate,  diligent,  and  profound 
scholar.  He  may  now  justly  lay  claim  to  the  additional  one 
of  a  pleasing,  graceful,  and  classic  writer. 


TUl 


PREFACE  BY  THE  AMERICAN  EDITOR. 


In  preparing  an  edition  for  American  schools  and  readers,  1 
have  not  lelt  at  liberty  to  make  any  changes  in  tlie  text ;  which, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  those  slips  of  the  pen  from  which 
no  work  is  altogether  free,  will  be  found  to  correspond  word  for 
word  with  the  original  publication.  What  1  felt  to  be  neces- 
sary for  the  American  student  I  have  thrown  into  an  Ap- 
pendix ;  and  the  suggestions  on  the  following  page  contain  an 
outline  of  the  manner  in  which,  I  believe,  it  can  be  studied 
with  most  pleasure  and  profit  both  to  the  teacher  and  his 
pupil. 


GEO.  w.  gree^:e. 


New  York,  Jfa^  d,  1854. 


(I 


II 


SUGGESTIONS  TO  TEACHERS. 

I  HAVE  already  remarked  that  this  work  is  e(iually  adapted  to  the  private 
student  and  the  school  or  college  class-room.  To  those  who  use  it  as  a  text- 
book, the  following  suggestions  may  not  be  unwelcome. 

The  historical  course  in  our  public  institutions  is  thus  far  so  imperfect, 
that  it  is  safer  to  take  it  for  granted  that  the  student  on  opening  this  volume 
gets  his  first  glance  at  Grecian  history.  Now  it  is  very  important  that  this 
glance  should  be  accompanied  by  a  definite  conception  of  the  space  which 
that  history  fills  both  in  territory  and  in  time  ;  and  it  is  for  this  purpose  that 
I  have  added  Heeren's  clear  and  comprehensive  geographical  summary,  and 
drawn  up  the  synchronitic  tables  in  the  Appendix.  The  first  should  be  studied 
with  the  map ;  the  second  by  itself;  and  both  repeated,  even  after  the  nar- 
rative has  been  begun,  until  the  geography  and  general  chronology  of  Greece 
have  become  as  familiar  as  the  boundaries  of  the  States  and  the  names  of  the 
Presidents.  During  the  whole  of  this  stage  of  the  study  the  black-board 
may  be  used  with  great  advantage. 

The  student  now  begins  with  a  fir.m  basis.  The  first  course  may  be  made 
rapidly,  and  in  the  form  of  narration.  It  will  give  him  a  clear  and  compre- 
hensive view  of  the  subject ;  and,  in  connection  with  the  geography  and 
chronology,  make  a  distinct  and  definite  impression  upon  his  mind. 

The  second  course  should  be  one  of  thorough  detail ;  combining  narration 
and  questions.  The  summaries  at  the  head  of  each  chapter  will  be  found  to 
answer  the  purpose  of  regular  examination  questions  ;  and  the  substance  of 
each  section  should  be  narrated,  leaving  the  teacher  to  ask  additional  ques- 
tions whenever  the  subject,  or  any  omission  in  the  narrative,  requires  it. 
Half  the  advantage  of  the  study  is  lost  where  every  thing  is  put  down  in  the 
form  of  question,  instead  of  requiring  the  scholar  to  select  the  circumstances 
for  himself,  and  express  them  in  his  own  language. 

Take,  for  example,  the  first  chapter  cf  the  first  book.  A  scholar  is  called 
upon  to  recite : 

Q.  What  is  the  general  subject  of  this  chapter? 

A.  The  earliest  inhabitants  of  Greece. 

Q.  To  what  age  of  Grecian  history  does  this  question  belong  ? 

A.  To  the  Mythical. 

Q.  What  are  the  subjects  of  the  first  three  sections  ? 

A.  1,  The  legendary  character  of  early  Grecian  history. 

2.  Legends  of  the  Greeks  respecting  their  origin. 

3.  The  Hellenes  and  their  diffusion  in  Greece. 

Now  call  upon  him  to  give  in  his  own  language,  but  in  a  proper  order,  the 
substaace  of  these  three  sections.  And  if  you  are  not  satisfied  with  his  nar- 
lation.  question  him  minutely  upon  the  parts  where  he  has  failed. 

The  third  course  should  be  guided  by  the  general  questions  (pp.  633,  634), 
which  may  be  answered  orally,  on  the  black-board,  and  m  the  form  of  regular 
written  exercises. 


SUGGESTlOiiS  TO  TEACHERS. 


li 

M 

m 


it 


Dorin.  the  second  and  third  courses,  written  weekly  exercise,  should  to 

During  the  »==°""  .    .     ei,„acters  o£  individuals ;  the  nature  of 

"^"cufarTeT  pa  ai&len  eminent  men ;  particular  systems  „.  pel- 

C^ntriSy'^Tf  other  questions,  which  '^^'^^J^Z:^^^^ 
to  every  competent  instructor.     In  preparing  these,  the  student  suouia  be  ic 
ouirdTo  consult  other  writers :  Grote,  Thirlwall,  Heeren.  Wachsmuth,  etc., 
^^A  iiictifv  rvprv  assertion  by  exact  references. 

Take  2.  e«mpTe      The  Condemnation  of  M.ltiades  has  been  a  standing 
reproach^P^n  the  Athenian  democracy,  and  through  that  upon  democracy  it- 

"L  lhe'"m£  give  first  a  brief  statement  of  the  facts  l^  eompa- 
various  authorities,  beginning  w>lh  Cornelius  N  epos,  and  »"?^-f  ^™. 
Gillies   Mitford,  Thirlwall,  and  Grote.     Let  him  see,  too,  whether  tl.e  ques 

orhak  n^lte;  reduced  to  its  true  fo""^.^  M-.'''".!;"j '^l^r  Mm       a 
by  Grote  in  his  notes.     A  single  exercise  like  this  will  do  more  for  h.m 
tiinker  and  a  writer,  than  three  months  «f  ""'i-^'y  fomposmon^ 

R.,t  ihi,  is  very  slow  work.  It  may  seem  so.  It  may  keep  you  'o".^"  "^ 
.cht,  ;tt  it  :  Ul  t„d  you  into  the  world  with  «iowledge  and  habits  th« 
will  Slick  by  you  through  life. 


PREFACE. 


The  following  work  is  intended  principally  for  schools.  It  was 
commenced  several  years  ago,  at  a  time  when  the  Grecian  his- 
tories used  in  schools  were  either  the  superficial  and  inaccurate 
compilations  of  Goldsmith  and  older  writers,  or  the  meagre 
abridgments  of  more  recent  scholars,  in  which  the  facts  were 
presented  in  so  brief  a  manner  as  to  leave  hardly  any  recollec- 
tion of  them  in  the  minds  of  the  readers.  Since  that  time  one 
or  two  school  histories  of  Greece  of  a  superior  kind  have  ap- 
peared, but  they  have  not  been  written  from  the  same  point  of 
view  which  I  had  proposed  to  myself;  and  in  the  best  of  them 
the  history  of  literature  and  art,  as  well  as  several  other  sub- 
jects which  seemed  to  me  of  importance,  have  been  almost 
entirely  omitted.  I  have  therefore  seen  no  reason  to  abandon 
my  original  design,  which  now  requires  a  few  words  of  expla- 
nation. 

My  object  has  been  to  give  the  youthful  reader  as  vivid  a 
picture  of  the  main  facts  of  Grecian  history,  and  of  the  leading 
characteristics  of  the  political  institutions,  literature,  and  art  of 
the  people,  as  could  be  comprised  within  the  limits  of  a  volume 
of  moderate  size.  "With  this  view  I  have  omitted  entirely,  or 
dismissed  in  a  few  paragraphs,  many  circumstances  recorded 
in  similar  works,  and  have  thus  gained  space  for  narrating  at 
length  the  more  important  events,  and  for  bringing  out  promi- 
nently the  characters  and  lives  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation. 
It  is  only  in  this  way  that  a  school  history  can  be  made  in- 

BtructivG  and  interesting,  since  a  brief  and  tedious  enumeration 

A 


PREFACE. 


PREPACK 


Jdfl 


of  e¥ery  event,  whether  great  of  Bmall,  important  or  unimpor- 
tant, confuses  the  reader  and  leaves  no  permanent  impression 
upon  his  memory.  Considerable  space  has  been  given  to  the 
history  of  hterature  and  art,  since  they  form  the  most  durable  evi- 
dences of  a  nation*8  growth  in  civilization  and  in  social  progress. 
A  knowledge  of  these  subjects  is  of  far  more  importance  to  a 
pupil  at  the  commencement  of  his  classical  studies  than  an  ac- 
quaintance with  every  insignificant  battle  in  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  or  with  the  theories  of  modem  scholars  respecting  the 
early  population  of  Greece ;  and  as  it  cannot  be  expected  that  a 
schoolboy  should  read  special  treatises  upon  Grecian  literature 
and  art,  these  subjects  find  their  appropriate  place  in  a  work 
like  the  present. 

It  is  perhaps  hardly  necessary  to  observe  that  I  have  availed 
myself  of  the  researches  of  the  eminent  scholars,  both  in  thic 
country  and  in  Germany,  whose  writings  have  thrown  so  mucli 
light  upon  the  history  of  Greece ;  but  the  obligations  I  am  under 
to  Mr.  Grote  require  a  more  particular  acknowledgment.  It  is 
not  too  much  to  say  that  his  work  forms  as  great  an  epoch  in 
the  study  of  the  history  of  Greece  as  Niebuhr's  has  done  in  the 
study  of  the  history  of  Rome,  and  that  Mr.  Grote's  contributions 
to  historical  science  are  some  of  the  most  valuable  that  have 
been  made  within  the  present  generation.  As  my  own  studies 
have  led  me  over  the  same  ground  as  Mr.  Grote,  I  have  care- 
fully weighed  his  opinions  and  tested  his  statements  by  a  refer- 
ence to  his  authorities ;  and  in  almost  all  cases  I  have  been 
compelled  to  adopt  his  conclusions,  even  where  they  were  in 
opposition  to  generally  received  opinions  and  prejudices,  as,  for 
instance,  in  his  views  respecting  the  legendary  history  of  Greece^ 
the  legislation  of  Lycurgus,  the  object  of  ostracism,  the  general 
working  of  the  Athenian  constitution,  and  the  character  of  the 
Sophists.  Indeed  it  will  be  admitted  by  the  most  competent 
judges,  that  any  school  history  of  Greece,  which  aspires  to  re- 
present the  present  state  of  knowledge  upon  the  subject,  must 
necessarily  be  founded  to  a  great  extent  upon  Mr.  Grote's  his- 


T 


tory ;  but  I  have  derived  such  valuable  assistance  from  his  re- 
searches, that  I  am  anxious  to  express,  in  the  fullest  manner, 
the  great  obligations  this  work  is  under  to  that  masterpiece 
cf  historical  Hterature.  In  a  brief  outline  of  Grecian  history, 
original  research  is  of  course  out  of  place ;  all  that  can  be  ex- 
pected from  the  writer  is  a  clear  and  accurate  account  of  the 
most  recent  results  at  which  the  best  modem  scholars  have 
arrived;  and  in  this  respect  it  is  hoped  that  the  intelligent 
reader  will  not  be  disappointed.  Of  the  many  other  modem 
works  which  I  have  consulted,  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to 
Colonel  Mure's  "  Critical  History  of  Greek  Literature,"  from 
which  I  have  derived  valuable  assistance  in  the  chapters  of  the 
work  devoted  to  that  subject. 

As  a  general  rule,  references  to  ancient  and  modern  works 
are  not  given,  since  they  are  useless  to  the  pupil  and  occupy 
valuable  space,  while  the  scholar  will  look  for  the  authorities 
elsewhere.  The  illustrations,  of  which  the  majority  have  been 
drawn  by  my  friend  Mr.  George  Scharf,  consist  of  maps  of 
different  districts,  plans  of  battles  and  places,  views  of  public 
buildings,  works  of  art  and  other  objects,  the  representation  of 
which  renders  the  descriptions  in  the  history  more  intelligible 
and  interesting  to  the  reader 


WILLIAM  SMITH. 


London,   November^  1853. 


T 


^y^^ 


Greek  and  Persian  Combatants.    From  the  Frieze  of  the  Temple  of  Nike  Apteroa 

(See  pp.  216.  391,392.) 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY. 

H-  The  three  peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  ^2.  Position  and  boundaries 
of  Greece.  ^3^  Size  of  the  country.  M.  Name.  <^  5.  Northern  Greece : 
Thessaly  and  Epirus.  ^  6.  Central  Greece :  its  principal  divisions  and 
mountains.  ^  7.  Eastern  half  of  Central  Greece  :  Doris,  Phocis,  Locris, 
Boeotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  <J  8.  Western  half  of  Central  Greece:  Ozolian 
i-ocris,  iEtoha,  Acarnania.  <J  9.  Peloponnesus  :  Arcadia.  ^  10.  Achaia, 
Argohs,  Laconia,  Messenia,  Elis.  ^  11.  The  Grecian  Islands.  ^  12.  In- 
Iluence  of  the  physical  geography  of  Greece  upon  the  political  destinies  of 
the  people.  ^  13.  Likewise  upon  their  intellectual  character.  6  14.  Rivers 
and  chief  productions.     ^  15.  Climate .....Pagel 


BOOK   I. 
THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OP  GREECE. 

k  L  Legendary  character  of  early  Grecian  history.  ^  2.  Legends  of  the 
Greeks  respecting  their  origin.  (^  3.  The  Hellenes  and  their  diffusion  in 
l.T'^i  I  \  ^"""^'^^^^^  of  the  Hellenes  with  the  Indo-European  stem. 
^5.  IhePelasgians.  H-  Foreign  settlers  in  Greece.  6  7.  Egyptian  col- 
onies of  Cecrops  and  Danaus.  ^  8.  Phrygian  colony  of  Pelops.  6  9.  PhcB- 
mcian  colony  of  Cadmus ;  *-       v  ^^ 


ZYi 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  11. 

THB    GSECIAN   HEROES. 

^  L  Mythical  character  of  the  Heroic  Age.  ^  2.  Hercules.  ^  3.  Theseus. 
^  4.  Minos.  ^  5.  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts.  ^  6.  The  Seven  against 
Thebes  and  the  Epigoni.  ^  7.  The  Trojan  War  as  related  in  the  Iliad. 
^  8.  Later  additions.  <J  9.  Return  of  the  Grecian  heroes  from  Troy.  <J  10. 
Date  of  the  fall  of  Troy,  (f  1 1.  Whether  the  Heroic  legends  contain  any 
historical  facts.  ^  12.  The  Homeric  poems  present  a  picture  of  a  real 
state  of  society yj 


CHAPTER  HI. 

STATE    or    SOCIETY   OF    THE    HEROIC    AGE. 

^  1.  Political  condition  of  Greece— the  Kings.  $  2.  The  B<mle,  or  Council 
of  Chiefs.  ^  3.  The  Agora,  or  general  assembly  of  freemen.  ^  4.  The 
condition  of  common  freemen  and  slaves.  ^  5.  State  of  social  and  moral 
feeling.  ^  6.  Simplicity  of  manners.  ^  7.  Advances  made  in  civilization. 
^  8.  Commerce  and  the  arts.  ^  9.  The  physical  sciences.  ^  10.  The  art 
of  war 25 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETURN   OP  THB  HERACLID^    INTO   PELOPONNESUS,  AND   FOUNDATION  OF 

THE    EARLIEST    GREEK    COLONIES. 

^  1.  The  mythical  character  of  the  narrative  of  these  events.  ^  2.  Migra. 
tion  of  the  Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  Boeotia.  §  3.  Conquest  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus by  the  Dorians.  ^  4.  The  legendary  account  of  this  event. 
The  invasion.  ^  5.  The  legendary  account  continued.  The  division  of 
Peloponnesus  among  the  conquerors.  ^.6.  Remarks  upon  the  legendary 
account.  ^  7.  Foundation  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  Asia  Minor.  ^  8.  The 
jEoUc  colonies.  ^  9.  The  Ionic  colonies.  ^  10.  The  Doric  colonies. 
^11.  Colonization  of  Crete  by  the  Dorians.  ^  12.  Conclusion  of  the 
Mythical  age 3j 


CHAPTER  V. 


THB    POEMS    OF    HOMER. 


h  1.  Importance  of  the  subject.  ^  2.  Rise  of  poetry  in  Greece.  Epic  bal- 
lads preparatory  to  the  Epopee.  ^  3,  The  poems  of  the  Epic  Cycle,  in 
-.vhich  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  included.  ^  4.  Diversity  of  opin- 
ions respecting  the  life  and  date  of  Homer.  ^  5.  Iliad  and  Odyssey  re- 
cited to  public  companies  by  the  Rhapsodists.  ^  6.  A  standard  text  of  the 
poems  first  formed  by  Pisistratus.  ^  7.  Modern  controversy  respecting 
the  origin  of  the  Homeric  poems.  Prolegomena  of  Wolf.  ^  8.  The  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey  were  originally  not  committed  to  writing.  ^  9.  They 
were  preserved  by  the  Rhapsodists.  ^  10.  They  did  not  consist  originally 
of  separate  lays,  but  were  composed  by  one  poet,  as  is  shown  by  their 
poetical  unity 39 


CONTENTS. 


zni 


BOOK  II. 
GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

B.C.  776—500. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL    SURVEY   OF   THE    GREEK   PEOPLE. 

$  1.  Nature  of  the  subject.  ^  2.  The  chief  ties  which  bound  the  Greeks 
together.  Community  of  blood  and  of  language.  ^  3.  Community  of 
religious  rites  and  festivals.  ^  4.  The  Amphictyonic  Council.  ^  5.  The 
Olympic  games.  ^  6.  The  Pythian,  Nemean,  and  Isthmian  games. 
^  7.  The  influence  of  these  festivals.  ^  8.  Influence  of  the  oracle  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  ^  9.  Community  of  manners  and  character.  ^  10. 
The  independent  sovereignty  of  each  city  a  settled  maxim  in  the  Greek 
mind ^-j 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

CARLY  HISTORY   OF    PELOPONNESUS    AND    LEGISLATION   OF    LYCURGUS. 

^  1.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians.  Division  of  the  Peloponne- 
sus into  the  Doric  states,  Elis,  Achaia,  and  Arcadia.  ^  2.  Division  of  the 
Doric  states  in  Peloponnesus.  Argos  originally  the  first  Doric  state, 
Sparta  second,  Messene  third.  ^  3.  Phidion  of  Argos.  ^  4.  Legislation 
of  Lycurgus.  ^  5.  Life  of  Lycurgus.  ^  6.  The  chief  object  of  Lycurgus 
in  his  legislation.  ^  7.  Population  of  Laconia  divided  into  three  classes. 
Spartans.  ^  8.  Perioeci.  ^  9.  Helots.  ^  10.  Political  government  of 
Sparta.  The  kings.  The  senate.  The  popular  assembly.  The  ephors. 
^  1 1.  Training  and  education  of  the  Spartan  youths  and  men.  ^  12.  Train- 
ing of  the  Spartan  women.  ^  13.  Division  of  landed  property.  ^  14. 
Other  regulations  ascribed  to  Lycurgus.  ^Iron  money.  ^  15.  Defensible 
position  of  Sparta.  ^  16.  Growth  of  the  Spartan  power,  a  consequence 
of  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus.     Conquest  of  Laconia 56 


CHAPTER  Vni. 

HISTORY    OF    SPARTA.       THE    MESSENIAN,    ARCADIAN,    AND    ARGIVE    WARS. 

^  1.  Authorities  for  the  history  of  the  Messenian  wars.  ^  2.  The  first  Mes- 
senian  war,  B.C.  743—724.  ^  3.  The  second  Messenian  war,  B.C.  685—668. 
Aristomenes,  the  Messenian  hero,  and  Tyrtaeus,  the  Spartan  hero,  of  this 
war.  ^  4.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Arcadians.  Conquest  of  the 
southern  part  of  Arcadia  by  Sparta.  War  between  Sparta  and  Tegea. 
^  5.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Argives.  Battle  of  the  three  hundred 
champions  to  decide  the  possession  of  Cynuria 72 


znii 


CONTENTS. 


H 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE   AOB   OP   THE    DK8POT8. 

1.  Aliolition  of  royalty  throughout  Greece,  except  in  Sparta.  6  2.  Estab 
lishment  of  the  oligarchical  governments.  ^3.  Overthrow  of  the  oliear- 
chres  by  the  despots.  Character  of  the  despots,  and  causes  of  their  fall 
^  4.  Contest  between  oligarchy  and  democracy  on  the  removal  of  the 
despots.  J  5  Despots  of  Sicyon.  History  of  Clislhenes.  ^  6.  Despots 
Of  Corinth  History  of  Cypselus  and  Periander.  ^  7.  Conflicts  of  the 
oligarchies  and  democratical  parties  at  Megara.  Despotism  of  Theagenes. 
1  he  poet  Theognis ,,^ -g 


CHAPTER  X. 

«ARLY  HISTORY  OP  ATHENS  DOWN  TO  THE   USURPATION  OP  PI8I8TRATU8. 

*  L^^'^^-.^i^f  ^''^u''^^"'*'''  '"^°  ^^'^''^'^  independent  states,  said  to  have 
l^en  7«ed  by  Theseus.  ^  2.  Abolition  of  royalty.  Life  Uons.  De! 
cennial  archons.  Annual  archons.  ^  3.  Twofold  division  of  the  Athe. 
mans      (1.)  Eupatridae,  Geomori,  Demiurgi.     (2.)  Four  tribes  :   Gcleon. 

THnvT      / 'Tsf^'*'**'^''  ^1"^'^'     ^  -*•  ^^^^^^'^^  «*"  *^«  f«"  tribes  into 
1  rittyes  and  NaucraniB,  and  into  Phratrise  and  Gentes.     6  5    The  eov 

ernment  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Eupatnd®.     The  nine  archons 

Sli*^''/7"*'^r''  ^^^  ^""^^^^  ""^  Areopagus.  ^  6.  The  legislation  of 
;  H  ^  J"  Z  '^^''^P'l^^y  of  Cylon.  His  failure,  and  massacre  of  his 
partisans  by  Megacles  the  Alcm«onid.     Expulsion  of  the  Alcma^-ouidm 

T  iL  T^  f  Tr*t^'  **"  ^*^^"''  "^*  purification  of  the  city.  A  Q, 
L  fe  of  Solon  ^  10.  State  of  Attica  at  the  time  of  Solon's  legislation. 
1 11.  Solon  elected  archon,  B.C.  594,  with  legislative  powers.     A  12   His 

Dl!!!r„n  n^r  ^^"'i'^'"^"^";'*^'^'^""-  ^'^-  His  constitutional  changes. 
D  vision  of  the  people  into  four  classes,  according  to  their  property 

«  14.  Institution  of  the  Senate  of  Four  Hundred.     Enlargement  of  S^ 

rX:  t^/"Trr  ^\'  ^^'^"^^^  government  contmLTan  ol  gar! 
cby  after  the  time  of  Solon.     ^  15.  the  special  laws  of  Solon.    6  16.  The 

Zon  ^        U«un>ation  of  Pisistratus.    Return  and  death  o? 

87 


CHAPTER  XL 

HISTORY    OP    ATHENS    PROM    THE    USURPATION    OP    PISISTRATUS    TO    THI 
ESTABLISHMENT    OP    THE    DEMOCRACY    BY    CLISTHENES. 

41.  Despotism  Of  Pisistratus.  His  first  expulsion  and  restoration.  6  2. 
His  second  expulsion  and  restoration.  ^  3.  Government  of  Pisistratus 
after  his  final  restoration  to  his  death,  b.c.  527.  ^  4.  Government  of 
Hippias  and  Hipparchus.  Conspiracy  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  and 
«sassi„ation  of  Hipparchus.  B.C.  514.  ^  5.  Sole  government  of  Hippias 
His  expulsion  by  the  Alcmsonidae  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  B.C.  510.  6  a 
Honors  paid  to  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton.  ^  7.  Party  struggles  at 
Athens  between  Clisthenes  and  Isagoras.    Establishment  of  the  Athenian 


CONTENTS. 


xbc 


democracy.    ^  8  Reforms  of  Clisthenes.    Institution  often  new  tribes  and 
of  the  demes.     ^  9.  Increase  of  the  number  of  the  Senate  to  Five  Hundred 
«  10    Enlargement  of  the  functions  and  authority  of  the  Senate  and  the 
Ecclesia.  ^11.  Introduction  of  the  judicial  functions  of  the  people     In 
atitution  of  tho  Ten  Strategi  or  Generals.     ^  12.  Ostracism.  \  b    First 
attempt  of  the  Lacedemonians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  democracv 
Invasion  of  Attica  by  Cleomenes,  followed  by  his  expulsion  with  that  of 
Isagoras.     ^  14.  Second  attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the 

^^^ITttt'^Tr-T  '^^"  Lacedemonians,  Thebans,  and  Chalcidians 
mttack  Attica.  The  Lacedemonians  deserted  by  their  allies  and  compelled 
to  retire.  Victories  of  the  Athenians  over  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians, 
followed  by  the  planting  of  4000  Athenian  colonists  on  the  lands  of  the 
Chalcidians.  ^  15.  Third  attempt  of  the  Lacedemonians  to  overthrow 
the  Athenian  democracy,  again  frustrated  by  the  refusal  of  the  allies  to 
take  part  m  the  enterprise.  ^  16.  Growth  of  Athenian  patrrotism,  a  conse- 
quence of  the  reforms  of  Clisthenes. ...  j^ 


CHAPTER  XII. 

HISTORY   OF    THE    GREEK    COLONIES. 

$  I.  Connection  of  the  subject  with  the  general  history  of  Greece.     6  2.  Ori- 
gin  of  the  Greek  colonies  and  their  relation  to  the  mother-country     6  3 
Characteristics  common  to  most  of  the  Greek  colonies.     6  4.  The  ilolic* 
Ionic,  and  Doric  colonies  in  Asia.     Miletus  the  most  important,  and  the 
parent  of  numerous  colonies.     Ephesus.     Phocea.     6  5.  Colonies  in  the 
south  of  Italy  and  Sicily.      History  of  Cume.     <J  6.  Colonies  i^sTcily 
Syracuse  and  Agrigentum  the  most  important.     Phalaris  despot  of  Agri* 
gentum      ^  7.  Colonies  in  Magna  Grecia  (the  south  of  Italy).     Sybaris 
and  Croton.     War  between  these  cities,  and  destruction  of  Sybaris.     6  8 
EpizephynanLocn:  Its  lawgiver,  Zaleucus.     Rhegium.     ^  9.  Tarentum. 
Decline  of  the  cities  m  Magna  Grecia.     ^  10.  Colonies  in  Gaul  and  Spam. 
m3'-     ^",?«'o"»^V«  Africa.     Cyrene.     ^  12.  Colonies  in  Epirus, 

oirrektioiLr.^.^^^^^^ 


CHAPTER  Xin. 


HISTORV    OP    LITERATURE. 


*  L^  t  r  ^^tj^'^^^^  »^  literature.  ^  2.  Greek  epic  poetry  divided 
mto  two  classes,  Homeric  and  Hesiodic.  ^  3.  Poems  of  Hesiod.  6  4. 
Ongin  of  Greek  lyric  poetry.  ^  5.  Archilochus.  ^  6.  Simonides  of 
aZ2  i  «  Tyrteus  and  Alcman.  ^  8.  Arion  and  Stesichorus.  ^  9. 
Alceus   and  Sappho.      ^  10.   Anacreon.     ^  11.   The   Seven   Sages  of 

andTna  ^  ^VT^'rA'^'^'  of  philosophy.  Thales,  Anaxim'ander. 
and  Anaximenes.  J  13.  The  Eleatic  school  of  philosophy.  Xenopha- 
r.  J  A  Pythagorean  school  of  philosophy.  Life  of  Pythago- 
oLia  "  ""  suppression  of  his  society  in  the  cities  of  Magna 
** 126 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


HISTORY    OF    ART. 

M.  Perfection  of  Grecian  art.  ^  2.  Origin  of  Architecture.  ^  3.  Cyclopean 
walls.  Treasury  of  Atreus.  ^  4.  Architecture  of  temples.  ^  5.  Three 
orders  of  architecture,  the  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian.  ^  6.  Temjiles  of 
Artemis  (Diana)  at  Ephesus,  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos,  of  Apollo  at  Delphi, 
and  of  Jove  at  Athens.  Remains  of  temples  at  Posidonia  (Pwstum), 
Selinus,  and  Mgmn.  ^  7.  Origin  of  sculpture.  Wooden  images  of  the 
gods.  Sculptured  figures  on  architectural  monuments.  Lions  over  the 
gate  at  Mycenae.  ^  8.  Improvements  in  sculpture  in  the  sixth  and  fifth 
centuries  B.C.  ^9.  Extant  specimens  of  Grecian  sculpture.  The  Selinun- 
Ime,  iEgmetan,  and  Lycian  marbles.     ^  10.  History  of  painting 140 


BOOK   III. 

THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 

B.C.  500 — 478. 

CHAPTER  XV. 


THS    RISK    AND    GROWTH    OF    THE    PERSIAN    EMPIRE. 

4  I  Introduction.  ^  2.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  ^  3.  The  Median  Empire. 
^  4.  The  Babylonian  Empire.  ^  5.  The  Lydian  Monarchy,  and  its  influ- 
ence upon  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  ^  6.  Comjuest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  by 
Croesus,  king  of  Lydia.  ^  7.  Foundation  of  the  Persian  Empire  by  Cyrus, 
and  overthrow  of  the  Median  Empire  by  the  latter.  ^  8.  Conquest  of  the 
Lydian  Monarchy  by  Cyrus.  ^  9.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  by 
Harpagus,  the  general  of  Cyrus.  Death  of  Cyrus.  ^  10.  Reigns  of  Cam- 
byses  and  of  the  false  Smerdis.  ^11.  History  of  Polycrates,  despot  of 
Samos.  ^  12.  Accession  of  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes.  His  organization 
of  the  Persian  Empire.  ^  13.  Invasion  of  Scythia  by  Darius.  ^  14.  Sub- 
jection of  Thrace  and  Macedonia  to  the  Persian  Empire 151 


CHAPTER  XVL 


THE   IONIC    REVOLT. 

4  1.  Introduction.  ^  2.  Naxian  exiles  apply  for  aid  to  Aristagoras.  ^  3. 
Expedition  of  Aristagoras  and  the  Persians  against  Naxos.  Its  failure. 
4  4.  Revolt  of  Miletus  and  the  other  Greek  cities  of  Asia.  ^  5.  Aristago- 
ras solicits  assistance  from  Sparta  and  Athens,  which  is  granted  by  the 
latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Athenians  and  lonians.  ^  7.  Death 
of  Aristagoras  and  Histiaius.  ^  8.  Defeat  of  the  Ionian  fleet  at  Lade.  ^  9. 
Capture  of  Miletus  and  termination  of  the  revolt 163 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVIL 

THE    BATTLIS    OF    MARATHON. 

$  1.  Expedition  of  Mardonius  into  Greece.     §  2.  Preparations  of  Darius  for 
a  second  invasion  of  Greece.    Heralds  sent  to  the  leading  Grecian  states  to 
demand  earth  and  water.     ^  3.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  the  Persians  under 
Datis  and  Artaphernes.    Conquest  of  the  Cyclades  and  Eretria.    ^  4.  Pre- 
parations at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.    History  of  Miltiades.    ^5.  De- 
bate among  the  ten  Athenian  Generals.     Resolution  to  give  battle  to  the 
Persians.    ^  6.  Battle  of  Maratlion.    ^  7.  Movements  of  the  Persians  after 
the  battle.     ^  8.  Eff-ect  of  the  battle  of  Marathon  upon  the  Athenians 
^  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades.    ^  10.  His  unsuccessful  expedition  to  Paros. 
911.   His   trial,  condemnation,   and  death.      ^  12.   History  of  ^gina 
^  13.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.     ^  14.  Athens  becomes  a  mari- 
time power.    ^15.  Rivalry  of  Themistocles  and  Aristides.    Ostracism  of 
the  latter |_| 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE    BATTLES    OF    THERMOPYL^    AND    ARTEMISIUM. 

S  \.  Death  of  Darius  and  accession  of  Xerxes.     ^  2.  Preparations  for  the 
invasion  of  Greece.     ^  3.  A  bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont,  and  a 
canal  cut  through  the  isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.     ^  4.  Xerxes  sets  out  from 
Sardis.    Order  of  the  march.    ^  5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont.    $6    Num. 
bering  of  the  army  on  the  plain  of  Doriscus.     ^  7.  Continuation  of  the 
march  from  Doriscus  to  Mount  Olympus.    ^  8.  Preparations  of  the  Greeks 
to  resist  Xerxes.    Congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 
^  9.  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.     Resolution  of  the  Greeks  to  defend  the 
pass  of  Tempe,  which  is  afterwards  abandoned.     ^  10.  Description  of  the 
pass  of  Thermopylae.     ^11.  Leonidas  sent  with  300  Spartans  and  a  small 
body  of  Peloponnesians  to  defend  the  pass  of  Thermopyls.     6  12    Attack 
and  repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopylae.     ^  13.  A  Persian  detachment 
cross  the  mountains  by  a  secret  path  in  order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  m 
the  rear.     ^  14.  Heroic  death  of  Leonidas  and  his  comrades.    ^  15.  Monu- 
ments   erected    to  their  honour.     ^  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Persian  and 
Grecian  fleets.     $  17.  The  Persian  fleet  overtaken  by  a  terrible  storm. 
j  18.  l-irst  battle  of  Artemisium.      ^  19.  Second  storm.      ^20.  Second 
battle  of  Artemisium.     Retreat  of  the  Grecian  fleet  to  Salamis  ....       185 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    SALAMIS. 

§  1.  Results  Of  the  battle  of  Thermopylae.  ^  2.  Alarm  and  flight  of  the 
Athenians.  ^  3.  March  of  the  Persians  and  attempt  upon  Delphi.  &  4 
raking  of  Athens  and  arrival  of  the  Persian  fleet.  ^  5.  Dissensions  and 
debates  of  the  Greeks.  H-  Stratagem  of  Themistocles.  Arrival  of  A  ris- 
Vcf^o  ^J'  ^'*^'^'*'"  «^  ^^'^  ^«st''e  fleets.  Preparations  for  the  combat. 
$  8.  Battle  of  Salamis.     ^  9.  Defeat  and  flight  of  Xerxes.     ^  10.  Pursuit 


XIPI 


CONTENTa 


of  the  Greeks.  ^  11.  Homeward  march  of  Xerxes.  §  12.  The  GneVu 
celebrate  their  victory.  ^  13.  Carthaginian  expedition  to  Sicily.  Defeat 
and  death  of  Hamilcar goi 

CHAPTER  XX. 

BATTLES    OF    PLATiEA    AND   MYCALE. 

^  l.  Position  of  the  Persian  and  Greek  fleets.  ^  2.  Preparations  of  Mar- 
donius  for  the  campaign.  ^  3.  He  solicits  the  Athenians  to  join  him. 
Faithlessness  of  the  Spartans.  H- Mardonius  occupies  Athens.  Athenian 
embassy  to  Sparta.  March  of  the  Spartan  army.  ^  5.  Mardonius  retires 
into  Bceotia :  followed  by  the  Grecian  army.  Skirmishes.  ^  6.  The 
Greeks  descend  into  the  plain.  Manoeuvres  of  the  two  armies.  ^  7.  Alex- 
ander, king  of  Macedon,  visits  the  Grecian  camp.  The  Greeks  resolve  to 
change  their  ground :  their  disorderly  retreat.  ^  8.  Battle  of  Plataja. 
Defeat  of  the  Persians.  ^  9.  Division  of  the  spoil.  ^  10.  Reduction  of 
Thebes,  and  execution  of  the  Theban  leaders.  ^11.  Death  of  Aristodemus. 
^  12  League  of  Plata;a.  Religious  ceremonies.  ^  13.  Battle  of  Mycale. 
Defeat  of  the  Persians.  ^  14.  Liberation  of  the  Greek  islands.  ^  15. 
Siege  and  capture  of  Sestos 2IG 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

HISTORY    OP    LITERATURE. 

^  1.  General  characteristics.  ^  2.  Simonides.  ^  3.  Pindar.  ^  4.  Ibycus 
and  Bacchylides.  ^  5.  Rise  of  history  and  of  composition  in  prose.  ^  C. 
Hecatfflus,  Charon  of  Lampsacus,  Hellanicus.  ^  7.  Herodotus.  <J  8. 
Character  of  his  work.  Analysis.  ^  9.  Predilection  of  Herodotus  for 
Athens.    ^  10.  Style  of  his  work 229 


BOOK   IV. 

THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. 

B.C.  407 — 404. 

CHAPTER  XXn. 

Wmom   THE  EXPULSION  OP  THE  PERSIANS  TO  THE  DEATH  OF 
,  THEMISTOCLES. 

1 1.  Further  proceedings  against  the  Persians.  §  2.  Misconduct  and  treason 
ofPausanias.  ^3.  The  maritime  supremacy  transferred  to  the  Athenians 
^4.  Confederacy  of  Delos.  ^  5.  The  combined  fleet  under  Cimon.  6  6." 
Growth  of  the  Athenian  power.  Plans  of  Themistocles.  ^  7.  Rebuilding 
of  Athens.  The  Lacedaemonians  attempt  to  prevent  its  being  fortified"! 
?  F°;iV  a^'on  of  Piraeus.  ^  9.  Strife  of  parties  at  Athens.  Miscon 
duct  of  Themistocles.     ^10.  He  is  ostracised.     ^11.  Pausanias  convicted 


»f 


CONTENTS. 


zxu 


of  Medism. 


Asia     6  13   Hl\L^^™'r*'^?  ^'"P**.*^**?**  ^^  ^'^  g^^l'.     He  escape,  into 

Tu'^L.r\^^  IS  magnificently  received  by  Artaxerxes.    His  death  and 

^  14.  Death  of  Anstides 230 


character. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

was  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE  ATHENIAN  EMPIRE.— FROM  THE  BATTLE 
OP  EURYMEDON  TO  THE  THIRTY  YEARs'  TRUCE  WITH  SPARTA 

.HI.  Cimon  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party  at  Athens     6  2    RpvnU  «f 

^d\^  *t.^r"7'?'^""='^°"-  *^  TheA.he„irblotkad^ThL°s' 
and  attempt  to  found  colonies  in  Thrace.  6  5.  Earthouake  at  Sn-VT.  J 
revolt  of  the  Helot,      «  6.  Dechne  of  Spartan  power  'u  C  ™„l\uu 

l;  rrT.'"  '"'"'"'"  ""^  '«™"'  ''•"  -"hout  success.  TLeSp?,  ™' 
offend  the  Athenians  by  dismissing  their  troops.    «  8.  Parties  at  Athlr 

ci,m  ol  Cimon.     *  11    Administration  and  foreign  policy  of  Pericles 
*i,    «    '"i^""'"  °^  ""^  Athenians  into  Egypt  against  the  PmTa^!" 

M  !ara  ";■  Tr  T^e'?  ''"'t  ^"^  f.'"^'  ^«'-'  "'  '"«  ^^'^^^^^^^ 
mcgara.    ^  14.  The  long  walls  of  Athens  commenced.    6  15.  The  Lace 

ofXina*  6  18  Th.  fi  '^""P*",""''  ''»<'  «>»<i"»^t  "f  B<=otia.  Conquest 
Hifdeati;  6  10  C  r  ^"^'^l  T""-  E'-P^dition  of  Cimon  to  Cyprus. 
MIS  death.  *  19  Conclusion  of  the  war  with  Persia.  6  20  The  Athe- 
man  power  a,  its  height.  ^  21.  Decline  of  Athenian  power  RevokUon 
in  B„otia.  Other  Athenian  reverses.  Invasion  of  AtVica  by  the  Laced«" 
monians  under  Pleistoanax.  ^  22.  Pericles  recovers  Eub«a  ThirTj 
years'  truce  with  Sparta r.mai.      i  tuny 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

rROM  THE  THIRTY  YEARs'  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CORINTH 

AND  CORCYRA. 

(.  1.  State  Of  parties  at  Athens.     Thucydides.     ^  2.  Opposite  political  vie 
«  3    Ostracism  of  Thucydides.     Administration  of  Pericles.    Head! 


Athens. 


views. 
Tl,.    •        His  foreign  policy.     «  4-  Atheniancolonijatior'   Cleruchi*' 

tttsTaldUtricles  !"'.'""°."'.-. .  *  "■  ^'=™"  "'  '™°'-    «=<'""'»"  of 

265 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


CAUSES 


OP    THE    PELOPONNESIAN    WAR. 

^;,?""'^n*'''^'^^^''  .^f'"*^  '"^  ^^'*^y*-  ^2.  Corcyr^ean  embassy  to 
Athens.  Decision  of  the  Athenians.  M-  They  send  a  fleet  to  Corcvrl 
Nava  engagements.  Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  <J  4.  Revolt  of  Pot wL 
4  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponnesian  allies  at  Sparta.  The  Spartans  decu^e 
for  war.  <J  6.  Second  congress.  The  allies  resolve  upon  war  67  The 
Lacedemonians  require  the  Athenians  to  expel  Pericles.  6  8.  Attacks 
upon  Pericles.  Aspasia.  and  Anaxagoras.    Imprisonment  and  death  of 


CX)NTENTa 


Phidifts.  ^  9.  Farther  requisitions  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  Rejected  by 
the  Atheniana  ^  10.  The  Thebans  surprise  Plataja.  ^11.  The  Athe- 
nians prepare  for  war.  Portents.  ^  12.  Forces  of  the  Lacedaimonians 
and  Athenians.  ^  13.  The  Peloponnesian  army  assembles  at  the  isthmus 
of  Corinth 273 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR. FROM    THE    COMMENCEMENT    OP    THE    WAR   TO 

THE    CAPTURE    AND    DESTRUCTION    OP    PLATJBA. 

^  1.  The  Peloponnesians  invade  Attica.  ^2.  Athenian  naval  expeditions  to 
Peloponnesus  and  Locris.  ^  3.  The  Athenians  invade  the  Mcgarid.  (f  4. 
Second  invasion  of  Attica.  Plague  at  Athens.  ^  5.  Unpopularity  of 
Pericles.  He  is  accused  of  malversation.  ^  6.  His  domestic  misfortunes. 
Death.  Character.  ^  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  ravage  Attica.  Their  naval 
operations.  ^8.  Surrender  of  Potid«a.  ^  9.  The  Lacedaemonians  besiege 
Platiea.  ^  10.  Part  of  the  garrison  escape.  ^  11.  Surrender  of  the  town. 
Trial  and  execution  of  the  garrison  285 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED. PROM    THE    8IE0B   OF    PLATJBA   TO 

THE    SEDITION    OP    CORCYRA. 

^  1.  General  character  of  the  war.  ^  2.  Military  and  naval  operations  of  the 
third  year.  Attempt  ofthe  Peloponnesians  to  surprise  Pirseus.  ^3.  Fourth 
year.  Revolt  of  Mytilene.  H-  Fifth  year.  Surrender  of  My tilene.  ^5. 
Debates  of  the  Athenian  assembly  respecting  the  Mytileneans.  Cleon  and 
the  Athenian  demagogues.  ^  6.  Bloody  decree  against  the  Mytileneans. 
^7.  Second  debate.  Reversal  of  the  decree.  Lesbos  colonized  by  Athe- 
nians. ^  a  Civil  dissensions  at  Corcyra.  ^  9.  Picture  of  the  times  by 
Thucydides ^        296 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED. — PROM   THE    SEDITION    AT   CORCYBA 

TO   THE    PEACE    OP    NICIAS. 

^  1.  Sixth  year  of  the  war.  Return  of  the  Plague.  Purification  of  Dclos. 
^  2.  Seventh  year.  Fortification  of  Pylus.  ^  3.  Attempts  of  the  Lacedas- 
monians  to  recover  Pylus.  ^  4.  Arrival  and  victory  ofthe  Athenian  fleet. 
Blockade  of  Sphactena.  ^  5.  The  Lacedasmonians  sue  for  peace  at  Athens. 
Extravagant  demands  of  Cleon.  ^6.  Renewal  of  hostilities.  ^  7.  Debates 
in  the  Assembly.  Cleon  elected  general.  ^  8.  Capture  of  Sphacteria. 
4  9.  Advantages  of  the  victory.  ^  10.  Proceedings  at  Corcyra.  Slaughter 
of  the  oligarchs.  ^11.  Eighth  year  of  the  war.  Capture  of  Cythera. 
4  12.  Invasion  ofthe  Megarid  and  Boeolia  by  the  Athenians.  Capture  of 
Nisaea,  the  port  of  Megara.  Defeat  of  the  Athenians  at  the  battle  of 
Deluim.  ^13.  Brasidas  in  Thrace.  Takes  Amphipolis.  Banishment  of 
Thucydides.  ^  14.  Ninth  year  of  the  war.  A  truce  between  Sparta  and 
Athens.    The  war  continued  in  Thrace.    ^  15.  Tenth  year  of  the  war. 


f-^ 


CONTENTS. 

Cleon  proceeds  to  Amphipolis.  His  defeat  and  death.  Death  of  Brasi- 
das. ^  16.  Eleventh  year  of  the  war.  Fifty  years'  peace  between  Athens 
and  Sparta ong 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  CONTINUED. FROM  THE  PEACE   OF  NICIAS  TO  THE 

EXPEDITION    OP    THE    ATHENIANS    TO    SICILY. 

§  1.  League  of  Argos,  Corinth,  Elea,  Mantinea,  and  Chalcidice.  ^  2.  Trans- 
actions between  Sparta  and  Athens.  ^  3.  Policy  and  character  of  Alcibi- 
ades.  ^  4.  He  advocates  a  league  with  Argos.  Resorts  to  a  strategem  to 
procure  it.  ^  5.  Alcibiades  victor  at  Olympia.  His  magnificence.  ^  6. 
He  proceeds  to  Peloponnesus.  ^  7.  Proceedings  ofthe  Lacedaemonians. 
Battle  of  Mantinea.  ^  8.  Revolutions  at  Argos.  A  democracy  estab- 
lished. ^  9.  Conquest  of  Melos  by  the  Athenians.  ^  10.  Intervention  of 
the  Athenians  in  Sicily.  ^  11.  Embassy  ofthe  Egestaeans.  They  deceive 
the  Athenians  respecting  their  wealth.  ^  12.  The  Athenians  resolve  on 
an  expedition  to  Sicily.  ^  13.  Preparations  at  Athens.  Poj)ular  delusion. 
^  14.  Mutilation  ofthe  Hermae.  Accusation  of  Alcibiades.  ^  15.  Depart- 
ure ofthe  Athenian  fleet  for  Sicily 321 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR  TCONTINUED. THE    SICILIAN    EXPEDITION. 

^  1.  Armament  mustered  at  Corcyra.  ^  2.  Its  reception  in  Italy.  Proceed- 
ings at  Syracuse.  ^  3.  Plans  of  the  Athenian  generals.  ^  4.  The  advice 
of  Alcibiades  adopted.  He  gains  over  Naxos  and  Catana.  ^  5.  Proceed- 
ings at  Athens  respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermae,  and  the  profanation 
ofthe  mysteries.  ^  6.  Alcibiades  accused,  and  ordered  to  return  to  Athens. 
^  7.  Proceedings  of  Nicias  in  Sicily.  ^  8.  Preparations  ofthe  Sicilians 
for  defence.  ^  9.  Nicias  lays  siege  to  Syracuse.  ^  10.  He  seizes  Epipolaj 
and  constructs  a  fort  at  Syke.  Attempt  ofthe  Syracusans  against  it.  ^  1 1. 
Arrival  of  the  Spartan  general  Gylippus.  Change  in  the  Athenian  pros- 
pects. ^  12.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  They  fortify  De- 
celia.  ^  la  The  Syracusans  defeat  the  Athenians  at  sea.  ^  14.  Demos- 
thenes and  Eurymedon  arrive  in  Sicily  with  reinforcements.  Reverses. 
The  Athenians  resolve  to  retreat.  ^  15.  Naval  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbor.  Victory  ofthe  Syracusans.  ^  16.  Its  effects.  Disastrous  retreat 
ofthe  Athenians.  Surrender  of  Demosthenes.  ^  17.  Surrender  of  Nicias. 
Treatment  of  the  prisoners.  Death  of  Nicias  and  Demosthenes.  ^  18. 
Their  characters 333 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

rmOM    THE    END    OP    THE    SICILIAN    EXPEDITION   TO    THE    OVERTHROW    OP 

THE    FOUR    HUNDRED    AT    ATHENS. 

^  1.  Consternation  and  hardships  at  Athens.     ^  2.  Measures  for  defence. 
4  3.  Revolt  of  Chios,  Erythraj,  and  Clazomenae.    ^  4.  Spread  of  the  re- 


CONTENTS. 

volt      Defection  of  Teos.  Lesbos,  and  Miletus.     Revolution  at  Samoa 
which  becomes  the  head^iuarters  of  the  Athenian  fleet.    ^  5.  Recovery  of 
Lesbos  by  the  Athenians.     Dissatisfaction  of  the  Lacedseraonians  with 
Tissaphemes.  J  6.  Schemes  of  Alcibiades.     ^  7.  He  proposes  a  league 
between  the  Athenians  and  Persians,  and  the  establishment  of  an  oliearchv 
at  Athens.  ^  8.  Agitation  for  an  oligarchy  at  Athens.    ^  9.  Conference  ot 
Pisander  with  Alcibiades.    Artifices  of  the  latter.     Fresh  treaty  between 
1  issaphemes  and  the  Lacedasmonians.     ^  10.  Progress  of  the  oligarchical 
!^"T,?  t.^'^^"'  ^^  ® *"**'«•     ^  1 '  •  Establishment  of  the  Fou r  Hund- 
IZ.  .1,    ;             P«>««edings.     ^  13.  Proceedings  at  Samoa.     Alcibiades 
joins  the  democracy  there.    ^  14.  The  Athenian  envoys  at  Samos.    6  15 
Dissensions  among  the  Four  Hundred.    They  negotiate  with  Sparta.    A  16.* 
Counter  revolution  at  Athens.    Defeat  of  the  Athenian  fleet  and  capture  of 
Eubcea  by  the  Lacedsmonians.     ^  17.  The  Four  Hundred  deposed  and 
democracy  re-established  at  Athens __      34^ 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

FIOM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OF  .OIGOSPOTAMI. 

*  i;f  !*'7J' o  ^"'«^'7!f  •   .*  2.  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cynos- 
sema.    §  3.  Capture  of  Cyzicus  by  the  Athenians,  and  second  defeat  of 
the  Peloponnesians  at  Abydus.    ^  4.  Arrest  of  Alcibiades  by  Tissaphemes 
and  his  subsequent  escape.     Signal  defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cyzi! 
cus.    ^  5.  The  Athenians  masters  of  the  Bosporus.     The  Lacedemonians 
mTr  ""  P^Tp^'r'  "  'rtr''     ^  '■  P^«-abazus  assists  the  Laced" - 
n  Zt'uJnf  A?^r ';  of  ChaU^edon  and  Byzantium  by  the  Athenians. 
«  8.  Return  of  Alcibiades  to  Athens.    ^  9.  He  escorts  the  sacred  proces- 
sion to  Eleusjs.    $  10.  Cyrus  comes  down  to  the  coast  of  Asia.     Lvs2 
der  appointed  commander  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet.     A  11.  Interview 
between  Cyrus  and  Lysander.    ^  12.  Alcibiades  at  Samos.     Defeat  oT 
Antiochus  at  Notium.     ^  13.  Alcibiades  is  dismissed.     6  14    Lysande 
superseded  by  Callicratidas.    Energetic  measures  of  the  latter. '  6  fs   De- 

d  7i  F.^r''  ""'^  r??^'  *"^  investment  of  that  town  by  Callicratidas. 
^16.  J^xcitement  at  Athens,  and  equipment  of  a  large  fleet.  6  17.  Battle 
of  Arginus^.  Defeat  and  death  of  Callicratidas.  ^  18.  Arraignment 
w!l  r"  f  »^^A»^««i-"  generals.  ^  19.  Re-appointment  of 
Lys^der  as  Navarchns.    ^  20.  Siege  of  Lampsacus,  and  batUe  of  ^gos- 

357 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  ^OOSPOTAMI  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTARLISHMENT  OF  DEMOCRACY  AT 
ATHENS. 

^  lthp!?r  a'  ^'^"':     ^  ^-   P~«««dings  of  Lysander.     Capture  of  the 

tsted      ATmr^'r^K'-   '''^'"''  ""^  *^«  ^^^-'-^     Athens  in 
Lysander  tL^  Conditions  of  capitulation.     «& 

liysander  takes  possession  of  Athens.    Destruction  of  the  long  walls  &c 
4  6.  Return  of  the  oligarchical  exiles.    Establishment  of  the  S''  fj 


CONTENTS.  xxvu 

Surrender  of  Samos  and  triumph  of  Lysander.  $  8.  Proceedings  of  the 
Thirty  at  Athens.  ^  9.  Opposition  of  Theramenes.  MO.  Proscriptions. 
Death  of  Theramenes.  ^  11.  Suppression  of  intellectual  culture  So- 
crates.  |  12.  Death  of  Alcibiades.  «  13.  Jealousy  of  the  Grecian  states 
towards  Sparta  and  Lysander.  <J  14.  Thrasybulus  at  Phyle,  ^  15  Seiz- 
ure and  massacre  of  the  Eleusinians.  ^  16.  Thrasybulus  occupies  Piraeus 
Death  of  Critias.  ^17.  Deposition  of  the  Thirty  and  establishment  of  the 
1  en.  Return  of  Lysander  to  Athens,  and  arrival  of  Pausanias.  ^  18. 
Peace  with  Thrasybulus,  and  evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians. 
^  19.  Restoration  of  the  democracy.  ^  20.  Archbishop  of  Euclides.  Re- 
duction of  Eleusis *     2Q9 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHENS,    AND    ATHENIAN     AND     GRECIAN    ART    DURING    THE     PERIOD    OF 

HER    EMPIRE. 

^  L  Situation  of  Athens.    ^  2.  Origin  and  progress  of  the  ancient  city. 
^  3.  Extent  of  the  new  city.     Piraeus  and  the  ports.     ^  4.  General  ap- 
pearance of  Athens.    Population.     ^  5.  Periods  and  general  character  of 
Attic  art.     ^  6.    Sculptors  of  the  first  period.      Ageladas,  Onatas,  and 
others.    ^  7.  Second  period.     Phidias.    ^  8.  Polycletus  and  Myron.     6  9. 
Painting.    Polygnotus.    ^  10.  Apollodorus,  Zeuxis,  and  Parrhasius.    ^  11.* 
Architecture.    Monuments  of  the  age  of  Cimon.    The  temple  of  Niki 
Apteros,  the  Theseum,  and  the  Poecile  Stoa.    ^  12.  The  Acropolis  and  its 
monuments.    The  Propylaea.     ^  13.  The  Parthenon.    ^  14.   Statues  of 
Athena.    ^  15.  The  Erechtheum.    ^  16.  Monuments  in  the  Asty.    The 
Dionysiac  theatre.      The  OdSum  of  Pericles.      The  Areopagus.      The 
Pnyx.     The  Agora  and  Ceramicus.     ^  17.   Monuments  out  of  Attica. 
The  Temple  of  Jove  at  Olympia.     ^  18.  The  Temple  of  Apollo  near 
Phigalia ogi 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

mSTORY    OF    ATHENIAN    LITERATURE    DOWN    TO   THE   END  OF   THE  PELO- 
PONNESIAN   WAR. 

$  1.  Characteristics  of  the  eariy  literature  of  Athens.  ^  2.  Origin  of  the 
drama.  ^  3.  Introduction  of  the  drama  at  Athens.  Susarion,  Thespis 
Phrynichus,  Pratinas.  H- ^schylus.  ^  5.  Sophocles.  ^  6.  Euripides' 
^  7.  Athenian  comedy.  Cratinus,  Eupolis,  Aristophanes.  ^  8.  Prose 
writers  of  the  period.  Thucydides.  ^  9.  Xenophon.  ^  10.  Athenian  ed- 
ucation.  ^  11.  Rhetors  and  sophists.  4  12.  Life  of  Socrates.  ^  13.  How 
he  differed  from  the  sophists.  §  14.  Enmity  against  him.  6  15.  His  im- 
peachment, trial,  and  death 400 


zzviii 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK   V. 

THE  SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 

B.C.  403 — 371. 

CHAPTER  XXXVL 

Till  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS,  AND  RETREAT  OF  THl 

TEN  THOUSAND. 

^  1.  Causes  of  the  expedition.  ^  2.  Cyrus  engages  an  army  of  Greek 
mercenaries.  Their  character,  ^  3.  March  to  Tarsus.  ^  4.  Discontent 
of  the  Greeks.  March  to  Myriandrus.  ^  5.  Passage  of  the  Euphrates, 
and  march  through  the  desert.  ^  6.  Battle  of  Cunaxa,  and  death  of  Cy- 
rus. ^7.  Dismay  of  the  Greeks.  Preparations  for  retreat.  ^  8.  Retreat 
of  the  army  to  the  Greater  Zab.  Seizure  of  the  generals.  ^  9.  Election 
of  Xenophon  and  others  as  generals.  ^  10.  March  from  the  Zab  to  the 
confines  of  the  Carduchi.  March  across  the  mountains  of  the  Carduchi. 
^11.  Progress  through  Armenia.  ^  12.  March  through  the  country  of 
the  Taochi,  Chalybes,  Scythini,  Macrones,  and  Colchi  to  Trapezus  on 
the  Euxine.  ^  13.  March  along  the  coast  of  the  Euxine  to  Chryso- 
polis.  Passage  to  Byzantium.  $  14.  Proceedings  at  Byzantium.  ^  15. 
The  Greeks  enter  the  service  of  Seuthes.  ^  16.  Are  engaged  by 
the  Lacedaemonians.  Last  exploits  of  the  army,  and  retirement  of 
Xenophon ^jg 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

PROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  SPARTAN  EMPIRE  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OP  CNIDUS. 

§  1.  Invasion  and  reduction  of  Elis  by  King  Agis.  ^  2.  Ambitious  projects 
of  Lysander.  ^  3.  He  procures  the  throne  for  Agesilaus.  ^  4.  Character 
of  Agesilaus.  ^  5.  Nature  of  the  Spartan  empire.  ^  C.  Affairs  of  Asia 
Minor.  $  7.  Agesilaus  proceeds  thither.  ^  8.  Mortifies  Lysander.  ^  9. 
Campaigns  of  Agesilaus  against  Tissaphernes  and  Pharnabazus.  ^  10. 
Execution  of  Tissaphernes.  ^11.  Proceedings  of  Conon.  Rhodes  re- 
volts from  Sparta.  ^  12.  Agesilaus  ravages  the  satrapy  of  Pharnabazut. 
Intervievir  betMreen  them.  ^  13.  Recall  of  Agesilaus.  ^  14.  Battle  of 
Cnidus , 43^ 

CHAPTER  XXXVni. 

THE   COKINTHIAN  WAR.      FROM   THE    BATTLE    OP    CNIDUS   TO   THE   PEACE 

OF    ANTALCIDAS. 

i  1.  Mission  of  Timocrates  to  the  Grecian  cities.  ^  2.  Hostilities  betv^eeii 
Sparta  and  Thebes.  ^  3.  The  Athenians  join  the  Thebans.  Defeat  and 
death  of  Lysander.  Retreat  of  Pausanias.  ^4.  League  against  Sparta. 
Battle  of  Corinth.  ^  5.  Homeward  march  of  Agesilaus.  ^  6.  Battle  of 
Coronea.  ^  7.  Loss  of  the  Spartan  maritime  empire.  ^  8.  Conon  rebuilds 
th«  walls  of  Athens.     ^  9.  Civil  dissensions  at  Corinth.     ^  10.  Campaign 


CONTENTS. 

of  Agesilaus  in  the  Corinthian  territory.  ^  11.  New  system  of  tactics 
introduced  by  Iphicrates.  Destruction  of  a  Spartan  mora  by  his  ligh^ 
armed  troops,  i)  12.  Negotiations  of  Antalcidas  with  the  Persians.  Death 
of  Conon.  Defeat  and  death  of  Thimbron.  ^  13.  Maritime  war  on  the 
coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of  Rhodes.  Thrasybulus  appointed  Athenian  com 
mander.  His  death  at  Aspendus.  Anaxibius  defeated  by  Iphicrates  at  the 
Hellespont.  ^  14.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.  Teleutias  surprises 
thePirasus.     ^  15.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.     ^  16.  Its  character  443 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

PROM  THE  PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OP  CALLIAS. 

5  1.  Aggressions  of  Sparta  in  Boeotia.    Rebuilding  of  Plataea.    6  2   Reduc 
tionofMantmea.     ^  3.  Olynthian  confederation.     Sparta  interferes     64' 
Seizure  of  the  Cadmea  at  Thebes  by  the  Lacedemonians.    ^  5.  Reduction 
A^    11    T'    i  ^'  U"P«P»la"ty  of  Sparta.     ^  7.  Revolution  at  Thebes. 
<i  8.  1  he  Lacedaemonians  expelled  from  the  Cadmea.    ^  9.  Their  expedi 
Uons  against  Thebes.    Alarm  of  the  Athenians,  who  ally  themselves  with 
Ihebes.     9  10.  Reorganization  of  the  Athenian  confederation      611    Pre- 
parations for  war.     The   Theban  "  Sacred  Band."    ^  12.  Character  of 
l!4)aminondas.      $  13.    Spartan   invasions   of  Boeotia.      6  14.   Maritime 
affairs.     Battle  of  Naxos.     Success  of  Timotheus.     ^5.  Progress  of  the 
Theban  arms      ^  16.  The  Athenians  form  a  peace  with  Sparta,  which  is 
immediately  broken.    Proceedings  at  Corey ra.     « 17.  The  Lacedemonians 
solicit  Persian  aid.    ^  18.  Congress  at  Sparta  to  treat  of  peace.     The 
1  hebans  are  excluded  from  it 


CHAPTER  XL. 

THE    SUPREMACY    OF    THEBES. 

5  1.  Invasion  of  Boeotia  by  Cleombrotus.    ^  2.  Battle  of  Leuctra     6  3    Us 
effect  throughout  Greece.     ^  4.  Jason  of  Pherae  joins  the  Thebans      6  5 
Progress  of  Thebes.     ^  6.  Assassination  of  Jason.    ^  7.  Establishment  of 
the  Arcadian  league     ^  8.  First  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas. 
Alarm  at  Sparta      Vigorous  measures  of  Agesilaus.     ^  9.  Epaminondas 
founds  Megalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians.    ^  10.  Alliance  between 
Athens  and  Sparta      Second  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas. 
9  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the  Arcadians.     ()  12.  Expedition  of  Pelo- 
pidas  into  Thessaly.     The  "  Tearless  Battle"  between  the  Arcadians  and 
Lacedemonians.    $  13.  Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas. 
9  H.    Mission  of  Pelopidas   to  the   court  of  Susa.      ^  15.   Seizure  of 
relopidas  by  Alexander.     His  release.     ^  16.   The  Athenians  acquire 
^ropus.     Alliance  between  Athens  and  Arcadia.     ^  17.  Attempt  of  the 
Athenians  to  seize  Corinth  followed  by  an  alliance  between  the  Corinthians 
and  Thebans      $18.  Success  of  the  Athenians  at  sea.     A  Theban  fleet 
commanded  by  Epaminondas.      ^  19.  Death  of  Pelopidas.      6  20    Wars 
between  Elis  and  Arcadia.     Battle  of  Olympia  during  the  festival      6  21 
Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians.   ^  22.  Fourth  invasion  of  Peloponnesus 
by  h^pammondas.     Attempts  upon  Sparta  and  Mantinea.     6  23    Battle  of 
^antmea,  and  death  of  Epaminondas.    ^  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus         469 


T 


I,  I 
J 


CONTENm 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

'"''°"\!^I/"''    """^''   ^"""^^    ''^^^    ™«    DESTRUCTION   OP   THE 
^^H«NIAN    ARMAMEI.T   TO    THE    DEATH    OF    TIMOLEOX. 

6  4     nLrff  n      ^      W'sP««t»cai  compositions.   Plato  visiu,  Syracuse 
M-   Death  Of  Dionysius.     His  character.     Story  of  Damoclp^     A  r* 
Accession  of  the  younger  Dionysius.    Second  visit  of  Pktn     R»      i    ^ 
of  Dion.    Third  visit  of  Pl«t«     a  r    n  .  ^'*'    "an'«l»ment 

master  of  Syracuse      6  7    A      ^  '""  "'^^'  Dionysius,  and  becomes 

Syracuse     tZIT     ^      Assassination  of  Dion.     ^  8.  Revolutions  at 

^ZZl   Io.'^rure:r'i:trH^                    «O.CharacteroT 
Syracuse,    /ll.  MXTtLTof  Timo  e'n     h1    "^ 
«12.  Defeats  the  Carthj^rnls  T  th?'p         '"*''^^^' '^^^'^""'^'"^ 
Sicilian  despots     ^4    Reti^  in^I          Crimesus.     <,  13.  Deposes  the 
larity  and  death      ^                      '''**'  "  *'"""*"  *''*^^*'"-    His  great  pppu- 
487 


CONTENTS. 


xxu 


BOOK  VI. 
THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

B.C.  359 — 146. 
CHAPTER  XLIL 

^^fctracr^fP^^^^^^^^^^ 

?  a  His  military  dkci^^^^^  %  f  Caoture  of  a*^  ^T"^  ^"'  '"^"-- 
of  Philippi.  ^  8  The  Social  War  A  q  r  ^™P^'P«'^«' «"'»  foundation 
War.  The  PhLiaL  seize  Delp^  A 10  Snc^r^'Truf  ^'^  ^*"«* 
Philip  interferes  in  the  war.    C^uet^  The^^^^^^^^  ^  "' 

Demosthenes.    6  13.  The  01vnrh;«n  w  ^^^^^j'^-    1  2.  Phihp  m  Thrace. 

FallofOlynthus^  ^5^  ProX  rf^h7s"  Vw  ^*^T^ ^^' "^  ^^°^i«°- 
«16.  Conquest  of  Phocis  bv  Ph.l         «  "'•    Embassy  to  Philip. 

Council  o2  the  Phocians  ^*         ''''""'  **^  '^"  Amphictyonic 

...499 

CHAPTER  XLIIL 

F«0«  TH«  END  or  THE  SACRED  WAR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  PHILIP 

^1.  Results  of  the  Sacred  War    6  2  M«/,^j  u  "*^  ^-hiup. 

Philippic.    A3.  PhXs  eLdft  ^^I?^™^'^'^^^^^"'-   Second 

•D  ^^\  i^miips  expedition  into  Thrace      6  4    ThiwA   nu.      ■ 

Progress  of  Philip.     Sieee  of  Perinth...      A Tpk^        ,  PhiUpptc. 

J  /  lur  ms  victory.    ^  12.  Congres*  at  Corinth.    Philip»» 


pmgress  through  the  Peloponnesus.     ^  13.  Philip's  domestic  quarrels. 

Phitip     '^ ""'  ^"■'"^"^  expedition.     ^  15.  Assassination  of 

^ 514 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

ALEXANDER    THE    GREAT. 

k  1.  Education  of  Alexander.  ^  2.  Rejoicings  at  Athens  for  Philip^s  death 
Movements  m  Greece.  ^  3.  Alexander  overawes  the  malcontems,  and  is 
appointed  generalissimo  for  the  Persian  war.     ^  4.  Alexander  subdues  the 

tin  nf  tT V      '^  A  i^T"'  ^""^  Taulantians.     ^  5.  Revolt  and  destruc 
tion  of  Thebes.     H-  Alexander  prepares  to  invade  Persia.     Nature  of 

Gra„3'''  A  t    A  f '""^^^^  "--^^^^^  '^^  Hellespont.     $  8.  Battle  of  the 
Uranicus.     ^  9.  Alexander  overruns  Asia  Minor.     The  Gordian  knot 
ya  March  through  CUicia.     Battle  of  Issus.     Victory.  %  if  Co„^^^^^^^^^^ 

Founds-''''-  f  A  r'"  f  ^""'X-     ^  '^-   ^'^"^"^^^  ™^^-he«  into  Egypt. 
Foundation  of  Alexandria.     Oracle  of  Ammon.     ^  13.  Battle  of  Arbela. 

Math    o""  F  r.  P«f  «««^««  of  Babylon,  Susa,  and  Persepolis.    ^  15. 

March  to  Ecbatana,  and  pursuit  of  Darius.  Death  of  Darius.  A  16 
March  through  Hyrcania  Asia,  and  Drangiana.  Conspiracy  of  Philotas. 
§  17.  Alexander  crosses  the  Oxus.  Death  of  Bessus.  Reduction  of  Sog- 
diana.  Alexander  marries  Roxana.  ^  18.  Murder  of  Clitus.  6  19.  Plot 
of  the  pages.  Alexander  invades  the  Penjab,  and  defeats  Poms.  Marches 
M  yH^.  ^yP^,«^«-  ^  20.  Descent  of  the  Hydaspes  and  Indus.  A  21. 
March  through  Gedrosia.  Voyage  of  Nearchus.  ^22.  Arrival  at  Susa. 
Intermarriages  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.     Mutiny  of  the  aJny     A  S* 

■  •...... #...,     OiiO 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

rROH  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF 

IPSUS. 

♦  1.  Division  of  the  provinces  after  Alexander's  death.    «  2.  Retrospective 

Arr7va°l  „?h""'"|'"'"'\-  /^™"  "'  ^^''-     D-osthenes  0.  Cor3  ^  3 
Amval  of  Harpalus  at  Athens    Accusation  and  exile  of  Demosthenes.   4  4 

IL  Tv!^J"-    »^f'=«'°fAntipater,  and  siege  of  Lamia.    ^  5.  Defeat 
and  death  of  Leonnatus.    Battle  of  Crannon.    End  of  the  Wian  w.^ 
4  6.  Death  of  Demosthenes.    Ambitious  projects  of  Perdiccas.    Hisirva 
«.on  of  Egypt,  and  death.    ^  7.  Fresh  division  of  the  provin^;s  u  Trill 
Tadtsus.    Death  of  Antipater.    Polysphereon  becomes  regent,  L  conX 

»t"erof  Sr,H  ■  i  ""*«','  °f  P°'Werchon.  Cassander  becomes 
Amlnl  T  '  '"f  5"'».0'y»Pi«»  to  death.  4  9.  Coalition  against 
«  10  Ren;„!^T^°°  ''"'•'"  '■"■  '"•  Mo-d^'f  Roxana  and  herson. 
lu  a    M      i  V ''«""''  Antigonus.     Demetrius  Poliorcetes  ex- 

pr  B"tiro?rr '"""  f'™'-  *  "•  "^"""^  p"""-'"  "c" 

Battie  „f  r  f  r'l  Attempt  on  Egypt.  Siege  of  Rhodes.  4  12. 
Uattleoflpsus,  and  death  of  Antigonus ^j^ 


I 


^™»»  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

rHOM  THE  BATTLE  OF  IP8U8  TO  THE  CONQUEST  OF  GREECE  BY  THB 

ROMANS. 

*  nJ'^^f'T  **!  ^«"^*""»  Poliorcetes.  He  caplares  Athens.  6  2. 
Obtains  the  Macedonian  crown.  His  flight  and  death.  6  3.  Lysimachus 
reigns  over  Macedonia.  He  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus.  6  4  Se- 
leuciis  a^assinated  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.    Invasion  of  the  Celts',  and 

doman  throne  Death  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus.  Chremonidean  war.  6  6. 
The  Achaean  League.  ^  7.  State  of  Sparta.  Reforms  of  A g.s  and  Cleo- 
menes.  The  Cleomenic  war.  ^  8.  The  ^tolian  League.  6  9.  The  So- 
I'tZ  V^'-^r^^^^^^^^Pl^iJiP  and  the  Romans.  ^  11.  Philopoemen. 
\  .'  ??o  "^^'^^"^^^^  Philip  and  the  Romans.  Battle  of  Cynoce- 
phal^.  ^  13.  Defeat  of  Antiochus,  and  subjugation  of  the  ^tolians  by 
S„«..rT'  J  W^^^^^^^^on  of  the  Ach^an  League.  Conquest  of 
bparta.  Death  of  Philopcemen.  ^  15.  War  between  Perseus  and  the 
Romans.     Conquest  of  Macedonia.     ^  10.  Proceedings  of  the  Romans  in 

tT'^'k  A  iu    o^"^  ^""^  ^'"P"^'    ^^'  ^^^^"^^"  th«  Achjeans  and  Spar, 
tans.    ^  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  Romans,  who  reduce  Greece  into 

a  iComan  province 

5t>4 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

HISTORY    or    GRECIAN    ART    FROM    THE     END     OF     THE     PELOPONNESIAN 

WAR    TO   ITS    DECLINE. 

M*A^^w'*''^**^"K^'^?'^^''*'"'P*""'•     «2.   Scopas.     M.  Praxiteles. 
«  4.  Sicyoniim  school  Of  sculpture.     Euphranor,  Lysippus.     6  5    Sicyo- 

w  't?  l^^^'T'l^-    f"P«»P"«»  Pamphilius,  Apelles.    4  6  Architec 

PU,'a  ^    fn^''f  ""^T  ^*^^''"^"  *h«  ^^^^'     School  of  Rhodes.     6  8. 
Plunder  of  Greek  works  of  art  by  the  Romans 579 

CHAPTER  XLVin, 

CRECIAN    LITERATURE    FROM    THE   END   OF   THE   PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  TO 

THB   LATEST    PERIOD. 

i  I.  The  drama.     The  Middle  comedy.     The  New  comedy:  Philemon 
f  r  U     ;••    t  '•  ^'*'°'^-  .^^"^"'"^t^^^es  which  favoured  it  at  Athens' 
^3.  Its  Sicilian  origin.     <,  4.  The  ten  Attic  orators :  Antiphon,  Ando" 

nlt^'l  ^'Tn  ^^''f '  ^r"'*  ^schines,  Lycurgus,  Demosthen;s,  Hy: 
perides  and  Dinarchus.  ^  5.  Athenian  philosophy,  Plato.  ^  6.  Sketch 
of  his  philosophy  «  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics.  and  Cynics  6  8  The 
Ac^ademicians.  §  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  6  10.  The  Stoics 
and  Epicureans.  ^  Ih  The  Alexandrian  school  of  literature  T  2 
Later  Greek  writers  :  Polybius,  Dior.ys.us  of  Hal.camassus,  Diodorus 
Sicu  us  Arrian,  Appian,  Plutarch,  Josephus,  Strabo,  Pausa;ias,  Don 
SZr  ""'"*"  *^^*  'r^^^'^*^'^  Scriptures  and  Fathers.  Con- 
'■ 587 


The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


View  of  Athens  „ 

Theatre  of  Dionysius  at  Athens Frontispiece. 

1  itle  Page. 


Greek  and  Persian  combatants. 
From  the  Frieze  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  Nike  Apteros ix 

The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens  xxvii 

Coin  of  Acarnania xxviii 

Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly  ...         1 
Map  of    Greece,     showing     the 
general  direction  of  the  Moun- 
tain Ranges 3 

Arch  of  Tiryns  ..!!!....!.. . .' . ." .'   10 

Head  of  Olympian  Jove  ..'. n 

Pans,  from  the  ^ginetan  Sculp- 
tares ^    jq 

Ajax,  from  the  ^ginetan  Sculp- 
tures      ly 

Gate  of  MycenjB *  .\'  ] 25 

Hercules  and  Bull        3j 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

in  Asia  Minor 37 

Homer  enthroned       30 

Bust  of  Homer 46 

Primitive    Vessels    from' Athens 

and  A-gos   .  a-t 

^[V  ""!  ^«"nt"Taygetus"from 
the  site  of  Sparta 55 

U-arly  Greek  Armour,  from  Vasel 
paintings    79 

Leaden  Sling  bullets  and  Arm wl 
Jieads,  found  at  Athens,  Mara- 
thon,  and  Leontini 79 

*'Oin  of  Corinth "  qq 


114 
119 


Croesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile  ^7 

Ruins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olym'- 

plan  Jove  at  Athens 102 

Coin  of  Athens II3 

Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus 
Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

in  Sicily 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

in  Southern  Italy 122 

Coin  of  Cyrene,  representing  on 

the  reverse  the  Silphium  ....     125 
Alcajus  and   Sappho.       From  a 

Painting  on  a  vase 126 

Temple  at  ^gina,  restored! .  ]  .* ."   140 

Wall  at  Tiryns 141 

Wall  of  the  Citadel  ofArgos! '.'.'  142 
VV  ooden  Hut  in  Asia  Minor  . .  143 
Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Co 

lumns 144 

Doric  Architecture "  ] . .  ]  145 

Ionic  Architecture ib. 

Corinthian  Architecture .... . , .     146 
Cyrus 

Behistun  rock  on  which  are  inl 
scribed  the  exploits  of  Darius 

Ruins  of  an  Ionic  Temple  in 
Lycia 

The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Ma- 
rathon    i-yi 

Battle  of  Marathon  .... . . . . .   . '  ng 

Bust  of  Miltiadcs J84 


151 
163 
170 


Ill 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

WMOU    THE    BATTLE    OP    IP8U8    TO    THE     CONQUEST    OF    GREECE    BY    TH« 

ROMANS. 

§  1.  Proceedings  of  Demetrius  Poliorcctes.  He  captures  Athens.  6  2. 
Obtains  the  Macedonian  crown.  His  flight  and  death.  6  3.  Lysimachus 
reigns  over  Macedonia.  He  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus.  6  4  Sc 
leucus  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  Invasion  of  the  Celts'  and 
death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  ^  5.  Antigonus  Gonatas  ascends  the  Mace- 
donian throne  Death  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus.  Chremonidean  war.  6  6 
The  Ach.Tan  League.  ^  7.  State  of  Sparta.  Reforms  of  Ag.s  and  Clco- 
menes  The  Cleomenic  war.  ^  8.  The  ^tolian  League.  6  9.  The  So- 
cial War.    <J  10.  War  between  Philip  and  the  Romans.    ^  H.  Philopcemcn. 

Vt  r?  ""rf'  ^''*'*'*'"  ^^'^'P  •'^"'^  ^^'"^  Romans.  Baltic  of  Cynoce- 
piialaj.  ^  13.  Defeat  of  Antiochus,  and  subjugation  of  the  ^tolians  by 
the  Romans.  J  14  Extension  of  the  Achaean  League.  Conquest  of 
Sparta.  Death  of  Ph.lopoemen.  §  15.  War  between  Perseus  and  the 
Romans,  /^onquest  of  Macedonia.  ^  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Romans  in 
Urcece  ^  17  Athens  and  Oropus.  War  between  the  Achieans  and  Spar- 
tans. ^  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  Romans,  who  reduce  Greece  into 
a  Koman  province _^ 


CHAW? IE  XLVII. 


HISTORY    OF    GRECIAN    ART    FRO.M    THE      KXD     OF 

WAR    TO    ITS    DECLINE. 


THE     TELOPONNESIAN 


^  \-  ,^'l!^'  «*^^«°^  "^  Athenian  sculpture.  ^  2.  Scopas.  6  3.  Praxiteles 
^4.  Sicyonian  school  of  sculpture.  Euphranor,  Lysippus.  6  5  Sirvo- 
nian  school  Of  painting.  Eupompus,  Pun.pluiius,  Apelles.  ^  6.  Arch.tL 
Uire.  ^  7  Period  after  Alexander  the  Gn-at.  School  of  Rhodes.  6  8. 
Plunder  of  Greek  works  of  art  by  the  Romans 579 


CHAPTER  XLVin. 

GRECIAN    LITERATURE    FROM    THE    END   OF   THE    PELOI'ONNESIAN   WAR   TO 

THE    LATEST    PERIOD. 

fr^?  c  t  ^'^^^'^-  ^"*^"™«tances  which  favoured  it  at  Athens 
J  3.  Its  Sicilian  ongin.  H-  The  ten  Attic  orators:  Antiphon,  Ando' 
cides,  Lysias  Isocrates,  Isreus,  ^schines,  Lycurgus,  Demosthenes  Hv- 
perides  and  Dinarchus.  ^  5.  Athenian  philosophy,  Plato.  ^  6.  Sketch 
of  his  philosophy.  ^  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics,  and  Cynics  6  8  The 
Academicians.  ^  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  <J  10.  The  Stoic, 
and  Epicureans.  ^  IL  The  Alexandrian  scho<.l  of  literature.  J^ 
SicuL  T  """*:"  '■  ^"Ir.^'"''  Dionysius  of  Hahcam«ssus,  Diodorus 
Cr.i";i  "^"'nT''"'/'"*'"'"^'  Josephus,  Strabo,  Pausanias,  Dion 
Susir  ""'"'  ^13.  The  Greek  Scriptures  and  Fathers.  Con- 
587 


The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTKATIONS. 


View  of  Athens  

Theatre  of  Dionysius  at  Athens 


Frontispiece. 
Title  Page. 


Page 


IX 


Greek  and  Persian  combatants. 
I-  rom  the  Frieze  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  Nike  Apteros 

The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens  xxvii 

Coin  of  Acarnania xxviii 

Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly  ...         1 
Map  of    Greece,     showing     the 
general  direction  of  the  Moun- 
tain Ranges 3 

Arcli  of  Tiryns ]() 

Head  of  Olympian  Jove H 

Pans,  from  the  ^ginetan  Sculp- 
tures       JQ 

Ajax,  from  the  iEgi  net  an  Sculp- 
tures    j^ 

Gate  of  Myoenaj 25 

Hercules  and  Bull        31 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 
in  Asia  Minor 37 

Homer  enthroned       qa 

Bust  of  Homer  ..    

Primitive    Vessels 
and  A-gos  a-t 

V'iew  of   Mount"  Taygetus' "from 
the  site  of  Sparta 55 

l?.arly  Greek  Armour,  from  Vasol 
paintings    

Wden  Sling  buiiots  and  Ar. 
heads,  found  at  Athens,  Mara- 

ihon,  and  Leontini 79 

^'Oin  of  Corinth qq 


from   Athc 


46 


ns 


7'' 


irrow- 


Crcesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile  87 
Ruins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove  at  Athens 102 

Coin  of  Athens 113 

Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus  114 
Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies 

HI  Sicilv 119 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  "Colonics 

in  Southern  Italy 122 

Com  of  Cyrcne,  representing  on 

the  reverse  the  Silphium  ....     125 
Alcams  and   Sappho.       From  a 

Painting  on  a  vase 126 

Temple  at  ^gina,  restored 140 

Wall  at  Tiryns  ....  141 

Wall  of  the  Citadel  of  Argos  " " '  142 
V\  ooden  Hut  in  Asia  Minor  .  I43 
Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Co 

lumns jjj 

Doric  Architecture ........   I45 

Ionic  Architecture ib. 

Corinthian  Architecture. MG 

Cyrus '""  151 

Behistun  rock  on  which  arc  in^ 
scribed  the  exploits  of  Darius  163 

Knins  of  an  Ionic  Temple  m 
Lycia 17Q 

The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Ma- 
rathon           ]7i 

Battle  of  Marathon ng 

Bust  of  Miltiades 184 


ZXZIV 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


1 1 


View  of  ThermopyliB 1»5 

Plan  of  Thermopylm 193 

A  Greek  Warrior 201 

Battle  of  Salamis 210 

Temple  of  Nike  Apteros,  on  the 

Acropolis  at  Athens 216 

Battle  of  Plataea 221 

Bust  of  Pindar 229 

Bust  of  Herodotus 238 

The  Theseum  at  Athens    239 

Pericles  and  Aspasia 251 

The  Acropolis  restored 265 

Bust  of  the  poet  Sophocles 272 

The  Propylaea  of  the  Acropoli«.  273 
Bust  of  the  historian  Thucydi- 

des 284 

The  Parthenon 285 

Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pe- 
diment of  the  Parthenon 296 

From  the  Frieze  of  the  Parthenon. 

Panathenaic  Procession 306 

Bay  of  Pylus  309 

Plan  of   the    neighbourhood  of 

Amphipolis 317 

Coin  of  Amphipolis 320 

Centaur  from  the  Metopes  of  the 

Parthenon 321 

Bust  of  Alcibiades 332 

Plan  of  Syracuse 337 

Street  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens , 

from  a  bas  relief 346 

One  of  the  Caryatides  support- 
ing the  southern  portico  of  the 

Erechtheum 257 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Euripides 368 

View  of  Phyle 369 

Clio,  the  Muse  of  History 380 

The  Erechtheum  restored,  view- 
ed from  the  S.W.  angle 381 

Plan  of  Athens 383 

Athens  aud  its  Port-towns 385 


Plan  of  the  Acropolis 393 

Coin    showing    the    Parthenon, 
Athena  Promachus,  and   the 

Cave  of  Pan 396 

Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  coin  397 
Melpomene,  the  Muse  of  Tra- 
gedy    400 

Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy  ...    ib. 

Bust  of  Socrates 418 

The  Pactolus  at  Sardis 419 

Route  of  the  Ten  Thousand 421 

Choragic   Monument    of    Lysi- 

crates  434 

View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acro- 

corinlhus 443 

Plan  of  Corinth 448 

Adventures   of  Dionysus,  from 
the    Choragic    Monument    of 

Lysicrates 45S 

Ditto,  Ditto 456 

The    Wind    Boreas,    from    the 
Horologium     of     Andronicus 

Cyrrhestes    468 

Ithome,    from    the    Stadium   of 

Messene 469 

Bust  of  Plato 487 

Viewof  Delphi  and  Mount  Par- 
nassus    499 

The  Plain  of  Chaeronea 514 

Bust  of  Demosthenes 524 

Battle  of  Issus 525 

Apollo  Citharoedus 551 

The  Group  of  Niobe 552 

Group  of  Dirce 564 

Group  of  the  Laocoon 579 

Bust  of  Aristotle 587 

Bust  of  Menander 603 

Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth 614 

Herologium  of  Andronicus  Cyr- 
rhestes at  Athens 612 

Calliope,  the  Muse  of  Epic  Poetry  €55 


Cohi  of  Acarnania. 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly. 


fNTRODUCTION.^OUTLINES    OF    GRECIAN   GEOGRAPHY. 

§  1.  The  three  peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  §  2.  Position  and  boun- 
daries of  Greece.  ^  3.  Size  of  the  country.  §  4.  Name.  8  5.  Nor- 
thern Greece:  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  §  6.  Central  Greece:  its  prin- 
cipal divisions  and  mountains.  §  7.  Eastern  half  of  Central  Greece- 
Dons,  Phocis,  Locris,  BoBotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  §  8.  Western  half  of 
Central  Greece:  Ozolian  Locris,  ^tolia,  Acarnania.  §  9.  Peloponne- 
sus: Arcadia.  §  10.  Achaia,  Argolis,  Laconia,  Mcssenia,  Elis.  8  1 1.  The 
Giocian  iHlands.  §  12.  Influence  of  the  physical  geography  of  Grceco. 
iipon  the  political  aestmies  of  the  people.  §  13.  Likcwiseupon  their  in- 
tellectual character.  §  14.  Rivers  and  chief  productions.  §  15.  Climate. 

*  ^'u'^r^^^  peninsulas,  very  different  in  form,  project  from  the 
south  ol  Europe  into  the  Mediterranean  sea.  The  most  westerly 
that  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  is  a  quadrangular  figure  united  to 
the  mainland  by  an  isthmus.  The  central  one,  that  of  Italy,  is 
a  long  tongue  of  land,  down  which  runs  from  north  to  south  the 
back-bone  of  the  Apennines.    The  most  easterly,  of  which  Greece 

B 


■■I 


"ijjFn 


zxxiv 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


P«fe 

View  of  Thermopylae Ib5 

Plan  of  Thermopylae 193 

A  Greek  Warrior 201 

Battle  of  Salamis  210 

Temple  of  Nike  Aptcros,  on  the 

Acropolis  at  Athens 216 

Battle  of  Plataea 221 

Bust  of  Pindar 229 

Bust  of  Herodotus 238 

The  Theseum  at  Athens    239 

Pericles  and  Aspasia 251 

The  Acropolis  restored 265 

Bust  of  the  poet  Sophocles 272 

The  Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis .  273 
Bust  of  the  historian  Thucydi- 

des 284 

The  Parthenon 285 

Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pe- 
diment of  the  Parthenon 296 

From  the  Frieze  of  the  Parthenon. 

Panathcnaic  Procession 306 

Bay  of  Pylus 309 

Flan  of    the    neighbourhood  of 

Amphipolis 317 

Coin  of  Amphipolis 320 

Centaur  from  the  Metopes  of  the 

Parthenon 321 

Bust  of  Alcibiades 332 

Plan  of  Syracuse 337 

ytrcet  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens, 

from  a  has  relief 346 

One  of  the  Caryatides  support- 
ing the  southern  portico  of  the 

Erechtheum 257 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Euripides 308 

View  of  Phyle 369 

Clio,  the  Muse  of  History 380 

The  Erechtheum  restored,  view- 
ed from  the  S.W.  angle 381 

Plan  of  Athens 383 

Athens  aud  its  Port-towns 385 


Plan  of  the  Acropolis 393 

Coin    showing    the    Parthenon, 
Athena   Promachus,   and    the 

Cave  of  Pan 396 

Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  coin  397 
Melpomene,  the  Muse  of  Tra- 
gedy    400 

Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy  ...    ib. 

Bust  of  Socrates 418 

The  Pactolus  at  Sardis 419 

Route  of  the  Ten  Thousand 421 

Choragic    Monument    of    Lysi- 

crates  434 

View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acro- 

corinthus 443 

Plan  of  Corinth 448 

Adventures   of  Dionysus,   from 
the    Choragic    Monument    of 

Lysicrates 45S 

Ditto,  Ditto 456 

The    Wind    Boreas,    from    the 
Horologium     of     Andronicus 

Cyrrhestes    468 

Ilhome,    from    the    Stadium    of 

Mcssene 469 

Bust  of  Plato 487 

Viewof  Delphi  and  Mount  Par- 
nassus    499 

The  Plain  of  Chaironea 514 

Bust  of  Demosthenes 524 

Battle  of  Issus 525 

Apollo  CitliaraMlus 551 

The  Group  of  Niobe 552 

Group  of  Dirce 564 

Group  of  the  Laocoon 579 

Bust  of  Aristotle 587 

Bust  of  Menander 603 

Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth 614 

Hcrologium  of  Andronicus  Cyr- 
rhestes at  Athens 6t2 

Calliope,  the  Muse  of  Epic  Poetry  §55 


Coin  or  Acaniaiiia. 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Valo  of  Tempe  in  Thcssaly. 


fNTRODUCTION.— OUTLINES    OF    GRECIAN    GEOaRAPIlY. 

§  1.  The  three  i)cuinsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  §  2.  Position  and  boun. 
danes  of  Greece^  §  8.  Size  of  the  eoimtry.  §  4.  Name,  i^  5.  Nor- 
thern  f,reece:  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  §  G.  Central  Greece:  its  prin- 
cipal divisions  and  mountains.  §  1.  Eastern  half  of  Central  Greece- 
Doris,  Phocis,  Locris,  Bceotia,  Attica,  Me^ijaris.  §  8.  Western  half  of 
Central  Greece:  Ozolian  Locris,  ^Etolia,  Acarnania.  §  9.  J'eloponne- 
8iis:  Arcadia.  §  10.  Acliaia,  Arirolis,  Laconia, Mcsscnia^KJis.  811.  Thr 
Grecian  Islands.  §  12.  Inihiencc  of  the  physical  ireoir,.ui)hy  of  (Jivecv. 
iipon  the  political  destinies  of  the  people,  i^  13.  Likewise  upon  their  in- 
tellectual character.  §  14.  Kivers  and  chief  productions.  §  15.  Climate. 

i  1.  Three  peninsulas,  very  diiierent  in  form,  project  from  tlic 
south  of  Europe  into  the  Mediterranean  sea.  The  most  westerly, 
that  of  Spain  and  Porturral,  is  a  quadranjrukir  fiunre  united  to 
the  mainland  l)y  an  isthmus.  The  central  one,  tliat  of  Italy,  is 
a  loner  ton<rne  of  land,  down  which  runs  from  north  to  soutirthe 
back-bone  of  tlie  A  pennines.    The  most  easterly,  of  which  Greeco 

B 


i 


•  HISTOnT  OF  GREECE.  i„^^ 

forms  the  southern  part,  is  i„  the  sliape  of  a  trianWe  with  it« 
base  extending  from  the  top  of  the  Adriati,.  i,.  tl.!"        !u      .• 
the  river  Danube,  and  havkg  L  tL  sfew^Lhed  b^h       "* 
♦  2.  At  the  fortieth  decre^  of  iX.! U^  cashed  by  the  sea. 
nallwl  fho  P»^i,..  •       *"Y^  o?  latitude  a  chain  of  mounta  iis 
caued  the  Cambmuau,  and  continued  under  the  name  of  Lin<rn„ 

^he™T  *^^  ^rr'''  ^™'"  ''^  *"  west,  a^  ?on„7rhe 
northern  boundary  of  Greece.     At  a  time  when  the  Mcd^teiTa 

nean  was  the  great  highway  of  commerce  and  civlliS "  J 
position  could  be  more  lavorable  than  that  of  Grel^  The 
^geaa  sea,  which  bathes  its  eastern  shores,  s  studL  with 
numerous  islands,  inviti^?  the  timid  marine  from  one  to  £ 
l^r/n  r*''"'  ''^'^Wishing  an  easy  communicatiorberwS 

«r:f  A^msn-ir^  rdSE 

i  3    Greece,  which  commences  at  the  fortieth  de<rrcc  nf  Ut; 
tude  does  not  extend  farther  than  the  thirtSh    TtTirrLtest" 
fength  from  Mount  Olympus  to  Cape  Ta^uamm  knot  l^r^th^* 
250  Eiighsh  miles  ;  its  greatest  breadth  from  the  western  i-,^ 
of  Acamania  to  Marathon  in  Attica  is  only  ?80  mfe    TuZ 
fece  IS  considerably  less  than  that  of  Portugal.    ThirsraaH  a^' 
was  divided  among  a  number  of  independent  states  maiv^? 
them  contamin"  a  territnrv  nf  ™.i„  .  r  «aies,  many  ol 

of  them  lar«.rThL  ,  ^^  ?■  t^  *  '^^  "*!"'*''''  ""'^es,  and  none 
n  tudeof  X,- *  *  v"  ^°^  '*.  "^"""^y-  But  it  is  not  the  mag- 
ortude  oi  their  territory  which  constitutes  the  greatness  of  a 

Si!;  ^°'l.*'«'.''««'iBmand  genius  of  the  Greeks  WgLiia^ 
wV^fL  ^  >n«P'fieant  spot  of  earth  bearin-r  their  nam? 
whichthevasterapiresofRiw«l-nn^pi..„„  1         "  name, 

i  4    The  naniP  nfrZ  .  ''^""^  """""^  equalled, 

the  connt™    Th         ,,Tl  '^'^  ""'""  "^'l  ''y  th«  '"habitants  of 

£ritTs  frImThrR"*  *'""'[*""'  ^'*'*' »"''  'hemselvcs  ^1 
lenes.    it  is  Irom  the  Romans  that  we  have  derived  the  namo  nf 

fmTthkt  ^T^^  T^  *••'  ^""^""^  ^"^-^  it  '^  didir^it  appXioi 
StooZl^^fWr''-"'  ""T*  ^  J-^termined.    It  isTowe  "er 

di^e  "SfZSn  *  f""'^"''  ^'"^T'^y  <=""  '^  I'<»Pl«  by  a  name 
amerent  Irom  the  one  m  use  among  themselves.    Thus  the  natin,. 

themselves ,  and  the  people  whom  the  Romans  named  Etnisc^^ 
or  Tuscans,  were  known  in  their  own  language  by  that  ofZ  '^ 

sal^t'hr'^  ^f'^rr'^.'^  "' fi'^t  ""'y'*  ™al[  districts^: 
sdly  the  original  abode  of  the  Hellenes  From  this  district  t  ho 
people  and  along  with  them  their  name.  gradllW  spreld  over 
the  whole  country  smith  nf  ih^  n^^u  fe*"""**";^  fepreau  over 
rude  tribes  of  EpLThowever  wC  ™'^"  mountains.  The 
Hellenpx  ai.H  itx^Ii.^' .^^"^  "°*  reckoiietl  among  tho 
HeUenes,  and  the  nnrthem  boundary  of  Hellas  proper  was  a  line 


if 


iKTBott  OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGKAPHY.  ^ 

drawn  from  the  Ambracian  gulf  to  the  mouth  of  tho  rivei- 
Peneus.  The  term  Hellas  was  also  employed  in  a  more  er 
tended  seijse  to  sigmiy  the  abode  of  the  HeUenes,  wherever 
they  might  be  settled;  and  accordingly  the  Grecian  cities  of 
Cyreiie  m  Africa,  of  Syracuse  in  Sicily,  and  of  Tarentmn  in 
galy,  were  a^  much  parts  of  Hella*  as  Athens,  Sparta,  and 


Map  of  Greece,  showing  the  general  direction  of  the  Mountain  Ranges. 


1.  Thessaly. 

9.  Ki>Lnis. 

3.  Doris. 

4.  Phiiois. 

8.  l.<MTi  Kpicnomidii. 

6.  Locri  Opuntii. 


7.  Bflcotia. 
8    Attica. 
9.  Mepnris. 

10.  Loori  Osroloo. 

11.  ^:tulia. 
13.  Acarnunia. 


13.  Arcadia. 

14.  Acfaaia. 

15.  Arpolie. 
Ifi.  Laronia. 
17.  MesMiiia. 


18.  Elis. 

19.  EubcEB. 
SO.  Salamia. 
21.  .(Kifina. 
82.  Cytkern. 


1^ 


ir- 


*  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  j^„, 

at  right  angles  by  the  long  ZloCltnfT'/  'ntenecud 
from  north  to  south,  like  the  A^l^^ofL^'nT'  '""""^ 
sula.   From  Mount  Pindus  tJ„  l^    i  u       .^        ^*^'^"  P«"w- 

Je.easten.  .a,ti'"iSti''rirr 

of  s«ty  miles,  and  enclosing  the  olain  nf  -rvr/o!  /     .u  ^'^^^'"^ 

«.d  largest  in  Greece.   The^southfc  ttilS*^  "t"'' 
the  name  of  Othrv«  •  fh^  «««*i.        "\ "/  ,*",^»6  ^wo  branches  bore 

tioned  nnd«  theTi.e^f^hSlY:''?''''  '"^ »-«» ''l'^^  »en- 
upon  the  coast  in Te  loftl  !uS^  n,'"°""*^'"*'  t-'^inates 

aU  Greece,  being  9700  SC^' life"''  '^'  ^'^^'^'  ^ 
ever  free  from  Lw  &uth  „f  O^^  '  °^'\^  "^^^  ^"<»  «=««''y 
under  the  succes^^;-  .iVo2"r/S^,3'  'T^ 
the  coast  parallel  to  that  of  Pindus      Thn,  tT'  ^*f  *"*'«^  '''""g 

Th^SrtZt  *ii»S  e^SpSS  tft  f ^T- 
bracian  on  the  west  and  tftS  rthTC'  ^v'  ^l^""- 

s^atd^rr^  °'''^"*-'  «-i  rrrtheiLiiT; 

the'er.L?rLE™^ttiS^^^^     T^"^  ^'-. 

Bccotia,  Attica,  and  Mp^r^fM  ^'*™' ^'"^'*' Loc"s, 

Locris,'^tolia  anfASlnL         ""*""  '''""I'™<"  O^olia.; 

which  r^-esof  m^untainsS*  tm  I  ce^rf  [rllf',^'" 
tions.  On  the  cast  two  (risantic  arm,  TL  ^  n^'  ""  '^"""'^ 
«ea:  the  one  which  runs  ^1  ^  ?'"'^.  "^  *''^"'l*  *e 

Othrys  has  been^arLSoLd  \hT  .h'^'^'^A^  ."^'"■^  "^ 
name  of  (Eta,  has  a  south^^prW  r  ,  '**"?'*  **"'  »•'« 
northern  barrier  of  centTG,!!!*  ''^,'''"*"'"'  ^'"1  &"««  the 
tral  Greece  from  h?i  Hfrou^h  .^^  '"*"""'''  ""*"  •=«- 
between  Mount  (Eta  anH^e  sea^^ol",  "T^^P"""'^  ^'''^ 
the  name  of  Thermopyte  ""mortahzed  m  history  under 

South  of  Tymphrestus  the  chain  of  Pindus  divides  into  twogr«at 


1 


Jnteod.  outlines  op  GEECIAN  GEOGRAPHY.  ^ 

branches,  and  no  longer  bears  the  same  name :  one  strikes  to 
the  south-east  under  the  names  of  Parnassus,  Helicon,  Cithaeron 
and  Hymettus,  and  finaUy  reaches  the  sea  at  Sunium,  the  south* 
emmost  pomt  of  Attica ;  the  other  diverges  to  the  south-west 
under  the  names  of  Corax  and  the  Ozolian  mountains,  and  joins 
the  sea  near  the  entrance  of  the  Corinthian  gulf 

\  7.  In  the  highlands  between  (Eta  and  Parnassus  is  a  narrow 
plam  called  Dans,  from  which  the  Dorians  are  said  to  have 
issued  to  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  Here  rises  the  river 
Cephissus  which  flows  into  Phocis.  The  greater  part  of  Phocis 
is  occupied  by  Parnassus,  which  rises  to  the  height  of  8000  feet 
but  between  this  mountain  and  those  of  eastern  Locris  is  a  fertile 
plam  drained  by  the  Cephissus. 

From  the  eastern  extremity  of  Mount  CEta  a  range  of  moun- 
tains runs  southward  along  the  coast.     It  passes  through  the 
country  of  the  Locriaris,  called  respectively  Bpicnemidian,  from 
Mount  Cnemis,  and  Opuntian,  from  the  town  of  Opus.     Baotia 
extends  from  sea  to  sea,  but  it  is  separated  from  the  Eubcean 
chaimel  by  a  continuation  of  the  Locrian  mountains  and  from 
the  Corinthian  gulf  by  the  lofty  range  of  Helicon,  celebrated  in 
poetry  as  the  abode  of  the  Muses.     On  its  northern  frontier 
the  otishoots  of  Parnassus  and  the  Locrian  mountains  leave  only 
a  narrow  opemng  through  which  the  Cephissus  flows ;  and  on 
the  south  the  country  is  shut  in  by  the  lolty  barrier  of  Cithaeron 
and  Parnes,  which  separate  it  from  Attica.     BcEotia  is  thus  a  large 
hollow  basm,  enclosed  on  every  side  by  mountains,  and  contain- 
ing  a   considerable  quantity  of  very  fertile  land.       The   Ce- 
phissus, and  the  streams  which  descend  from  the  surroundinff 
hills,  form  m  the  centre  of  the  country  the  lake  Copais,  which 
inds  an  outlet  for  its  waters  through  subterraneous  channels  in 
tne  hmestone  mountains. 

f^tica  is  in  the  fomi  of  a  triangle,  having  two  of  its  sides 
wabhed  by  the  sea  and  its  base  united  to  the  land.     The  ramre 
ol  Cithffiron  and  Parnes,  which  forms  its  northern  bounda^ 
shuts  off  this  peninsula  from  the  rest  of  Greece.     Cithsron  is 
prolonged  towards  the  south-west,  skirting  the  shores  of  the  Cor- 
inthian gull  and  formmg  the  mountainous  country  of  MesaHs 
Here  it  rises  into  a  new  chain  under  the  name  of  the  Geranean 
mountains,   which  stretch  across  Megaris  from  west  to  east, 
parallel  to  Cithaeron.     These  mountains  sink  down  southward 
towards  the  Isthmus,  which  separates  central  Greece  from  Pelo- 
ponnesus     Here  the  Corinthian  gulf  on  the  west  and  the  Saronic 
^i?f       ffP^^^^^f  ^  ^  f^^  inland  as  to  leave  only  a  narrow 
neck  of  land  between  them,  not  more  than  four  miles  across  at 
its  narrowest  part.     The  Isthmus  is  comparativeirieXtTh^^ 


«  HISTORY  OF  GREECK  xntho^, 

n^^f^  *^  the  south  rise  the?  Onean  hills,  protecting  PeWn- 
nesus  from  invasion  by  laud  ^  ^^eiopon- 

B^^%f^t.Z"''m^^''^°(?'''^  ^'^'^  ""'^i^t*.  a«  already 

toliiSti^r^  V"**  ^*"'"'?"'''-  ^^is,  called  Ozdial 
to  (Ustingn  sh  It  Irom  the  eastern  distr  ct  of  this  name  lie.,  n.v,n 
the  Cormthiiux  gulf,  and  is  a  wild  and  mounta>W  c^un^ 

^tol  an  Corax  ^tcdia  and  Acarnania,  separated  bv  the  riv<.r 
Achelous,  are  also  mountainous,  the  great;r  part  of  their  sS 
bemg  occupied  by  a  continuation  of  the  hills  of  Epiras  but  at 

1.1     r?,°^'°"»-     AH  three  countries  were  the  haunts  of  rn,I» 

"^^'tH^T  :r  "  ^1*^^  *•'•'  P«loi— ia„  Jlr  ' 

s„«Vh;™  T-  '^'"*  """^^"t^  """t^l  Greece  with  the 

lorm  01  the  latter,  that  the  ancients  regarded  the  Deninsuk  hb  ■,„ 

_;i  •  ,^  "^'"'''4  ^•'"'  "f  *his  name.  Its  form  w^ 
compared  m  antiqmty  to  the  leaf  of  the  plane  tree  or  th7v^^ 
and  its  modem  name,  the  Morea.  was  bestowed  ,^ritfo,m,.: 
resemblance  to  the  leaf  of  the  mulberry.  ^       ^"^  "" 

of  Th^  T"^^^,  of  Peloponnesus  have  their  roots  in  the  centre 
of  the  comitry,  from  which  they  branch  out  towards  the  "ea 

rS  of  nltiraT^r'^^A''  """  "^  ""Stains,  forml^ 
P„i„Z.  •  '"*'^'^'"  ^all,  which  separates  it  from  the  othnr 
Peloponnesian  states.  These  mountains  are  unbZen  on  tl,» 
northern,  eastern,  and  southern  frontiers,  a  fd  77oZ  on  ft 

trSil*tVt'b'  "''*''"  f'''  Alph.us,'t'h?cair S 
the  El  a      V^^''  T^y  '^'"^"^  ^  "^'""^^  "{^"i^  towards 

S^r :::  thJ^stdToSSr  :k  tht^;tr 

eastern  extremity  of  the  coimtrv  M^TT  t  n  ii  •  ^*^" 

heiffht  of  77R«  L?    1^     country  Mount  Cyllene  rises  to  the 

m1«  wh?„^T       A  r  ^'  '^  '"torsected  by  numerous  ranges  of 
rS  ;uS  ,t^''"'^.^T  the  Arcadian  mountains,  and  either 

Wo^re'L^iL'rr  1^  '"^f  Y"''  promontories,  or  .nW.al 
n«j  ♦u        „   o  i"®  snore.     Ihe  plains  thus  left  on  the  onn^t 

"4  ferti^'^^  ''*"'""  ^'^  "'°'^*^-  -  ^'  th:  mit  S 


Introd. 


OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY. 


Argolis  was  used  as  a  collective  term  to  signify  the  territories 
of  several  independent  states.  Of  these  the  most  important 
were  Corinth  and  Sicyon,  near  the  eastern  extremity  of  the 
Corinthian  gulf,  and  Argos,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  Argohc 
gulf,  in  a  plain  ten  or  twelve  miles  in  length  and  from  four  to 
five  in  breadth.  The  remainder  of  Argolis  consisted  of  a  rocky 
peninsula  between  the  Saronic  and  Argolic  gulfs,  containing  al 
its  eastern  extremity  the  territories  o(  Epidaurus,  Tra'zen,  and 
Hermioiie. 

Iyi,com(i  and  Mcsscnui  occupied  the  whole  of  the  south  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus from  sea  to  sea.     Tiiey  were  separated  by  the  lofty 
range  of  Taygetus,  running  from  nortli  to  south  and  terminating 
in  the  promontory  of  Tajnarum  (now  Cape  Matapan),  the  south- 
ernmost point  of  (t recce  and  Europe.     Along  the  eastern  side  of 
Laconia  the  range  of  Mount  Parnon  extends  from  north  to  south 
parallel  to  that  of  Taygetus,  and  terminates  in  the  promontory 
of  Malea.     Between  these  two  ranges  is  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas, 
in  which  Sparta  stood,  and  which  south  of  this  city  opens  out 
into  a  plain  of  considerable  extent  toward  the  Laconian  gulf. 
Messenia  in  like  manner  was  drained  by  the  Pamisus,  whose 
plain  is  still  more  extensive  and  fertile  than  that  of  the  Eurotas. 
Blis  was  the  region  between  the  western  barrier  of  Arcadia  and 
the  Ionian  sea.     It  is  covered  to  a  great  extent  with  the  olishoots 
of  the  Arcadian  mountains,  but  contains  several  plains.     In  the 
centre  of  the  country  is  the  memorable  plain  of  Olymjiia,  through 
which  the  Alpheus  flows,  and  in  which  the  city  of  Pisa  stood. 

Hi.  The  numerous  islands  whicli  line  the  Grecian  shores 
were  occupied  in  historical  times  by  the  Grecian  race.  Of  these 
the  most  important  was  Eubaca,  ninety  miles  in  length,  stretch- 
ing along  the  coasts  of  Bffiotia  and  Attica.  Through  it  ran  from 
north  to  south  a  long  chain  of  mountains  which  may  be  regarded 
as  a  continuation  of  the  range  of  Ossa  and  Pehon.  South  of 
EuboBa  was  the  group  of  islands  called  the  Cy dudes,  lying  romid 
Delos  as  a  centre  ;  and  east  of  these  were  the  Sporades,  near  the 
Asiatic  coast.  South  of  these  groups  lay  the  two  large  islands 
of  Crete  and  Rlwdes.  In  the  Saronic  gulf  between  Attica  and 
Argolis  were  the  celebrated  islands  of  Scdamis  and  JEgina,  the 
former  reckoned  as  part  of  Attica,  and  the  latter  long  the  rival 
and  eye-sore  of  Athens.  Off  the  western  coast  of  Greece,  in  the 
Ionian  sea,  we  find  Corey ra  opposite  E pirns,  CepJudhnia  and 
ItJiaca  opposite  Acarnania,  and  Zacynthus  near  the  coast  of  EUs 
in  Peloponnesus.  Cythera  was  separated  by  a  narrow  chamiel 
from  the  southern  extremity  of  Laconia. 

M2.  The  physical  features  of  the  country  exercised  an  im- 
portant influence  upon  the  political  destinies  of  the   people. 


8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


IwTBODi, 


Greece  is  one  of  the  most  mountainoug  countries  of  E„n,n» 
Its  surface  is  occupied  by  a  number  of  .,r,»ii    i  •       -.l     ^""P«- 
surrounded  by  CcsJeZ^^  Tl!^ZytT"'''' 
Mountams,  not  rivers,  have  in  MZ^^TZltllJ^t  ^ 
ners  to  intercourse  between  neighbouriu^  tribes      StiH'' 
case  m  Greece,  and  thus  the  very  nature  of  th,'.  U.,,     f /''" 
proclnce  that  la,^e  mrnxber  of  inZe;:::^  1 1  ihtt'oi" 
the  nu«   stnkmg  pha,nomena  in  Grecian  histo,^     ST, 
pnncpa^  Grec.au  cities  was  founded  i„  one  o fTlie  sma    1 
already  descnbed ;  and  as  the  mountains  which  ^ parato  i  t"" 

Its  neufhbours  were  lo)W  »n.l  ^ i    1    """  "  separatiHl  it  Irom 

neiwl^L.  o.  I  <■  •  ^      "  ruSRcd.  it  grew  up  ii  solitary  iiid.!- 

ptudence,  aud  formed  its  own  character  bclbre  it  coidd  hTS    i 
l>y  any  external  iulluence.  "^  aliected 

The  monutainoua  nature  of  tbo  »>™i..t„,  „i  ^     .   ,.    „ 

ibn^gjUuvasion.  as  weU  0^^^^".;^  mitf 

S^^rra^nd^'Cr  T '•  '''TTt  o'T-S™ ;;! 

northern  a^  centrd  Gr^A  <h  ^'^  "*  Tl'ermopyla,  between 
between  B^tia  2  A^a' ^^  r^'  "^--'^Mount  Citha.n,„ 
Onean  mountaLZ  either  ride  of  triT  '^^  '^Tr''"  "'"1 

^ttuiX'ihrrrai^trr^i 

intercourse  with  one  another  aJdwhh  "f.^^""^^'"}  ^^*^«"^  ^^sy 

Oneofthemoststrikin/S^^fj^^^^^^^^ 

18  the  wonderful  extent  of  its  sea  coast     if tW^Ll^^^^^^^ 

the  advantage  over  every  other  country  of  Euronr  ^  A ti^   ^ 

Its  surface  is  not  so  great  as  that  of  7ortu.al  T^^^^ 

exceeds  that  of  the  whole  peninsula  of  fe,^^^^^^ 

JNot  only  is  it  surrounded  hv  the  sea  on  ^^^/-f  ^^  "' 

northern  frontier,  hut  its  cLsfis  also  bS        T'^V"  ^^ 

srXnoTti^otrA^^^^^^       T,  "^'  ^'''  ^-^^^ 

territory  upon  the  coa^  '''°"  '^^'  ^^  ^^^  P^^^«^^«  ^^^ 

eJr  W  SZT'^  "^  '^'  ™"^*^^^«  ^«d  tl^-  «-a  have 

and  -arineraiTstu'ch^tty^^^^ 

to  external  impressions,  the  W  o^^i    Ld  "^^^^ 

11S:ntr?rn'^T  '^^^^  cwt™;^^^^^^^ 
poetiTa    W  i  TTr^^^^^  ^^^  "^-ritime  districts.     The 
ChtheSltfn    f    ^""'"f  mountains  has   often   called 
•orin  me  admiration  of  modem  travelers.    Their  craggy,  broken 


Inteod.  OUTLINES  OF  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY.  9 

forms  and  rich  silvery  colour  give  to  the  Grecian  landscape  a 
pecuhar  charm,  and  justify  the  description  of  the  poet  Gray 
when  he  speaks  of  Greece  as  a  land, 

"Where  each  old  poetic  mountain. 
Inspiration  breathes  around." 

The  beauty  of  the  scenery  is  stiU  further  enhanced  by  the  fforffe- 
ous  atmosphere  m  which  every  object  is  bathed.  To  a  native 
of  the  northern  latitudes  of  Europe  nothing  is  more  striking  in 
the  Grecian  climate  than  the  transparent  clearness  of  the  air  and 
the  bnUiant  colouring  of  the  sky.  When  Euripides  represents 
the  Athemans  as 

"  Ever  delicately  marching 

Through  most  pellucid  air*'* 

he  is  guilty  of  no  poetical  exaggeration,  and  the  violet  colour 
which  the  Roman  poet  assigns  to  the  hills  of  Hymettust  is 
literally  true. 

U4.  Greece  is  deficient  in  a  regular  supply  of  water.  During 
the  autumnal  and  winter  months  the  rain,  which  falls  in  lar^e 
quantities,  fills  the  crevices  in  the  limestone  of  the  hiUs  and  is 
carried  off  by  torrents.  In  sunmier  rain  is  ahnost  unknown  and 
the  beds  of  the  torrents  full  of  water  in  the  winter  then  become 
ravines,  perfectly  dry  and  overgrown  with  shrubs.  Even  the 
nvers,  which  are  partly  supphcd  by  springs,  dwindle  in  the  sum- 
mer into  very  insignificant  streams.  JSToue  of  the  Grecian  rivers 
are  navigable,  and  the  Achelous,  which  is  the  most  considerable 
01  all,  has  a  course  of  only  130  miles. 

The  chief  productions  of  Greece  in  ancient  times  were  wheat 
barley,  flax,  wine,  and  oil.  The  hills  afibrded  exceUent  pasture 
lor  cattle,  and  m  antiquity  were  covered  with  forests,  though 
tiiey  are  at  present  nearly  destitute  of  wood. 

In  almost  every  part  of  Greece  there  were  rich  veins  of  marble 
aiiording  materials  for  the  architect  and  the  sculptor,  Buch  ai 
hardly  any  other  country  in  the  world  possesses.  The  limestone 
ot  which  most  of  its  mountains  is  composed,  is  well  adapted  for 
military  architecture ;  and  it  is  to  this  hard  and  intractable  stone 
tnat  we  owe  those  massive  polygonal  walls,  of  which  the  remains 
Btiu  crown  the  summits  of  so  many  Grecian  hiUs.  Laurium  near 
the  southern  extremity  of  Attica  yielded  a  considerable  quantity 
ot  silver,  but  otherwise  Greece  was  poor  in  the  precious  metali, 

•  ael  did.  2,a/LnrpoTUTov 

^Jaivovreg  aj^pQg  a/^^pof.— Eurip.  Med.  829. 
t     H^t  prope  purpureas  coUes  florentis  Hymetti 
Fons  sacer.'"— Ovid,  Art,  Amat.  3,  687. 


10 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


iMTBOn 

p..^  the  at^osphe.:^:  I'^ZL  SX^tu^^tf  h'aZ 
e«sted  to  the  same  extent  when  the  land  was  move  thick  vZ. 

Jts  surtace,  to  its  lofty  mountains  and  depressed  vallevs  tho  oU 
mate  vanes  great  y  i„  different  districts.^  I„  thrSlnds   n 

upon  ide  ground  tiU  late  m  the  spnng,  while  in  the  lowlands  onen 
to  the  sea  severe  weather  is  ahnost  m.know„.     The  ri~f 

^d  Te4'X:t  TrtSf'^^"  '""^  highlands  of  Mfntnel 
Swarm  hnfr""'.^""''''  ^^^^  '''  *''«  «'"'«  time  the 
^a  Iralmostl?";!''".''/"'*  '"  *'"'  P'"'"^  "^  ^'^os  and  Laco- 

ancients  attrih^?.^T  1^  ^''.  ^'"^  difierence  in  climate  the 
fZ^^r  """r*^*^  *'''°  difference  in  the  intellectual  character  of 
totL  ^r""      rr  "^  ,'''^'"<"«-     ^hus  the  duress  of  X  W 

fent^ilt?e7o?t  lira^:^^^^-  ^^  ^^^^^  ^ 


Arch  ofTiryns, 


Head  of  Olympian  Jove. 

BOOK   I. 

THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE   EARLIEST   INHABITANTS  OF   GREECE. 

S 1.  Legendary  character  of  early  Grecian  history.     8  2.  Leeends  of  th« 

S«ecrX°'/"^ '■""  "T^   S  3.  The  IMlenL  Jd  thtSsion  i^ 
8  K  ^     I  f  •  Ce-nexion  of  the  Hellenes  with  the  Indo-Enropean  stem 
It^'*  Pelsfg'ans.     §  6.  Foreign  settlers  in  Greece.     8  7.  EWpS 
colomes  of  Cecrops  and  Danaus.     §  8.  Phrygian  colony  off eW 
§9.  Phoemcian  colony  of  Cadmus.    "  ■'^  '     '  '^«'°V^ 

Jii*'^'"'  ''[""i'  TH^v  ^"'"'^"P^  *«  *="ly  history  of  Greece  are 
hghted  up  by  the  brilliant  hues  of  Grecian  fable ;  but  the  reader 
must  carefully  guard  agamst  believing  in  the  reahty  of  the  per- 
Kmages  or  of  the  events  commemorated  by  these  beautiful 
wht"h  »  .     r  "^  *^"5'  •*  H*™^'  P'°''^Wy  sprung  out  of  events 

S.»?  r"l  °T?^^'  "V"*  """y  *«'<'«''«  ''""t^'n  a  kernel  of 
histoncal  truth ;  but  we  have  no  means  of  distinguishing  be- 

tween  what  IS  true  and  what  is  false,  between  the  historical  facts 
and  their  subsequent  embeUishments.  TUl  events  are  recorded 
m  written  documents,  no  materials  exist  for  a  trustworthy  his- 
tory; and  It  was  not  tiU  the  epoch  known  by  the  name  of  the 


12 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


1 


Chap.  I 

the  n^emory  of  any  his^ricVS'  ^{Z'll^'S'l^^^ 

iu  the  form  of  a  l^n^l^tL^'^^'^lr^irrZt'^ 
age  must  not  be  passed  over  entirel^     In  all  ca^s  the  t7i^ 
ol  a  people  are  worthv  of  record  •  »nH  t^u;  tne  traditions 

the  &s.  whose  legel^i^^iJ  ^IhTf  V""'  "S 
their  conduct  down  Jthe  late^r^mes  '^  ""'  "^''''"^ 

tracing  haclc  their  ori  ^IrsoL^li; SuT  atci"  t  if 

a  divine  bein^      Tfin«  fL  /-      i  !      ^'^  ^^^^^  regarded  as 

the  cM^Zfone  S™  feS^ir^"'^''"''  ^'''--'-s 
as  the  syrnbol  of  fratem^^  S^'aLrtl^^aTHlf  J  fi"^ 
of  Deucabon  and  Pyrrha,  from  whom  the  ^pk  derivld  ^ 

Dorians  and  ^la^T^^Xufht  tCulh  h"  f'""'^  *°  ,^« 
and  Achtens.  became  tiinLChprVfTTT  •  '  *''?  ""«'  ^"n 
Lt  this  way  the  four  ^tTSi^'oVr  Gre^k  t'eThe 
Donans,  ^ohans,  lonians.  and  Achsans,  were  sunLS  f'„  Jf 
*!»«  descendants  of  the  patriarch  Hellen.  ^^   "^  *°  '^ 

f3.  The  descent  of  the  Hellpnna  fr^«,  - 

HeUen  wasafundamen^^'SeTthr^^p^lSh"  7:^' 
p^»se  of  exp lammg  names  of  which  the  origin  was  buriy  in 

Sr\,tV  V^  ^''y  '^'■'  »«"««  «"«»  his  sTn^camel  o 
bemg.  But  though  they  never  had  any  real  existence  X,V  K^T 
tory  may  be  regarded  as  the  tradition^  histoW  th'e  ™TJT 
whom  they  gave  their  names.  Thus  whence  are  toM  ?W 
Hellen  reigned  in  the  sraitli  «f  TJ.^.    i  ,      ?       ™"  ^"** 

Othr^s,  wITch  was  the'pi  IflZ^^'ClnEeU:  ''  ^^""* 
conclude  that  the  Greeks  hpl  Wo^ Tif-    a^I  •  ,     ^^'  ^^  '"^X 

abode  of  their  Inl      T    ri       ^  ^^^  "^^^^^^  ^'^  ^  *^e  original 

in  the^o^nt  mirf  P      ^^^''''^^'   ^"^  ^^^^  settlements 
omerent  parts  of  Greece,  represent  the  current  belief 

Hence  called  an  Autochthon  (Air6;(euvy. 


Chap.  L 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS. 


13 


respecting  the  early  history  of  the  four  great  divisions  of  the 

iEolus  succeeded  his  father  Hellen  as  king  of  Hellas  in  Thes- 
saly,  but  his  descendants  occupied  a  great  part  of  central  Greece 
as  far  as  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  also  took  possession  of  the 
w<^tem  coast  of  Peloponnesus.  The  ^ol.ans  were  the  most 
widely  diffused  of  all  the  descendants  of  Hellen.  Many  of  their 
towns  such  as  Corinth  and  lolcus  in  Thessaly,  were  situated 
upon  the  coast,  and  the  worship  of  Poseidon  (Neptune),  the  god 
ot  the  sea,  prevaded  extensively  among  them 

The  AchiEans  appear  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Heroic  age  as  the 
most  warlike  of  the  Grecian  races.  At  that  time  they  are  repre- 
sented as  inhabitmg  the  original  abode  of  the  Hellenes  in  Thes- 
saly, and  also  the  cities  of  Mycenae,  Aigos,  and  Sparta,  in  the 
Peloponnesus.  The  most  distinguished  of  the  Grecian  heroes  in 
the  Trojan  war  were  Achsans ;  and  such  was  the  celebrity  or 

.„  fl^r,    1  ^*.iI^Tl*'',f  """"^^  frequently  gives  their  lime 
to  the  whole  body  of  the  Greeks. 

The  Dorians  and  lonians  are  of  far  less  importance  in  the 
ancient  legends,  though  they  afterwards  became  the  two  leading 

tiveTvtl  T'  '"^^'^r'^^  ^P'''^'^  "^"d  Athenians  respec! 
tively  belonged.  The  Donans  were  ahnost  confined  to  the  siLu 
mountainous  distnct  named  after  them,  lying  between  Thessaly 
and  Phocis ;  the  lomans  were  found  chiefly  in  Attica  and  along 
the  narrow  shp  of  coast  m  the  north  of  Peloponnesus,  which  in 
historical  times  was  known  by  the  name  of  Achaia. 
.,i  Iff  "^^  the  general  belief  of  the  Greeks  respecting  the 
^rly  diffusion  of  their  race.  But  it  is  natural  for  ulto  2  fi! 
ther  back   and  to  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  real  origin  of  the 

Slin    7         ""'r  '"'"  T^  '^'^^  ■"«''"«  «f  a^ertaining 
the  origm  of  any  people  is  a  knowledge  of  its  language.     Tra" 

dUion  misleads  as  often  as  it  guides  the  inquirer;  Ld  the  indi- 
cations afforded  by  mythology,  mamiers  and  customs,  are  fre- 
quently deceptive  and  always  vague.  Language,  on  the  other 
hand,  IS  an  endurmg  memorial ;  and.  whatever  changes  it  may 
have  undergone  m  Uie  course  of  ages,  it  rarely  loses  thtse  funda- 
"r^Ltr  ^^'"^  ^"^^^  '**  ""Sin  and  affinities.  If  then 
mLrnf  ?i  •",  ""*""^  '""'  '}"'  ""Sin  of  the  Greek  people  by 
means  of  their  language,  we  have  no  difficulty  in  coi^in^  to  a 

Satt!l7f"''"fTr     ^^'  ^''"^  language"s  a  memW  of 
^tlSh      ^'""'^y  i-f  l''"g"^e«  to  which  modem  scholars  have 
pven  the  name  of  Indo-European.     The  various  nations  speaking 
the  Afferent  varieties  of  this  language  were  originaUy  one^^pb 
inhabitrng  the  high  table-land  of  central  Asia^At  Lme  S 
long  antecedent  to  all  profane  history,  they  issued  from^S 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  L 


f 


« 


praneval  e^te,  and  spread  over  a  considerable  portion  both  of 
Asia  and  of  Europe.  In  Asia  the  ancient  Hindoos,  who  spoke 
Sanscnt,  and  the  Medes  and  Persians,  whose  lanffua^re  was  the 
Zend  were  the  two  principal  branches  of  this  people.  In  Eurone 
the  Germans,  Pelasgians,  Slavonians,  and  Celts  were  the  four 
chief  varieties.  It  is  foreign  to  our  present  purpose  to  ffive  any 
account  of  the  other  branches  of  the  Indo-European  family  •  but 
a  few  remarks  must  be  made  upon  the  Pelasgians,  from  whom 
the  trreeks  derived  their  origin. 

$  5.  The  Pelasgians  are  represented  by  the  Greeks  themselves 
as  the  most  ancient  inhabitants  of  their  land.     The  primitive 
name  of  Greece  is  said  to  have  been  Pelasgia.     In  the  historical 
penod,  those  parts  of  Greece  which  had  been  subject  to  the 
lewest  changes  of  inhabitants  were  supposed  to  be  peopled  by 
the  descendants  of  the  Pelasgians.     This  was  especially  the  case 
with  Arcadia  and  Attica,  which  claimed  to  have  been  inhabited 
by  the  same  tnbes  from  time  immemorial.     The  Pelasgians  were 
spread  over  the  Italian  as  well  as  the  Grecian  peninsula ;  and  the 
Pelasgic  language  thus  formed  the  basis  of  the  Latin  as  weU  as 
ol  the  Greek      It  is  true  that  Herodotus  speaks  of  the  Pelasmc 
as  a  foreign  language,  totally  distinct  from^  the  Greek  ;  but  his 
testunony  on  such  a  subject  is  not  entitled  to  any  weight  since 
the  ancients  were  lamentably  deficient  in  philological  know'ledffe 
and  had  no  notion  of  the  affinity  of  languages.  * 

Of  the  Pelasgians  themselves  our  information  is  scanty  They 
were  not  mere  barbarians.  They  are  represented  as  tilling  the 
ground  and  dweUmg  in  walled  cities.*  Their  religion  appears  to 
have  been  essentially  the  same  as  the  religion  of  the  Hellenes 
Iheir  great  divmity  was  Jove,  the  national  Hellenic  god.  and 
the  chief  seat  of  his  worship  was  Dodona  in  Epirus.  Hencr 
Homer  gives  to  the  Dodonsean  Jove  the  title  of  Pelascnc  •  and  his 
Gree    ^^  ^*^'*''^  ^^  ^"^""^^  regarded  as  the  most  aiicient  in 

The  Pela^ans  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  such  as  the 
HeUenes,  Leleges,  Caucones,  and  others.  In  what  respects  the 
Hellenes  were  superior  to  the  other  Pelasgic  tribes  we  do  not 
know ;  but  they  appear  at  the  first  dawn  of  history  as  the  domi- 
nant race  m  Greece.  The  rest  of  the  Pelasgians  disappeared 
before  them  or  were  incorporated  with  them ;  their  dialect  of 
the  Pelasgic  tongue  became  the  language  of  Greece  ;  and  their 
worship  of  the  Olympian  Jove  gradually  supplanted  the  more 
ancient  worship  of  the  Dodonjean  god. 

§  6    The  civilization  of  the  Greeks  and  the  development  of 
tiieir  language  bear  all  the  marks  of  home  growth,  and  probably 
•  A  fortified  town  was  called  Zaniua  by  the  Pelasgians. 


Chap.  I. 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS. 


U 


were  httlo  affected  by  foreign  influence.     The  traditions,  how- 
ever,  of  the  Greeks  would  point  to  a  contrary  conclusion      It 
was  a  general  behef  among  them  that  the  Pelasgians  were  re- 
clamied  from  barbarism  by  Oriental  strangers,  who  settled  in 
the  country  and  introduced  among  the  rude  inhabitants  the 
first  elements  of  civilization.     Many  of  these  traditions,  however 
are  not  ancient  legends,  but  owe  their  origin  to  the  philosophical 
speculations  of  a  later  age,  which  loved  to  represent  an  imaLary 
progress  of  society  from  the  time  when  men  fed  on  acorns  and 
ran  wi  d  m  woods,  to  the  time  when  they  became  united  into 
political  communities  and  owned  the  supremacy  of  law  and 
rea^n      The  speculative  Greeks  who  visited  Egypt  in  the  sixth 
and  fifth  centuries  before  the  Christian  era  werf profrndly  S^^ 
pressed  with  the  monuments  of  the  old  Egyptian  monarch^ 
which  even  m  that  early  age  of  the  world  ii^Lted  aTay  and 

themselves  of  the  impression  made  upon  their  visitors,  and  told 
the  latter  many  a  wondrous  tale  to  prove  that  the  civHization 
the  arts  and  even  the  religion  of  the  Greeks,  aU  came  from  the 
land  of  the  Nile  These  tales  found  easy  believers ;  they  were 
earned  back  to  Greece,  and  repeated  with  various  modifies 
and  embelhshments  ;  and  thus  no  doubt  arose  the  greater  nZ- 
\  f  *^,^,tf^^tions  respecting  Egyptian  colonies  in  Greece. 
J  7.  Although  we  may  therefore  reject  with  safety  the  tra- 

^  r/Tf:^^  *^'^  ^^^''^''  ^^1^^^^'  two  are  o/ so  much 
oftZ       *  '^'^^^^^  ^  passed  over  entirely  in  an  acZZ 

for  ^L  of  T  "^?''rv.  ^'^^"^  ''  '^^  '^  ^^^^  been  indebted 

Lot     Tn\      "■'''^'"'i  YV^^'''^^'^  ^  «^ti^-  «^  Sais  in 
^gypt.    To  hun  IS  ascribed  the  foundation  of  the  city  of  Athens 

the  institution  of  marriage,  and  the  introduction  of  rdgfous 

which  the  original  city  was  confined,  continued  to  bear  the  name 

to  h. V  T  'T  "^^^1^"  '^''-  ^^^«^>  "^  ^ike  mamier.  is  S 
Crt7  T\  ^T^'\  ^y  *^"  ^OTtian  Danaus,  who  fled  to 
Greece  with  his  fifty  daughters  to  escape  from  the  persecution 
of  their  suitors,  the  fifty  sons  of  his  bmther  ^gyptus  The 
thf  tribe"  f/^^°^^J^^^^lf  t.-d  king  by  the  natives,  and  from  him 

auentlv  n,l  ^^"^'  i^"''^"^  *^"^  ^^^'  ^^^^^  Homer  fre- 
fact  wLTl  ,  ^  ^"""'^^  appellation  for  the  Greeks.  The  only 
col  nT  in  P  any  countenance  to  the  existence  of  an  Egyptiai 

colony  m  Greece  is  the  discovery  of  the  remains  of  two  p^amiX 
at  no  great  distance  from  Argos ;  but  this  form  of  bmCt 

and  Met:^   '  f''^''  J^^'^'  ^'^  ^^^^^  -  I-<^-,  Babylonia        • 
f^uw.     T'r^^  ™^y  therefore  have  been  erected  by  the  early 
inhabitant  of  Greece  independently  of  any  comiexion  4h  E^t 


16 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  L 


« 


$  8.  Another  colony,  not  less  celebrated  and  not  more  credible 
than  the  two  just  mentioned,  is  the  one  led  from  Asia  by  Pelops, 
from  whom  the  southern  peninsula  of  Greece  derived  its  name 
of  Peloponnesus.  Pelops  is  usually  represented  as  a  native  of 
Sipylus  m  Phrygia,  and  the  son  of  the  wealthy  king  Tantalus. 
By  means  of  his  riches,  which  he  brought  with  him  into  Greece, 
he  became  king  of  Mycenae  and  the  founder  of  a  powerful 
dynasty,  one  of  the  most  renowned  in  the  Heroic  age  of  Greece. 
From  him  was  descended  Agamemnon,  who  led  the  Grecian  host 
against  Troy. 

§  9.  The  case  is  different  with  the  Phoenician  colony,  which  m 
said  to  have  been  founded  by  Cadmus  at  Thebes  in  Bceotia.  We 
have  decisive  evidence  that  the  Phoenicians  planted  colonies  at 
an  early  period  in  the  islands  of  Greece;  and  it  is  only  natural 
to  beheve  that  they  also  settled  upon  the  shores  of  the  mainland. 
Whether  there  was  such  a  person  as  the  Phcenician  Cadmus, 
and  whether  he  built  the  town  called  Cadmea,  which  afterwards 
became  the  citadel  of  Thebes,  as  the  ancient  legends  relate,  can 
not  be  determined ;  but,  setting  aside  ail  tradition  on  the  subject, 
there  is  one  fact  which  proves  indisputably  an  early  intercourse 
between  Phcenicia  and  Greece.  It  was  to  the  Phcenicians  that 
the  Greeks  were  indebted  for  the  art  of  writing ;  for  both  the 
names  and  the  forms  of  the  letters  in  the  Greek  alphabet  are 
evidently  derived  from  the  Phoenician.  With  this  exception  the 
Oriental  strangers  left  no  permanent  traces  of  their  settlements 
in  Greece ;  and  the  population  of  the  country  contumed  to  bo 
esientially  Grecian,  uncontarainated  by  any  foreign  elementa. 


Paris,  ftom  the  JEgineUn  Sculpturea. 


Ajax,  from  the  JEginetan  Sculpturea 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   GRECIAN   HEROES. 

*  fl  ?^^I?"*^*^  character  of  the  Heroic  A^e.    8  2.  Hercules.    8  *i  Ti.. 
§  4.  Mmos.     §  5.  Voyage  of  the  AreonaX     S  a   Ti!    c^      Theseus. 
Thebes  and  the  Epiffoni      8  7  TheTr^tnW   ^  ^-  ^.^^^Seyen  against 

laid  w  Jr„'  r^"7"y  ^^'^^f  ^y  the  Greeks  that  their  native 

Snla  lur^l '"'"''  ^^  .™'^  ^y  '^  "°1'1«  ^^«e  "f  beings,  pos- 
r^Jnfnt  ™P^*!™^"  though  not  a  divine  nature,  and  superior 

turcs  torm  the  great  mine  from  which  the  Greeks  derived  in- 
exhaustible  materials  for  their  poetry— 

"Presenting  Thebes  or  Pelops'  line 
Or  the  tale  of  Troy  divine."         ' 


18 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  H 


11 


According  to  m>^hical  chronology  the  Heroic  age  constitutes 
a  period  of  about  two  hundred  years,  from  the  first  appearance 
of  the  Hellenes  m  Thessaly  to  the  return  of  the  Greeks  from 
Troy,     bince  the  legends  of  this  period  belong  to  mytholocrvand 
not  to  history,  they  find  their  proper  place  in  a  work  devoted  tc 
the  former  subject.     But  some  of  them  are  so  closely  interwoven 
with  the  historical  traditions  of  Greece  that  it  is  imiwssible  to 
p:iss  them  by  entirely.     Among  the  heroes  three  stand  con- 
spicuously forth  :  Hercules,  the  national  hero  of  Greece  ;  Theseus 
the  hero  of  Attica ;  and   Minos,  king  of  Crete,  the  principal 
lounder  of  Grecian  law  and  civilization. 

♦u  l^V^^^^  the  Heroic  families  none  was  more  celebrated  than 
that  ot  Danaus,  king  of  Argos.     In  the  fifth  generation  we  find 
It  personified  m  Danae,  the  daughter  of  Acrisius,  whom  Jove 
wooed  m  a  shower  of  gold,  and  became  by  her  the  father  of 
rerseus.  the  celebrated  conqueror  of  Medusa.     Perseus  was  the 
ancestor  of  Hercules,  being  the  great-grandfather  both  of  Alc- 
mena  and  of  her  husband  Amphitryon.     According  to  the  well- 
JcQown  legend.  Jove,  enamoured  of  Alcmena,  assumed  the  form 
ot  Amphitryon  in  his  absence,  and  became  by  her  the  father 
o!  Hercules.     To  the  son  thus  begotten  Jove  had  destined  the 
sovereignty  of  Argos ;  but  the  jealous  anger  of  Hera  (Juno) 
raised  up  agamst  him  an  opponent  and  a  master  in  the  person 
ot  Jsurystheus  another  descendant  of  Perseus,  at  whose  biddincr 
the  greatest  of  all  heroes  was  to  achieve  those  wonderful  laboui^ 
which  hUed  the  whole  world  with  his  fame.    In  these  are  reahzed 
on  a  maguificent  scale,  the  two  great  objects  of  ancient  heroism 
—the  destruction  of  physical  and  moral  evil,  and  the  acquisition 
of  wealth  and  power.     Such,  for  instance,  are  the  labours,  iu 
which  he  destroys  the  terrible  JSTcmean  lion  and  Lerneaii  hydra 
carries  off  the  girdle  of  Ares  from  Hippolyte,  queen   of"  the 
Amazons  and  seizes  the  golden  apples  of  the  Hesperides,  guaitled 
by  a  hundred-headed  dragon.     At  the  same  time,  however,  we 
perceive,  as  is  the  case  with  all  the  Grecian  heroes,  that  the 
extraordinary  endowments  of  Hercules  did  not  preserve  him 
Irom  human  weakness  and  error,  and  the  consequent  expiation 
which  they  demanded.     After  slaying  in  his  ungovernable  rage 
his  triend  and  companion  Iphitus,  the  son  of  Eurytus,  he  is  seized 
with  sickness  becomes  the  slave  of  the  Lydian  queen  Omphal6 
devotes  himself  to  effeminate  occupations,  and  sinks  into  luxury 
and  wantonness.     At  a  subsequent  period  another  crime  pro- 
duces  his  death.     The  rape  of  lole.  the  daughter  of  the  same 
i^urytus  whose  son  he  had  slain,  incites  his  wife  Deianira  to  send 
mm  the  fatal  shirt,  poisoned  with  the  blood  of  the  centaur 
JNessus.     Unable  to  endure  the  torments  it  occasions,  ho  repairs 


Chap.  IL 


THE  GRECIAN  HEROES. 


19 


to  Mount  (Eta,  which  becomes  the  scene  of  his  apotheosis.     As 
he  lies  on  the  funeral  pile  there  erected  for  him  by  Hyllus,  his 
eldest  son  by  Deianira,  a  cloud  descends  and  bears  him  off  amidst 
thunder  and  lightning  to  Olympus,  where  he  i.  received  among 
the  immortal  gods,  and,  being  reconciled  to  Hera,  receives  in 
marriage  her  daughter  Hebe,  the  goddess  of  youth. 
^3.  Theseus  was  the  son  of  ^geus,  king  of  Athens,  and  of 
^thra,  daughter  of  Pittheus,  king  of  Troezen.     Cn  his  return  to 
Athens  iEgeus  left  ^thra  behind  him  at  Trcezen,  enjoinhig  her 
not  to  send  their  son  to  Athens  till  he  was  strong  enough  to  lift 
from  beneath  a  stone  of  prodigious  weight  his  father's  sword  and 
sandals,  which  would  serve  as  tokens  of  recognition.     Theseus 
when  grown  to  manhood,  accomplished  the  appointed  feat  with 
ease,  and  took  the  road  to  Athens  over  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  a 
journey  beset  with  many  dangers  from  robbers  who  barbarously 
mutilated  or  kiUed  the  unhappy  wayfarers  who  fell  into  their 
hands.     But  Theseus  overcame  them  all,  and  arrived  in  safety 
at  Athens,  where  he  was  recognised  by  iEgeus,  and  declared  his 
successor.     Among  his  many  memorable  achievements  the  most 
famous  was  his  deliverance  of  Athens  from  the  frightful  tribute 
imposed  upon  it  by  Minos  for  the  murder  of  his  son.     This  con- 
sisted of  seven  youths  and  seven  maidens,  whom  the  Athenians 
were  compelled  to  send  every  nine  years  to  Crete,  there  to  be 
devoured  by  the  Minotaur,  a  monster  with  a  human  body  and 
a  buUs  head,  which  Minos  kept  concealed  in  an  inextricable 
labyrinth.     The  third  ship  was  already  on  the  point  of  saiUnn- 
with  its  cargo  of  innocent  victims,  when  Theseus  offered  to  gS 
with  them,  hoping  to  put  an  end  for  ever  to  the  horrible  tribute 
Ariadne,  the  daughter  of  Minos,  became  enamoured  of  the  hero 
and  having  supplied  him  with  a  clue  to  trace  the  windings  of 
the  labynnth,  Theseus  succeeded  in  kiUing  the  monster,  and 
m  tracking  his  way  out  of  the  mazy  lair.     As  he  returned 
towards  Athens,  the  pilot  forgot  to  hoist  the  white  sail,  agreed 
on  as  the  signal  of  success,  in  place  of  the  black  sail  usually 
carried  by  the  vessel  which  bore  that  melancholy  tribute,  where- 
upon ^geus,  thinking  that  his  son  had  perished,  threw  himself 
into  the  sea  which  afterwards  bore  his  name. 

Theseus,  havhig  now  ascended  the  throne,  proceeded  to  lay  the 
loundataons  of  the  future  greatness  of  Athens.  He  united  into 
one  pohtical  body  the  twelve  independent  states  into  which 
Cecrops  had  divided  Attica,  and  made  Athens  the  capital  of  the 
new  kingdom.  In  order  to  accommodate  the  mcreased  popula- 
tion of  the  city,  he  covered  with  buildings  the  ground  lyincr  to 
the  south  of  the  Cecropian  citadel ;  and  in  commemoration  of 
the  umon,  he  instituted  the  festivals  of  the  Panathenaea  and 


so 


li 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  II 


Synoikia  in  honour  of  Athena  (Minerva),  the  patron  goddess  of 
the  city.     He  then  divided  the  citizens  into  three  classes,  namely, 
Bwpatridm,  or  nohles,  Geomcri,  or  hushandmen,  and  Demi7/rsri^ 
or  artisans.     Ho  is  further  said  to  have  established  a  constituuon- 
al  government,  retaining  in  his  own  hands  only  certain  definite 
powers  and  privileges,  so  that  he  was  regarded  in  a  later  age  as 
the  founder  of  civU  equality  at  Athens.     He  also  extended  the 
Attic  territory  to  the  confines  of  Peloponnesus,  and  established 
the  games  in  honour  of  Poseidon  (Neptune),  which  were  cele- 
brated on  the  isthmus.     He  subsequently  engaged  in  a  variety  of 
adventures  in  conjunction  with  Hercules  and  Pirithous,  king  of 
the  Lapitha?.     But  on  his  return  to  Athens  after  these  exploits, 
the  Athenians  refused  to  obey  him  any  longer,  whereupon  he 
retired  to  the  island  of  Scyros,  and  was  there  murdered  through 
the  treachery  of  king  Lycomedes. 

§  4.  Minos,  king  of  Crete,  whose  story  is  connected  with  that 
of  Theseus,  appears,  Hke  him,  the  representative  of  an  historical 
and  civil  state  of  hfe.  Minos  is  said  to  have  received  the  laws  of 
Crete  immediately  from  Jove ;  and  traditions  uniformly  represent 
him  as  king  of  the  sea.  Possessing  a  numerous  fleet,  he  reduced 
the  surrounding  islands, especially  the  Cyclades,  under  his  domi- 
nion, and  cleared  the  sea  of  pirates.  A  later  legend  recognizes 
two  heroes  of  the  name  of  Minos ;  one,  the  son  of  Jove  and 
Europa,  who  after  his  death  became  a  judge  in  the  lower  world, 
and  the  other  his  grandson,  who  held  the  dominion  of  the  sea.  ' 
^  5.  If,  turning  from  the  exploits  of  individual  heroes,  we 
examine  the  enterprises  undertaken  by  a  collective  body  of 
chiefs,  we  shall  again  find  three  expeditions  more  celebrated 
than  the  rest.  These  are  the  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts,  the  War 
of  the  Seven  against  Thebes,  and  the  Siege  of  Troy. 

In  the  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts  the  Solids  play  the  principal 
part.  Pchas,  a  descendant  of  ^olus,  had  deprived  his  half- 
brother  ^son  of  his  dominion  over  the  kingdom  of  lolcus  in 
Thessaly.  When  Jason,  son  of  ^son,  had  grown  up  to  manhood, 
he  appeared  before  his  uncle  and  demanded  back  his  throne. 
Pelias  consented  only  on  condition  that  Jason  should  first  fetch 
the  golden  fleece  firom  ^a,*  a  region  in  the  farthest  east,  ruled 
by  ^etes,  ofispring  of  the  Sun-god.  Here  it  was  preserved  in 
the  grove  of  Ares  (Mars),  suspended  upon  a  tree,  and  under  the 
guardianship  of  a  sleepless  dragon. 

The  Argo,  a  ship  built  for  the  expedition,  gave  its  name  to  the 

adventurers,  who,  under  the  conduct  of  Jason,  embarked  in  the 

harbour  of  lolcus,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  back  the  fleece. 

.hey  consisted  of  the  most  renowned  heroes  of  the  time.     Hei^ 

*  Identified  by  the  Greeks  of  a  later  age  with  Colchia. 


Chap.  JL 


THE  GRECIAN  HEROES. 


21 


cules  and  Theseus  are  mentioned  among  them,  as  weU  as  the 
prmcipal  leaders  m  the  Trojan  war.     Jason,  however,  is  the 
central  figure  and  the  real  hero  of  the  enterprise.    When  he  and 
his  companions  arnved,  after  many  adventures,  at  ^a,  kin^ 
iEetes  promised  to  deliver  to  him^the  golden  fleece,  provided  he 
yoked  two  fire-breathing  oxen  with  brazen  feet,  ploughed  with 
them  a  piece  oHand  sowed  in  the  furrows  thus  made  the  remain 
der  of  the  teeth  of  the  dragon  slain  by  Cadmus,  and  vanquished 
the  armed  men  that  would  start  from  the  seed.    Here,  also,  as  m 
he  legend  of  Theseus,  love  played  a  prominent  part.    Medea,  the 

daughterof^etes,whowasskilledinmagicandsupernaturalarts 
furnished  Jason  with  the  means  of  accomplishilig  the  labouS 
imposed  upon  him  ;  and  as  her  father  still  delayed  to  surrender 
the  fleece  she  cast  the  dragon  asleep  during  the  iiight,  seized  the 
fleece,  and  set  sail  m  the  Argo  with  her  beloved  Jason  and  liis 
compamons.  ^etes  pursued  them ;  but  after  many  long  and 
strange  wanderings,  they  at  length  reached  lolcus  in  safe^. 

J  6.  In  the  Heroic  age  Thebes  was  already  one  of  the  principal 
cities  of  Greece.  Towards  the  close  of  this  period  it  beeamX 
scene  of  the  last  struggles  of  a  fated  race,  whose  legendary  his- 
tory IS  so  full  of  human  crime,  of  the  obscure  warnings  of  the 
gods  and  of  the  inevitable  march  of  fate,  as  to  render  it  one  of 
the  favourite  subjects  of  the  tragic  poets  of  Athens. 

Lams,  king  of  Thebes,  was  warned  by  an  oracle  to  beget  no 
children,  or  he  would  be  murdered  by  his  son.  He  neglected  the 
prediction,  but  to  obviate  its  effects'caused  his  son  fedipus  by 
Jocasta  to  be  exposed  to  death.  The  infant,  however,  was  saved 
and  carried  to  Corinth,  where  king  Polybus  reared  him  ^Us 
Z\..?r7V^  ^"^  manhood,  and  stmig  by  the  reproaches  which 
he  heard  cast  upon  his  birth,  (Edipus  consulted  the  Delphic 
oracle  respectmg  iis  parentage,  and  was  warned  by  it  not  to  re- 
turn to  his  native  land  as  he  was  there  destined  to  slay  his  father 
and  commit  incest  with  his  mother.     (Edipus,  beheving  Polybus 

Th  L  Y?u^^^'?'."^'^  ^^^^^^^  ^«^"^th  and  took  the  road  to 
Ihebes  but  by  so  donig  incurred  the  very  fate  which  he  sought 
to  avoid.  Meetnig  Laius  in  a  narrow  road  he  slew  him  in  a 
quarrel,  and  theii  proceeding  to  Thebes  obtained  the  hand  of  his 
mother,  queen  Jocasta,  promised  a^  a  reward  to  the  man  who 
shou  d  solve  a  ridd  c  propounded  by  the  sphinx,  a  monster  which 
had  long  mfested  the  land,  but  whicli  was  driven  to  slay  itself  by 

thp  ^  f  T.f  •''  ^'"^^-     ^^^  ^^^  ^"d  two  daughters  were 
the  Iruit  oi  the  incestuous  marriage.     These  horrors  drew  down 

•^ff  i'rr  ^^^  ^^^^'^'  ^"^  "^  ^^^^^  t^  ^^«^t  it>  an  oracle  com- 

2^utf'".  ^r '^'"  1  '^*^'  ™"^^^^^^  ''^^^^'-     The  inquiries 
instituted  to  discover  the  guilty  man  revealed  the  fatal  truth. 


22 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  IL 


CuAP.  IL 


THE  GRECIAN  HEROES. 


Jocasta  hangs  herself;  (Edipus,  unable  any  longer  to  bear  the 
light  of  day,  puts  out  his  eyes,  and  being  expelled  from  the  city 
by  his  two  sons,  Eteocles  and  Polynices,  pronounces  upon  them 
a  curse  which  speedily  takes  effect.  In  a  struggle  for  undivided 
dominion,  Polynices  is  driven  out  of  Thebes  by  his  brother,  and 
repairing  to  Argos  obtains  the  aid  of  king  Adrastus  to  reinstate 
him  in  his  rights.  Besides  that  monarch  and  Polynices  ^ve  other 
iieroes  join  the  expedition,  making  the  confederacy  known  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Seven  against  Thebes."  All  of  them  except 
Adrastus  are  slain,  whilst  Polynices  and  Eteocles  fall  by  each 
other's  hands. 

Ten  years  later  the  sons  of  the  alUed  princes  undertake  another 
expedition  against  Thebes  in  order  to  avenge  their  fathers'  fate, 
hence  called  the  war  of  the  Epigorti,  or  the  Descendants.  It 
proved  successful.  Thebes  was  taken  and  razed  to  the  ground 
after  the  greater  part  of  its  inhabitants  had  left  the  city  on  the 
advice  of  the  prophet  Tiresias. 

h  7.  In  mythological  chronology  the  war  of  the  Epigoni  im- 
mediately precedes  the  expedition  against  Troy,  whose  legend 
forms  the  termination  of  the  Heroic  age.  Wliile  it  was  the  last, 
it  was  also  the  greatest  of  all  the  heroic  achievements.  It  formed 
the  subject  of  innumerable  epic  poems,  and  has  been  immortal- 
ised by  the  genius  of  Homer. 

Paris,  son  of  Priam,  king  of  lUum  or  Troy,  abused  the  hospi- 
tality of  Menelaus,  king  of  Sparta,  by  carrying  off  his  wife  Helen, 
the  most  beautiful  woman  of  the  age.     All  the  Grecian  princes 
looked  upon  the  outrage  as  one  committed  against  themselves. 
Responding  to  the  call  of  Menelaus,  they  assemble  in  arms,  elect 
his  brother  Agamemnon,  king  of  Mycenae,  leader  of  the  expedi- 
tion, and  sail  across  the  jEgean  in  nearly  1200  ships  to  recover 
the  faithless  fair  one.     Several  of  the  confederate  heroes  excel 
Agamemnon  in  fame.    Among  them  Achilles,  chief  of  the  Thes- 
sahan  Myrmidons,  stands  pre-eminent  in  strength,  beauty,  and 
valour,  whilst  Ulysses,  king  of  Ithaca,  surpasses  all  the  rest  in 
the  mental  qualities  of  counsel,  subtilty,  and  eloquence.     Thus, 
though  by  opposite  endowments,    these  two  heroes   form  the 
centre  of  the  group.     Next  to  them  we  observe  the  aged  Nestor, 
king  of  Pylus,  distinguished  for  his  wisdom  and  experience ; 
the  vaHant  Diomedes,  king  of  Argos,  son  of  Tydeus,  slain  at 
Thebes,  and  one  of  the  Epigoni ;  the  Telamonian  Ajax,  of  Sa- 
lamis,  who,  though  somewhat  heavy  and  unwieldy,  is  next  to 
Achilles  in  person  and  fighting  power ;  and  lastly,  Idomeneus  of 
Crete,  a  grandson  of  Minos. 

Among  the  Trojans,  Hector,  one  of  the  sons  of  Priam,  is  most 
distinguished  for  heroic  quahties,  and  ibnas  a  striking  contrast 


28 


to  his  handsome  but  effeminate  brother  Paris.     Next  to  Hector 
m  valour  stands  ^neas,  son  of  Anchises  and  Aphrodite  (Venus) 
Even  the  gods  take  part  in  the  contest,  encouragmg  their  lavourite 
iieroes,  and  sometimes  fighting  by  their  side  or  in  their  stead 

It  IS  not  till  the  tenth  year  of  the  war  that  Ilium  yields  to  the 
meyitable  decree  of  fate  and  it  is  this  year  which  forms  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Ihad.     AchUles,  offended  by  Agamemnon,  abstains 
Irom  the  war,  and  even  entreats  his  mother  Thetis  to  obtain 
Irom  Jove  victory  for  the  Trojans.     In  his  absence  the  Greeks 
are  no  match  for  Hector.     The  Trojans  drive  them  back  into 
their  camp,  and  are  already  setting  fire  to  their  ships,  when 
Achilles  gives  his  armour  to  his  friend  Patroclus,  and  allows  him 
to  charge  at  the  head  of  the  Myrmidons.     Patroclus  repulses  the 
Trojans  from  the  ships,  but  the  god  Apollo  is  against  him,  and 
he  ialls  under  the  spear  of  Hector.     Desire  to  avenge  the  death 
of  his  fnend  proves  more  powerful  m  the  breast  of  Achilles  than 
anger  against  Agamemnon.     He  appears  again  in  the  field  in 
new  and  gorgeous  armour,  forged  for  him  by  the  god  Heph^stus 
(Vulcaii)  at  the  prayer  of  Thetis.     The  Trojans  fly  before  hi^ 
and  although  AchiUes  is  aware  that  his  own  death  must  speedii; 
follow  that  of  the  Trojan  hero,  he  slays  him  in  single  combat.^ 

A  tn  ,  T^  ''^''^''^  ^'^^  ^^^  ^"^^ai  of  Hector.    The  death  of 

Achilles  and  the  capture  of  Troy  were  related  in  later  poems,  as 
well  as  his  victon^  over  Penthesilea,  queen  of  the  Amazons,  and 
Memnon  king  of  Ethiopia.    The  hero  of  so  many  achievements 

ni'^  ^^'I-rT  ^^t}"^  ^^"  unwarlike  Paris,  but  directed 
by  the  hand  of  Apollo.     The  noblest  combatants  had  now  faUen 

Zlti  r  f'  f  ^''"".^^  ^"^^  ^^^  P^^^^d  ""able  to  accom- 
Son^  7^^t  f  atagem  at  length  effects.  It  is  Ulysses  who  now 
steps  into  the  foreground  and  becomes  the  real  conqueror  of 
nn7;f v,^^'  "^  ^  T^^^  ^^^^  '^  b"ilt,  in  whose  inside  ho 
admit  i"!  l^""^^  conceal  themselves.  The  infatuated  Trojans 
admit  the  horse  withm  their  walls.  In  the  dead  of  night  the 
(greeks  rush  out  and  open  the  gates  to  their  comrades.  Ihum 
IS  delivered  over  to  the  sword,  and  its  glory  sinks  m  ashes. 

<i  J.  The  return  of  the  Grecian  leaders  from  Troy  forms  ano- 
ther  series  of  poetical  legends.  Several  meet  with  tragi^l  enX 
Agamemnon  is  murdered,  on  his  arrival  at  Mycen^,  by  his  wife 
«lI^TT\  ^''^  ^"^  P^^^"^^"^  ^gisthus.'    Diom^es,  who 

Italy  But  of  these  wanderings  the  most  celebrated  and  in- 
teresting are  those  of  Ulysses,  which  form  the  subject  of  the 
Odvssey.  After  twenty  years'  absence  he  arrives  at  length  in 
Ithaca,  where  he  slays  the  numerous  suitors  who  devoured  his 
substance  and  contended  Ibr  the  hand  of  his  wife  Penllope 


24 


HISTOKY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  I|. 

heroes  WM  exhausted  before  the  S  olTthf  "'"'/'"*  "^ 
plam  of  Ilhum.  As  the  TtoianZ»7r^  .u  ^  ^"'^  o"  the 
an  epoch  m  Grecian  wC^T"  J'^  '''"'  '"P^^^  *°  '"^^^ 
penods  of  antiqmty  to  fix^irdatf  ""^hTof  p""  ^  i"""  ^'''« 
grammanan  at  Alexandria   »„;„  ~i  "'  Eratosthenes,  a 

the  faU  of  the  city l^ry^iS^.rf  T^'*'  *'"''='•  P'^^-d 
.  «^uently  in  the  year  im".a  Olympiad,  and  con- 

no  attLpt't^^aLSe  fe£l!t^!T/^  7^  J«^^«  ""^de 
historical  facts.     AU  such  atw.^'  ''''''"•=''  ^'^'^  them  any 

fruiUe^  Aether  thTxf  we  3  ^f  "T.?*"'"'  ^'''"  "'d 
cuJes,  Theseus,  and  Minos  c^  2h«Tnfl  *''"  T""'  "^M"'- 
Our  only  reason  for  believing  in  *h  •   "^''"'^d  nor  denied, 

of  the  Greeks  xespecSX^"*  ,*^f  ,''««*«'"««  i«  the  tradition 
tnidition,  especiallVwhel.  W^H  H        1'"^"'^  ^°^  ^o^hlcss  is 
people,  we  cannot ^1^00"  ^^7"^  "  "«''''  ^»d  unlettered 
upon  such  evidence.    ?t  has  h^       ''"^f  f  "''''  personages 
writen.  that  the  wonderful  L^^^/^^''^  ^^  "^^  ""^'^ 
fiom  the  adventurous  voyages  rfL,t  f/^T""*'  ""*''  '''  "^^ 
coasts  of  theEuxine-  thaf  th?        j  V   ^"'''J'  mariners  to  the 
Thebes-  and  th^d«^t  S^T r'*'"''  r^"-"  "^^^^ 
an  actual  contest  between  Arel^ShK  '"  *  ^''^''"''^^  <"™ 
menc  tale  of  the  TroiaT^JrZ-Tt    ^^'''  "^d  that  theHo- 
But  for  such  statcnc.  ts  wl  W^„''r:f  T"  i,'^*''"'^'''  ^^^ts. 
best  only  probable  co„jecto.»m^rt^"^^-    Theyareatthe 
^e  ppesibmty  of  an  WstoS  TS^wrJer "^  'l"  '"'  """"y 

^^i^ati^ret '^  ^-^'-'^"''^  -idr.:i::si:<^i'; 

co^  of  hSXtntr  t^veT^"*  ^^  ^•''=''-''  -  '^  - 
gcture  of  the  institutions  knd  mam,™  r^  ^T'^"*  "  ^'''"""e 
Homer  lived  in  an  ageTn^l°L™2,  •  "'^  '*"'"  ''^«"='««y- 
known ;  his  poems  were  addrel!  *^  "\''"  "^"""^  ^««  "»" 
«ay  descriptiorof  Lfe  Td  mirlh''in!:1"?'"'''*  ''^"'"•«'  «"d 
the  state  of  things  around  them  »  ut  '^'\  ""*  ^o^espond  to 
-d  uni„te«.ting  to  ht'e^Ses '"l  ""'J  ,'"'"'*^''''''' »>'« 
there  is  an  artless  simplicity?  ^fi       ■^"  ^'^'^^">"  »»  this, 

npon  every  reader  the  cSLTthti'^^Pj'r  ''^'"'^  ^"^'^ 
fcom  real  hfe,  and  not  from  lant^r  .  /  ^^  ^'^"^  ^'^  P'^twes 
Ideas  of  his  o*-n.  The  d^rttlon  '^h  "^  r*°'  ^«>'"  ''"^gi"a'y 
"jent.mam.ers.  Booi^y^TZ^^fJfP''''  "!'*'«'  ^-'''^ 

attentive  consideration,  rincewiUiinnri  'f^"  "^T^-'d^  °« 
people  commences.  '  ""*  luiowledge  of  the  Greek 


CHAPTER  III. 

STATE   OP   SOCIETY   OP    THE   HEROIC  AGE. 

§  1.  Political  condition  of  Greece — ^the  Kings.  §  2.  Tlie  Bouli,  or  Coun. 
cil  of  Cliicfs.  §  3.  The  Agora,  or  general  assembly  of  freemen.  8  4. 
The  condition  of  common  freemen  and  slaves.  §  5.  State  of  social 
and  moral  feeling.  §  6.  Simplicity  of  manners.  §  7.  Advances  made 
in  civilization,  g  8.  Commerce  and  the  arts,  g  9.  The  physical 
sciences.     §  10.  Tlie  art  of  war. 

H.  In  the  Heroic  age  Greece  was  already  divided  into  a  num- 
ber of  independent  states,  each  governed  by  its  own  king.  The 
authority  of  the  king  was  not  limited  by  any  laws  ;  his  power 
resembled  that  of  the  patriarchs  in  the  Old  Testament ;  and  for 
the  exercise  of  it  he  was  responsible  only  to  Jove,  and  not  to 
his  people.  It  was  from  the  Olympian  god  that  his  ancestors 
had  received  the  supremacy,  and  he  transmitted  it,  as  a  divine 
inheritance,  to  his  son.  He  had  the  sole  command  of  his  people 
in  war,  he  administered  to  them  justice  in  peace,  and  he  offered 
up  on  their  behalf  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  the  gods.  He  was 
the  general,  judge,  and  priest  of  his  people.  They  looked  up 
to  him  with  reverence  as  a  being  of  divine  descent  and  divine 
appointment ;  but  at  the  same  time  ho  was  obliged  to  possess 
personal  superiority,  both  of  body  and  mind,  to  keep  alive  this 
leehng  in  his  subjects.    It  was  necessary  that  he  should  be  brave 

C 


8ft 


HISTOBY  OF  GKEECE 


Chap.  IU. 


in  war,  wise  in  counsel,  and  eloquent  in  debate.     If  a  kimr  he- 

hTlS- "bu'rtT  '""^  r'""'*' '"'  "-'■>  not  ea:i]y':^tat 
nis  position,  but  as    ong  as  his  personal  qualities  commanded 

lence  audeapr.ce.  An  ample  domain  was  assigned  to  him  1^ 
his  support,  and  ho  received  frequent  pieseuU  to  avert  hi 
enmity  and  gain  his  favor.  p      "«  lo  avert  Jus 

Although  the  king  was  not  restrained  in  the  exercise  of  1,;. 
ZTiy  ^''y.Po^itive  laws,  there  were,  even  in  the  Hlie  a^' 
In^  ^K  •I^'"''  •""''  practically  have  limited  his  autS' 
^it^rt^'^Vu  "'P"*'^''''"  ^^'"^''  tl-o  «olo  depositarrj^^of 

4  ,    v-^°?':«'  °^  ««"««1  assembly  of  freemen.  ' 

V .  Z""  *"'"  ^'^  surrounded  by  a  limited  number  of  nnhl™ 

or  ehiefe,  to  whom  the  title  of  iJai,  was  giv"  well  as  t„ 

the  monareh  himself.     Like  the  kin-r  they  tS  XZ!        . 

from  the  gods,  and  formed  his  BoJi,  or  €0^  to  whtH 

of  the  t^  "i^y:^rtrf4:T:^^::tr-^ 

i^esior  tenders  his  advice  to  A<ramemnon    tn  )^  « i     *  ^ 

drrfptrwth'r  ^'"^"'  p~w,^aSd: 

theZr^.  nV       Homer  frequenUy  gives  of  the  meeting  of 
^e  gods  in  Olympus,  which  are  evidently  taken  from  similar 

MTZl7'^:r'^^'^{    I»hoaven,jLe.hke;rH:i: 
vS"  W  f        \-     "^"""^  "^  *'•"  eods  and  listens  to  their  ad- 

§  3.  When  the  king  had  announced  his  determination  tn  ih„ 

of  t^f  C"^  S  tl  thaT?H-^"  P"'"l"lgat"^  the  intention. 

of  which^e  s^vStv^f   he  ""^T"^  £™"^  ^  ^'""'  °"' 
tut  in  the  HeSrarthe  kin^  w^?^  Bubsequently  sprang; 

is  not\  g^  r-r  £rhre"lVre^^triL^i- 

♦  Iliad,  ix.  95-101.  '^ 


Chap.  IlL 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  HEROIC  AGE. 


27 


to  whom  Jove  has  given  the  sceptre  and  the  authority."*  There 
was  another  important  purpose  for  which  the  Agora  was  sum- 
moned. It  was  in  the  Agora  that  justice  was  administered  by 
the  king,  sometimes  alone  aud  sometimes  with  the  assistance  of 
his  nobles.  It  may  be  remarked  in  passing  that  this  pubHc 
administration  of  justice  must  have  had  a  powerful  tendency  to 
check  corruption  and  secure  righteous  judgments. 

§  4.  The  Greeks  in  the  Heroic  age  were  divided  into  the  three 
classes  of  nobles,  common  freemen,!  and  slaves.^  The  nobles 
were  raised  far  above  the  rest  of  the  community  in  honour, 
power,  and  wealth.  They  were  distinguished  by  their  warlike 
prowess,  their  large  estates,  and  their  numerous  slaves.  The 
condition  of  the  general  mass  of  freemen  is  rarely  mentioned. 
They  possessed  portions  of  land  as  their  own  property,  which  they 
cultivated  themselves  :  but  there  was  another  class  of  poor  free- 
men, called  Thutes,  who  had  no  land  of  their  own,  and  who  worked 
for  hire  on  the  estates  of  others.  Among  the  freemen  we  find 
certain  professional  persons,  whose  acquirements  and  knowledge 
raised  them  above  their  class,  and  procured  for  them  the  respect 
of  the  nobles.  Such  were  the  seer,  the  bard,  the  herald,  and  like- 
wise the  smith  and  the  carpenter,  since  in  that  age  a  knowledge 
of  the  mechanical  arts  was  confined  to  a  few. 

Slavery  was  not  so  prevalent  in  the  Heroic  age  as  in  republican 
Greece,  and  it  appears  in  a  less  odious  aspect.  The  nobles  alone 
possessed  slaves,  and  they  treated  them  with  a  degree  of  kind- 
ness, which  frequently  secured  for  the  masters  their  afi'ectionate 
attachment. 

^  5.  The  state  of  social  and  moral  feeling  in  the  Heroic  age 
presents  both  bright  and  dark  features.  Among  the  Greeks, 
as  among  every  people  which  has  just  emerged  from  bar- 
barism, the  family  relations  are  the  grand  sources  of  lasting 
union  and  devoted  attachment.  The  paternal  authority  was 
highly  reverenced,  and  nothing  was  so  much  dreaded  as  the 
curse  of  an  ofiended  father.  All  the  members  of  a  family  or 
a  clan  were  connected  by  the  closest  ties,  and  were  bound  to 
revenge  with  their  united  strength  an  injury  offered  to  any  indi- 
vidual of  the  race.  The  women  were  allowed  greater  liberty 
than  they  possessed  in  repubUcan  Greece;  and  to  Penelope, 
Andromache,  and  other  women  of  the  Heroic  age  there  is 
an  interest  attaching,  which  we  never  feel  in  the  women  of 
the  historical  period.  The  wife  occupied  a  station  of  great  dig- 
nity and  influence  in  the  family,  but  was  purchased  by  her 
husband  from  her  parents  by  valuable  presents,  s^  a  custom  which 


*  Iliad,  ii.  203-206. 


f  6r,uo^,  "kaol. 
^  Called  hiSva, 


oi  ^dva. 


HISTORY  CF  GREECE. 


Chap.  lit 

G^t  "^""f  the  ancient  Jews  and  the  barbarous  nations  of 

w!^^^;u  \^^  "^""''  »g«.  »«  u»  other  early  stages  of  societv 
wo  find  the  stranger  treated  with  generous  hosokalihr  tI^' 
chief  wel«,mes  him  to  his  house,  and^does  n^t  i^X  ^ 

^t  t/""  fl.  .t  '"""""^  '"^  ""'  ^'^  P''^'^  before  CrSs 
Drat  Cheer.     If  the  stranger  comes  as  a  suppliant  he  has  a  <,fill 

^ter  cla.m  upon  his  host-although  th^  tie  may  ex^rthe 

latter  to  difhculty  and  danger,  and  mly  even  brinTu  p^n  Wm  It 

hostUity  of  a  more  powerful  neighbour;  for  Jo^lSra  with 

out  mercy  the  man  who  disregards  the' prayer  If  ^^Jw 

The  three  facts  we  have  mentioned-lthc  force- ofThe  femilv 

if  fk  w      ^°*  features  m  the  social  and  mora]  feelinmi 

of  the  age.     We  now  turn  to  the  darker  side  of  the  p  Ire^^ 

protection  ot  law js  practically  unknown.  The  chief  who  rin 
not  defend  himself  is  plundered  and  maltreated  byt^  m^re  "^ 
U?  h2^^"'-  The  occupation  of  a  pirate  is  reckoned  hlC: 
We  hom.c.d<^are  of  frequent  occurrence ;  and  war  is  conduct 
jntii  the  most  ferocious  cruelty.  Quarter  is  rarely  given  the 
Men  foe  is  stopped  of  his  armour,  which  become^  the  smilnf 

jne  iatter,  it  is  cjst  out  to  beasts  of  prey.  The  noet  asr-rih™  tl 
greatest  heroes  savage  brutalities^  Achilles  sSrstelvo 
human  victims  on  the  tomb  of  Patroclus,  and  dra-^s  th^  cTrpI^ 

^  6.  The  society  of  the  Heroic  age  was  marked  bv  .fmnliVif,. 
of  manners.     Thekmgsand  nobles°didnot™nX&i^^^^^ 
to  their  dignity  to  acquire  skill  in  the  mannal  art,      tT^^^"';^ 

r^rr^^ft^if^  •''^  TJ?^^^~'  a^  con^  s^ 
plouX.^  Tt  ^  '^'^'l"^  ^"'"  ""  «"«"«"'  -"ower  and 
W  ^rkpi:       fT'  ^^°  "f"  ^^""-^  "«"''  for  his  father 

S^*:  o^TeirS  Kkf  iiZ  T*^  '^"'^  ^^''^ 

partookofthesameiaXf;'iofS^irkTnd%"T 
mutton,  and  goafs  flesh  were  the  orfhSrJ  mtt,  andeh^' 

S^k  wi  rsrn  s  tkt  ^jsh  f  ''''^"^■ 

WM  poured  on  the  ground  as  a  libation  to  the  cods   and  lh« 

orur7oXrL"e:to;'''Th:'^  '^  intemperance,  like  those 
heiehtenal  W  f  hT  a  l^e  enjoyment  of  the  banquet  was 

Heightened  by  the  song  and  the  dance,  and  the  chiefs  t<i,k  more 


Ohap.  IIL 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  HEROIC  AGE. 


2» 


delight  in  the  lays  of  the  minstrel  than  in  the  exciting  influence 
of  the  wine. 

The  wives  and  daughters  of  the  chiefs,  in  like  maimer,  did  not 
deem  it  beneath  them  to  discharge  various  duties  which  were 
afterward  regarded  as  menial.  Not  only  do  we  find  them  con- 
stantly employed  in  weaving,  spinning,  and  embroidery,  but  like 
the  daughters  of  the  patriarchs  they  fetch  water  from  the  well 
and  assist  their  slaves  in  washing  garments  in  the  river. 

4  7.  Although  the  Heroic  age  is  strongly  marked  by  martial 
ferocity  and  simplicity  of  habits,  it  would  be  an  error  to  regard 
it  as  one  essentially  rude  and  barbarous.     On  the  contrary,  the 
Greeks  in  this  early  period  had  already  made  considerable  ad- 
yances  in  civilization,  and  had  successfully  cultivated  many  of 
the  arts  which  contribute  to  the  comfort  and  refinement  of  life. 
Instead  of  living  in  scattered  villages  like  the  barbarians  of  Gaul 
and  Germany,  they  were  collected  in  fortified  towns,  which  were 
surrounded  by  walls  and  adorned  with  palaces  and  temples. 
The  houses  of  the  nobles  were  magnificent  and  costly,  ghttering 
with  gold,  silver,  and  bronze,  while  the  nobles  themselves  were 
clothed  in  elegant  garments  and  protected  by  highly  wrought 
armor.     From  the   Phoenician   merchants    they  obtained   the 
finest  products  of  the  Sidonian  loom,  as  well  as  tin,  iron,  and 
electrum.     They  traveled  with  rapidity  in  chariots  drawn  by 
high-bred  steeds,  and  they  navigated  the  sea  with  ease  in  fifty- 
oared  galleys.     Property  in  land  was  transmitted  from  father  to 
son;  agriculture  was  extensively  practised,  and  vineyards  care- 
fully cultivated.     It  is  true  that  Homer  may  have  occasionally 
drawn  upon  his  imagination  in  his  brilliant  pictures  of  the  palaces 
of  the  chiefs  and  of  their  mode  of  living,  but  the  main  leatures 
must  have  been  taken  from  life,  and  we  possess  even  in  the  pres- 
ent day  memorials  oi"  the  Heroic  age  wliich  strikingly  attest  its 
grandeur.     The  remains  of  MycensB  and  Tiryns  and  the  emis- 
saries of  the  lake  Copais  belong  to  this  period.   The  massive  ruins 
of  these  two  cities,  and  the  sculptured  hons  on  the  gate  of  My- 
censB,  still  excite  the  wonder  of  the  beholder.*    The  emissaries 
or  tunnels  which  the  inhabitants  of  Orchomenus  constructed  to 
carry  off  the  waters  of  the  lake  Copais  in  Boeotia,  are  even  more 
striking  proofs  of  the  civilization  of  the  age.     A  people  who  felt 
the  necessity  of  such  works,  and  who  possessed  sufficient  in- 
dustry and  skill  to  execute  them,  must  have  already  made  great 
advances  in  social  life.f 

§  8.  Commerce,  however,  was  little  cultivated,  and  was  not 

*  See  drawings  on  pp.  10,  25. 

t  One  of  these  tunnels  is  nearly  four  EngUsh  miles  in  length,  with 
numerous  shafts  let  down  into  it.     One  shaft  is  about  150  feet  deepw 


so 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


Chap.  III. 


much  cateemcd.  It  was  deemed  more  honourable  for  a  man  to 
enrich  himself  by  robbery  and  piracy  than  by  the  arts  of  peace. 
The  trade  of  the  Mediterranean  was  then  exclusively  in  the  bauds 
of  the  PhcBuicians,  wlio  exchanged  the  commodities  of  the  East 
for  the  landed  produce  and  slaves  of  the  Greek  chiefs.  Com- 
merce was  carried  on  by  barter  ;  for  coined  money  is  not  men- 
tioned in  the  poems  of  Homer.  Statuary  was  already  cultivated 
in  this  age,  as  we  see  from  the  remains  of  Mycen®,  already  men- 
tioned ;  and  although  no  paintings  are  spoken  of  in  Homer,  yet 
his  descriptions  of  the  works  of  embroidery  prove  that  his  con- 
temporaries must  have  been  acquainted  with  the  art  of  design. 
Whether  the  Greeks  were  acquainted  at  this  early  period  with  the 
art  of  writing  is  a  question  that  has  given  rise  to  much  dispute, 
and  which  will  demand  our  attention  when  we  come  to  speak  of 
the  origin  of  the  Homeric  poems.  Poetry,  however,  was  cultivated 
with  success,  though  yet  confined  to  epic  strains,  or  the  narration 
of  the  exploits  and  adventures  of  the  Heroic  chiefs.  The  bard 
sung  his  own  song,  and  was  always  received  with  welcome  and 
honor  in  the  palaces  of  the  nobles. 

§  9.  In  the  state  of  society  already  described,  men  had  not  yet 
begun  to  study  those  pha3nomena  of  nature  which  form  the  basis 
of  the  physical  sciences.  They  conceived  the  earth  to  be  a  plane 
surface  surrounded  by  an  ever-flowing  river  called  Oceanus,  from 
which  every  other  river  and  sea  derived  their  waters.  TIu  sky 
was  regarded  as  a  solid  vault  supported  by  Atlas,  who  kept 
heaven  and  earth  asunder.  Their  geographical  knowledge  was 
confined  to  the  shores  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  and  the  principal 
islands  of  the  jEgean  sea.  Beyond  these  limits  all  was  uncer- 
tain and  obscure.  Italy  appears  to  have  been  unknown  to  Homer, 
and  Sicily  he  peoples  with  the  fabulous  Cyclops.  Libya,  Egypt, 
and  Phoenicia  were  known  only  by  vague  hearsay,  while  the 
Euxine  is  not  mentioned  at  all. 

§  10.  In  the  battles  of  the  Heroic  age,  as  depicted  in  the  poems 
of  Homer,  the  chiefs  are  the  only  important  combatants,  while 
the  people  are  introduced  as  an  almost  useless  mass,  frequently 
put  to  rout  by  the  prowess  of  a  single  hero.  The  chief  is  mounted 
in  a  war-chariot  drawn  by  two  horses,  and  stands  by  the  side  of 
his  charioteer,  who  is  frequently  a  friend.  He  carries  into  battle 
two  long  spears,  and  wears  a  long  sword  and  a  short  dagger ; 
his  person  is  protected  by  shield,  helmet,  breast-plate,  and  greaves. 
Ill  the  wars,  as  in  the  poHtical  system,  of  the  Heroic  age,  the 
chiefs  are  every  thuig  and  the  people  nothing. 


Hercules  and  Bull.     (From  a  bas-relief  in  the  Vatican.) 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETURN  OF  THE  HERACLlDiE  INTO  PELOPONNESUS,  AND  FOUNDATION 
OF  THE  EARLIEST  GREEK  COLONIES. 

§  1.  Tlie  mythical  character  of  the  narrative  of  these  events.  §  2. 
Migration  of  the  Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  BcBotia.  §  3.  Con. 
quest  of  Peloponnesus  by  tlie  Dorians.  §  4.  The  legendary  account 
of  this  event.  The  invasion.  §  5.  The  legendary  account  continued. 
The  division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  conquerors.  §  6.  Remarks 
upon  the  legendary  account.  §  7.  Foundation  of  the  Greek  colonies 
in  Asia  Minor.  §  8.  The  ^Eolic  colonies.  §  9.  Tlie  Ionic  colonies. 
§  10.  Tlie  Doric  colonies.  §  11.  Colonization  of  Crete  by  the  Dori- 
ana.     §  12.  Conclusion  of  the  Mythical  age. 

§  1.  At  the  commencement  of  Grecian  history  in  the  first  Olym- 
piad we  find  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus  occupied  by  tribes 
of  Dorian  conquerors,  and  the  western  shores  of  Asia  Minor  cov- 
ered by  Greek  colonies.  The  time  at  which  these  settlements 
were  made  is  quite  uncertain.  They  belong  to  a  period  long 
antecedent  to  all  historical  records,  and  were  known  to  the  Greeks 
of  a  later  age  by  tradition  alone.  The  accounts  given  of  them  are 
evidently  fabulous,  but  at  the  same  time  these  stories  are  found- 
ad  upon  a  basis  of  historical  truth.  That  Peloponnesus  was  at 
some  early  period  conquered  by  the  Dorians,  and  that  Greek 
colonies  were  planted  in  Asia,  are  facts  which  admit  of  no  dis- 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  IV. 


Chap.  IV. 


RETURN  OF  THE  HERACLID^ 


33 


I 


I 


piite ;  but  whether  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  and  the  colo- 
nization of  Asia  Minor  took  place  in  the  manner  and  at  the 
time  described  by  the  ancient  legends,  is  a  very  diflerent  ques- 
titwi.  These  legends  are  not  entitled  to  more  credit  than  those 
of  Hercules  and  Theseus,  although  they  are  proved  in  these 
particular  cases  to  liave  been  lashioncd  out  of  real  events  ;  for, 
as  we  have  already  said,  it  is  iiajx)ssible  to  separate  tlio  histori- 
cal facts  from  the  subsequent  embellislunents. 

§  2.  Before  relating  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the 
Dorians,  we  must  say  a  few  words  respecting  an  earlier,  though 
less  celebrated  migration,  namely,  that  of  the  Bosotians  from 
Thessaly  into  BcBotia.  The  Tiiessalians  were  a  rude  and  unciv- 
ilized race,  who  originally  dwelt  in  the  district  of  Epinis  called 
Thesprotia,  from  which  they  migrated  into  the  country  named 
after  them,  Thessaly.  These  Thessalian  conquerors  either  sub- 
dued or  expelled  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country.  The 
Bceotians,  who  inhabited  the  fertile  district  of  JEohs,  in  the 
centre  of  Thessaly,  wandered  southwards  into  tlie  country  called 
after  them  Ba^otia,  where  they  drove  out  in  their  turn  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  the  land.  According  to  mythical  chronology  this 
event  happened  in  112 1  B.C.,  or  sixty  years  after  the  fall  of  Troy. 

^  3.  The  conquest  of  Pelopomiesus  by  the  Dorians  is  said  to 
have  taken  place  twenty  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Boeo- 
tians from  Thessaly,  and  was  accordingly  placed  in  1104  b.c. 
We  have  already  seen  that  these  dates  are  of  no  historical  value ; 
and  the  Dorian  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  probably  took  place 
after  tlie  time  of  Homer,  since  neither  in  the  Iliad  nor  in  the 
Odyssey  do  we  find  any  traces  of  Dorians  in  Peloponnesus.  The 
Dorians  were  a  warlike  tribe  in  northern  Greece,  who  had  fre- 
quently changed  their  homes,  and  who  at  leiigth  settled  in  a 
mountainous  district  between  Thessaly,  Locris,  and  Phocis. 
They  now  appear  lor  the  first  time  in  Grecian  history.  They 
had  no  share  in  the  glories  of  the  Heroic  age  ;  their  name  does 
not  occur  in  the  Iliad,  and  they  are  only  once  mentioned  in 
the  Odyssey  as  a  smaU  portion  of  the  many  tribes  of  Crete : 
but  they  were  destined  to  fbnn  in  historical  times  one  of  the 
most  important  elements  of  the  Greek  nation.  Issuing  from 
their  mountain-fastnesses,  they  overran  the  greater  part  of 
Peloponnesus,  destroyed  the  ancient  Achasan  monarchies,  and 
expelled  or  reduced  to  subjection  the  original  inhabitants  of  the 
land,  of  wliich  they  became  the  undisputed  masters.  This  brief 
statement  contains  all  that  we  know  for  certain  respecting  this 
celebrated  event.    We  now  proceed  to  give  tlie  mythical  account. 

§  4.  The  Dorians  were  led  to  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus 
by  the  Heraclida;,  or  descendants  of  the  mighty  hero  Hercules. 


Hence  this  migration  is  called  the  Return  of  the  Herachda3. 
The  children  of  Hercules  had  long  been  fugitives  upon  the  earth. 
They  had  made  many  attempts  to  regain  possession  of  the  do- 
minions in  the  Peloponnesus,  of  which  their  great  sire  had  been 
deprived  by  Eurystheus,  but  hitherto  without  success.  Li  their 
last  attempt  Hyllus,  the  son  of  Hercules,  had  perished  in  single 
, combat  with  Echemus  of  Tegea ;  and  the  Heraclidae  had  become 
bound  by  a  solemn  compact  to  renounce  their  enterprise  for  a 
hundred  years.  This  period  had  now  expired ;  and  the  great- 
grandsons  of  Hyllus — Temeims,  Gresphontes,  and  Aristodemus — 
resolved  to  make  a  fresh  attempt  to  recover  their  birthright. 
They  were  assisted  in  the  enterprise  by  the  Dorians.  This  people 
espoused  their  cause  in  consequence  of  the  aid  which  Hercules 
himself  had  rendered  to  the  Dorian  king,  JEgimius,  when  the 
latter  was  hard  pressed  in  a  contest  with  the  Lapithae.  The 
invaders  were  warned  by  an  oracle  not  to  enter  Peloponnesus  by 
the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  but  across  the  mouth  of  the  Corinthian 
gulf  The  udiabitants  of  the  northern  coast  of  the  gulf  were 
favourable  to  their  enterprise.  Oxylus,  king  of  the  ^tohans, 
became  their  guide  ;  and  the  Ozolian  Locrians  granted  them  a 
port  for  building  their  fleet,  from  which  memorable  circumstance 
the  harbour  was  soon  afterwards  called  Naupactus.''^  Here  Aris- 
todemus was  stnick  with  lightning  and  died,  leaving  twin  sons, 
Eurysthenes  and  Procles ;  but  his  remaining  brothers  crossed  over 
the  gulf  in  safety,  landed  in  Achaia,  and  marched  against  Tisa- 
menus,  son  of  Orestes,  then  the  most  powerful  monarch  in  Pelo- 
jwnnesus.  A  single  battle  decided  the  contest.  Tisamenus  was 
defeated,  and  retired  with  a  portion  of  his  Achaean  subjects  to 
the  northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  then  occupied  by  the  lonians. 
He  expelled  the  lonians,  and  took  possession  of  tne  comitry, 
which  continued  henceforth  to  be  inhabited  by  the  Achaeans, 
and  to  be  called  after  them.  The  lonians  withdrew  to  Attica, 
and  the  greater  part  of  them  afterwards  emigrated  to  Asia  Minor. 

§  5.  The  Heraclidae  and  the  Dorians  now  divided  between  them 
the  dominions  of  Tisamenus  and  of  the  other  Achaean  princes. 
The  kingdom  of  Elis  was  given  to  Oxylus  as  a  recompense  for 
his  services  as  their  guide ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  Temenus, 
Cresphontes,  and  the  infant  sons  of  Aristodemus  should  draw 
lots  for  Argos,  Sparta,  and  Messenia.  Argos  fell  to  Temenus, 
Sparta  to  the  sons  of  Aristodemus,  and  Messenia  to  Cresphontes. 

The  settlement  of  the  conquerors  in  their  new  territories  is 

said  to  have  been  made  with  scarcely  any  opposition.     The 

Epeans,  who  inhabited  EHs,  submitted  to  Oxylus  and  his  Mto-^ 

*  From  vavg,  "  a  ship,"  and  the  root  nay,  which  occurs  in  irvywuu 
"fasten,"  "build."  ^    ^ 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  IV. 


Chap.  IV. 


COLONIES  m  ASIA  MINOR. 


liana  after  their  king  had  been  killed  in  single  combat  by  one  of 
the  ^tolian  chiefs.  From  this  time  the  Epeans  disappear  from 
history,  and  their  place  is  supplied  by  the  Eleans,  who  are  re- 
presented as  descendants  of  the  -^tolian  conquerors. 

The  share  of  Temenus  originally  comprehended  only  Argos 
and  its  immediate  neighbourhood ;  but  his  sons  and  sons-in-law 
successively  occupied  TroBzen,  Epidaurus,  ^gina,  Sicyon,  and 
Phhus,  which  thus  became  Doric  states. 

The  sons  of  Aristodemus  obtained  possession  of  Sparta  by 
the  treason  of  an  Achaean  named  Philonomus,  who  received  as 
a  recompense  the  neighbouring  town  and  territory  ol'  Amyclaj. 
The  towns  are  said  to  have  submitted  without  resistance,  with 
the  exception  of  Hclos,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were,  as  a 
punishment,  reduced  to  slavery,  thus  giving  rise  to  the  class  of 
slaves  or  serfs  called  Helots. 

Messenia  yielded  to  Cresphontes  without  a  struggle.  Me- 
lanthus,  who  ruled  over  the  country  as  the  representative  of  the 
race  of  the  Pylian  Nestor,  withdrew  to  Attica  with  a  portion  of 
his  subjects. 

Corinth  was  not  conquered  by  the  Dorians  till  the  next  gen- 
eration. One  of  the  descendants  of  Hercules,  named  Hippotes, 
had  put  to  death  the  seer  Camus,  when  the  Heraclldaj  were  on 
the  point  of  embarking  at  Naupactus.  He  had  in  consequence 
been  banished  lor  ten  years,  and  was  not  allowed  to  take  part 
in  the  enterprise.  His  son  Aletes,  who  derived  his  name  from 
his  long  wanderings,  subsequently  attacked  Corinth  at  the  head 
of  a  body  of  Dorians.  The  mighty  dynasty  of  the  Sisyphids 
was  expelled,  and  many  of  the  JEohan  inhabitants  emigrated 
to  foreign  lands. 

^  6.  8uch  are  the  main  features  of  the  legend  of  the  Return  of 
the  Heraelida;.  In  order  to  make  the  story  more  striking  and  im- 
pressive, it  compresses  into  a  single  epoch  events  which  probably 
occupied  several  generations.  It  is  in  itself  improbable  that  the 
brave  Achajans  quietly  submitted  to  the  Dorian  invaders  after  a 
momentary  struggle.  We  have,  moreover,  many  indications  that 
such  was  not  the  fact,  and  that  it  was  only  gradually  and  after 
a  long  protracted  contest  that  the  Dorians  became  undisputed 
masters  of  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus.  The  imagination 
loves  to  assign  to  one  cause  the  results  of  munerous  and  different 
actions.  Thus  in  our  own  liistory  we  used  to  read  that  the  con- 
quest of  England  by  the  Normans  was  completed  by  the  battle 
of  Hastings,  in  which  Harold  fell,  wliereas  we  now  know  that 
the  Saxons  long  contumed  to  offer  a  formidable  resistance  to  the 
Norman  invaders,  and  that  the  latter  did  not  become  undisputed 
masters  of  the  country  for  two  or  three  generations. 


3ff 


That  portion  of  the  tradition  which  makes  the  Dorians  con- 
ducted into  Peloponnesus  by  princes  of  Achaean   blood,  may 
safely  be  rejected,  notwithstanding  the  general  belief  of  the  fact 
in  ancient  times.     The  Dorians,  as  we  have  already  seen,  were 
'  poor  in  mythical  renown  ;  and  it  would  appear  that  the  royal 
family  at  Sparta,  though  of  Dorian  origin,  claimed  Hercules  as 
their  founder  in  order  to  connect  themselves  with  the  ancient 
glories  of  the  Achaean  race.     They  thus  became  the  representa- 
tives of  Agamemnon  and  Orestes ;  and  in  the  Persian  war  the 
Spartans  on  one  occasion  laid  claim  to  the  supreme  command  of 
the  Grecian  forces  in  consequence  of  this  connexion.    We  cannot 
err  in  supposing  the  story  to  be  a  fabrication  of  later  times, 
seeing  that  there  are  such  obvious  reasons  for  its  forgery,  and 
such  inherent  improbability  in  its  truth. 

^  7.  The  foundation  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  Asia  Minor  is 
closely  connected  in  the  legends  with  the  conquest  of  Pelopon- 
nesus by  the  Dorians.      There  is  nothing  improbable  in  the 
statement,  that  the  original  inhabitants,  who  had  been  dislodged 
by  the  invaders,  sought  new  homes  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor ; 
but  in  this  case,   as  in  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus,  many 
separate  occunences  are  unquestionably  grouped  into  one.    The 
stream  of  migration  probably  continued  to  flow  across  the  ^gean 
from  Greece  to  Asia  Minor  lor  several  generations.    New  adven- 
turers constantly  joined  the  colonists  who  were  already  settled 
in  the  country,  and  thus  in  course  of  time  the  various  Greek 
cities  were  fomided,  which  were  spread  over  the  western  coast 
of  Asia  Minor,  from  the  Propontis  on  the  north  to  Lycia  on  the 
south.    These  cities  were  divided  among  the  three  great  races  of 
-Slolians,  lonians,  and  Dorians, — the  iEolians  occupying  the 
northern  portion  of  the  coast,  together  with  the  islands  of  Lesbos 
and  Tenedos,  the  lonians  the  central  part,  with  the  islands  of 
Chios,  Samos,  and  the  Cyclades,  and  the  Dorians  the  south- 
western comer,  with  the  islands  of  Rhodes  and  Cos. 

§  8.  The  ^Eolic  colonies  are  said  to  have  been  the  earliest. 
Achasans,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  Peloponnesus  by  the 
Dorians,  were  led  by  their  native  princes,  the  descendants  of 
Orestes,  to  seek  new  homes  in  the  East.  In  BcBotia  they  were 
jomed  by  a  part  both  of  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country 
and  of  their  Boeotian  conquerors.  From  the  latter,  who  were 
iEolians,  the  migration  is  called  the  JEolic,  but  sometimes 
also  the  BoBotian.  The  united  body  of  emigrants,  however,  still 
continued  under  the  command  of  the  Achajan  princes.  They 
embarked  at  the  port  of  Aulis,  from  which  Agamemnon  had 
sailed  against  Troy.  They  first  occupied  Lesbos,  where  they 
founded  six  cities ;  and  a  detachment  of  them  settled  on  the 


86 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CJhap.  IV. 


Chap.  IV. 


COLONIES  m  ASIA  MINOR. 


87 


I 


I 


opposite  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  from  the  foot  of  Mount  Ida  to  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Hermus.  Smyrna  was  originally  an  ^olic  city, 
but  it  afterwards  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  lonians.  In  the 
historical  times  there  were  eleven  ^olic  cities  on  the  mainland, 
but  of  these  Cyme  was  the  only  one  which  rose  to  importance  * 

^  9.  The  Ionic  migration  was  more  important  than  the  pre- 
ceding one,  and  gave  rise  to  some  of  the  most  flourishing  cities 
in  the  Hellenic  world.  It  derived  its  name  from  the  lonians, 
who  had  been  expelled  by  the  Achasans  from  their  homes  on  the 
Corinthian  gulf,  and  had  taken  refuge  in  Attica.  The  lonians, 
however,  appear  to  have  formed  only  a  small  part  of  the  emi- 
grants. Inhabitants  from  many  other  parts  of  Greece,  who  had 
been  driven  out  of  their  native  countries,  had  also  fled  to  Attica, 
which  is  said  to  have  aflbrded  protection  and  welcome  to  all 
these  fugitives.  The  small  territory  of  Attica  could  not  per- 
manently support  this  increase  of  population  ;  and  accordingly 
these  strangers  resolved  to  follow  the  example  of  the  Cohans 
and  seek  new  settlements  in  the  East.  They  were  led  by  princes 
of  the  family  of  Codrus,  the  last  king  of  Attica.  In  their  pas- 
sage across  the  ^gean  sea  they  colonized  most  of  the  Cyclades ; 
and  in  Asia  Minor  they  took  possession  of  the  fertile  country 
from  the  Hermus  to  the  Maeander,  which  was  henceforth  called 
Ionia,  and  also  of  the  neighbouring  islands  of  Chios  and  Samos. 
In  this  district  we  find  twelve  independent  states  in  later  times, 
all  of  which  adopted  the  Ionic  name,  notwithstanding  the  diver- 
sity of  their  origin,  and  were  united  by  the  common  worship  of 
the  god  Poseidon  (Neptune)  at  the  great  Pan-Ionic  festival.! 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  cities  were  really  founded 
at  diflbrent  periods  and  by  diflferent  emigrants,  although  their 
origin  is  ascribed  to  the  great  legendary  migration  of  which  we 
have  been  speaking,  and  which  is  referred  by  chronologists  to 
one  special  year,  140  years  after  the  Trojan  war. 

MO.  The  Doric  colonies  in  the  south-western  comer  of  Asia 
Minor  and  in  the  neighbouring  islands  may  be  traced  in  Uke 
manner  to  the  conquest  of  Pelopomiesus  by  the  Dorians.  In  the 
general  change  of  population  and  consequent  emigrations  caused 
by  this  important  event,  some  of  the  Doric  chiefs  were  also  in- 
duced to  quit  the  country  they  had  recently  subdued,  and  to 
lead  bodies  of  their  own  countrymen  and  of  the  conquered 

*  The  names  of  the  eleven  tEoUc  cities  were — Cyme,  Tenmos,  Larissa, 
Neou-Ticho8,jEgfe,Myrina,Gryniiim,  Cilia,  Notiuni,  ^Egiroiissa,  Pitane. 

f  The  names  of  the  twelve  Ionic  cities,  enumerated  from  south  to 
north,  were  Miletus,  Myiis,  Priene,  Samos,  Eph^sus,  Colophon,  Lebedus, 
Teos,  Erythrie,  Chios, 'ClazomgniB,  Phocsea.  To  these  twelve  Smyrna 
was  afterwards  added. 


Achaeans  to  Asia.  The  most  celebrated  of  the  Doric  migrations 
was  that  conducted  by  the  Argive  Althiemenes,  a  descendant 
of  Temenus,  who,  after  leaving  some  of  his  followers  at  Crete, 
proceeded  with  the  remainder  to  the  island  of  Rhodes,  where  he 
founded  the  three  cities  of  Lindus,  lalysus,  and  Camirus.  About 
the  same  time  Dorians  settled  in  the  neighbouring  island  of  Cos, 
and  founded  the  cities  of  Halicarnassus  and  Cnidus  on  the  main- 
land. These  six  colonies  Ibrmed  a  confederation,  usually  called 
the  Doric  Hexapolis. 


Map  of  the  cbief  Greek  Colonies  in  Asia  Miner. 


88 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  IV, 


§  11.  Boric  colonies  wen?  also  founded  in  mythical  times  in 
the  islands  of  Crete,  Melos,  and  Thera.  The  colonization  of 
Crete  more  particularly  desei-ves  our  attention,  on  account  of  the 
similarity  ol'the  institutions  of  its  Doric  cities  to  those  of  Sparta. 
There  were  Dorians  in  Crete  in  the  time  of  the  Odyssey,  but 
their  chief  migrations  to  this  island  took  place  in  the  third  gene- 
ration after  their  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  Of  these  two  are 
expressly  mentioned,  one  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  Sparta, 
and  the  other  by  the  Argive  Althsemenes.  Of  the  latter  we  have 
already  spoken ;  the  former  consisted  cliiefly  of  Minyans,  who 
had  been  settled  at  Amycla)  \y  the  Achaean  Philonomus,  to  whom 
the  Spartans  had  granted  this  city  on  account  of  his  treachery, 
as  has  been  already  related.  These  Minyans  having  revolted 
against  Sparta,  were  sent  out  of  the  country  as  emigrants,  but 
accompanied  by  many  Spartans.  They  sailed  towards  Crete,  and 
in  their  passage  settled  some  of  their  number  in  the  island  of 
Melos,  which  remained  faithful  to  Laceda^mon  even  in  the  time 
of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  In  Crete  they  founded  Gortyn  and 
Lyctus,  which  are  mentioned  as  Spartan  colonies.  The  Doric 
colonists  in  Crete  were  anxious  to  connect  themselves  with  the 
mythical  glories  of  Minos,  and  consequently  ascribed  their  political 
and  social  institutions  to  this  celebrated  hero.  Hence  the  tra- 
dition arose  that  the  Spartan  institutions  were  borrowed  by 
Lycurgus  from  those  of  Crete ;  but  it  seems  more  probable  that 
their  similarity  was  owing  to  their  common  origin,  and  that  the 
Dorians  of  Crete  brought  from  the  mother-country  usages  which 
they  sought  to  hallow  by  the  revered  name  of  Minos. 

§  12.  The  Return  of  the  Heraclidaj  and  the  foundation  of  the 
above-mentioned  colonies  form  the  conclusion  of  the  Mythical 
Age.  From  this  time  to  the  commencement  of  authentic  history 
in  the  first  Olympiad,  there  is  a  period  of  nearly  three  hundred 
years,  according  to  the  common  chronology.  Of  this  long  period 
we  have  scarcely  any  record.  But  this  ought  not  to  excite  our 
surprise.  The  subjects  of  mythical  narrative  are  drawn,  not 
from  recent  events,  but  from  an  imaginary  past,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  separated  from  the  present  by  an  indefinite  niunber 
of  years.  Originally  no  attempt  was  made  to  assign  any  par- 
ticular date  to  the  grand  events  of  the  Mythical  Age.  It  was 
sufficient  for  the  earlier  Greeks  to  beheve  that  their  gods  and 
heroes  were  removed  from  them  by  a  vast  number  of  generation£ ; 
and  it  was  not  till  a  later  time  that  the  literary  men  of  Greece 
endeavoured  to  count  backwards  to  the  Mythical  Age,  and  to 
affix  dates  to  the  chief  events  in  legendary  Greeca 


QtKOYhEfVH    XPQNQSIAIAIOAYZZEIAGMHPGS    MYeO^ 

Homer  enthroned. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE    POEMS  OF  HOMER. 

§  1.  Importance  of  tlie  subject.     §  2.  Rise  of  poetry  in  Greece     Eoio 
ballads  preparatory  to  the  Eoopee.    §  3.  The  poems  of  the  Epi;  Cyde 
m  which  the  U.ad  and  the  oSyssey  were  included.     8  4.  Di^ereitv  of 
opimons  respecting  the  life  and  date  of  Homer.  §  5.  Iliad  and  Odyfsey 

th~?fi  'r'''"^^^^^ 

the  poems  first  formed  by  Pisistratus.  §7.  Modern  controversy  respect- 
T?Si     ""r?!"  ^l^^^  Homeric  poems.    Prolegomena  of  Wolf.     8  8.  The 

S  9  Th"i      '  ^^^'''^  Tr  ^r^^"'-^"^'  "«^  committed  to  Iriting 
^  9.  They  were  preserved  by  the  Rhapsodists.     8  10.  Thev  did  not 
consist  originally  of  separate  lays,  but  were  composed  by  Ve  poet 
as  18  shown  by  their  poetical  unity.  ^         ^      ' 

♦  1.  No  history  of  Greece  would  be  complete  without  some 
account  of  the  poems  of  Homer,  and  of  the  celebrated  contro- 
versy  to  which  they  have  given  rise  in  modern  times.  Homer 
was  called  by  the  Greeks  themselves  The  Poet,     The  Ihad  and 

iL'ndnrrT  "^'"'i  '^'  Jt'^'^  ^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^'^  ^^^  ^^^imate 
standard  of  appeal  on  all  matters  of  religious  doctrine  and  early 


40 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chaf.  V. 


history.  They  were  learnt  by  boys  at  school,  they  were  the 
study  of  men  in  their  riper  years,  and  even  in  the  time  of 
Socrates  there  were  Athenian  gentlemen  who  could  repeat  both 
poems  by  heart.  In  whatever  part  of  the  ancient  world  a  Greek 
settled,  he  carried  with  him  a  love  for  the  great  poet ;  and  long 
after  the  Greek  people  had  lost  their  independence  the  Iliad  and 
the  Odyssey  continued  to  maintain  an  undiminished  hold  upon 
their  affections.  No  production  of  profane  literature  has  exer- 
cised so  wide  and  long  continued  an  influence,  and  consequently 
the  history  of  these  poems  demands  and  deserves  our  careful 
attention. 

§  2.  The  origin  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  cannot  be  under- 
stood without  a  short  account  of  the  rise  of  poetry  in  Greece. 
Among  the  Greeks,  as  among  aU  other  nations,  poetry  was  cul- 
tivated before  prose.  The  first  poetical  compositions  appear 
to  have  been  hymns  addressed  to  the  gods,  or  simple  ballads 
recounting  the  adventures  and  exploits  of  some  favourite  hero. 
We  have  already  seen  that  the  Greeks  of  the  Heroic  age  were 
passionately  fond  of  poetry,  and  that  the  entertaiiunents  of  the 
nobles  were  enlivened  by  the  songs  of  the  bard.  Originally 
these  songs  appear  to  have  been  short  unconnected  lays.  They 
may  be  regarded  as  epic  poems  in  the  more  indefinitct  sense 
of  the  term,  since  they  perpetuated  and  adorned  the  memory 
of  great  men  or  great  deeds.  The  next  important  step  in  the 
progress  of  popular  poetry  was  to  combine  these  separate  epi- 
cal songs  into  one  comprehensive  whole.  Such  a  poem  may 
be  called  an  Epopee,  and  presents  a  much  more  advanced  state 
of  the  art.  It  requires  genius  of  a  far  higlier  order,  a  power  of 
combination  and  construction,  not  needed  in  poems  of  the  former 
class.  Short  epical  poems  appear  to  have  existed  before  the 
time  of  Homer,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  Lay  of  the  Trojan 
Horse,  sung  by  the  bard  Demodocus  in  the  Odyssey ;  but  the 
construction  of  the  epopee,  or  the  epic  poem  in  the  nobler 
sense,  is  probably  to  be  attributed  to  the  genius  of  Homer. 

^  3.  There  was  a  large  number  of  these  epic  poems  extant  in 
antiquity.  We  know  the  titles  of  more  than  thirty  of  them. 
Their  subjects  were  all  taken  from  the  Greek  legends.  They 
were  arranged  by  the  grammarians  of  Alexandria,  about  the 
second  century  before  the  Christian  era,  in  a  chronological  series, 
beginning  with  the  intermarriage  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and  con- 
cluding with  the  death  of  Ulysses  by  the  hands  of  his  son  Tele- 
gonus.  This  collection  was  known  by  the  name  of  the  Epic  Cycle, 
and  the  poets  whose  works  formed  part  of  it  were  called  Cyclic 
poets.  The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  comprised  in  the  Cycle, 
and  consequently  the  name  of  Cyclic  poet  did  not  originally 


Chap.  V. 


POEMS  OF  HOMER. 


41 


carry  with  it  any  association  of  contempt.  But  as  the  best 
poems  in  the  Cycle  were  spoken  of  by  themselves  or  by  the 
titles  of  their  separate  authors,  the  general  name  ol'  Cyclic  poets 
came  to  be  applied  only  to  the  worst,  especially  as  many  of  the 
inferior  poems  in  the  Cycle  appear  to  have  been  anonymous. 
Hence  we  can  understand  why  Horace*  and  others  speak  in 
such  disparaging  terms  of  the  Cyclic  writers,  and  how  the  infe- 
riority of  the  Cyclic  poems  is  contrasted  with  the  excellence  of 
the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey,  although  the  latter  had  been  originally 
included  among  them. 

$  4.  All  these  poems  are  now  lost  with  the  exception  of  the 
Iliad  and  the  Odyssey,  which  stood  out  prominently  above  all 
the  others.     Throughout  the  flourishing  period  of  Greek  htera- 
ture  these  unrivalled  works  were  universally  regarded  as  the  pro- 
ductions of  a  single  mind.     At  a  later  time  some  of  the  Alex- 
andrine grammarians  attributed  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  to 
two  diflerent  authors,  but  this  innovation  in  the  popular  belief 
was  never  regarded  with  much  favour,  and  obtained  lew  converts.! 
Although  antiquity  was  nearly  unanimous  in  ascribing  the  Iliad 
and  Odyssey  to  Homer,  there  was  very  little  agreement  respect- 
ing the  place  of  his  birth,  the  details  of  his  life,  or  the  time 
in  which  he  lived.     Nor  is  this  surprising.     His  poems  were 
the  productions  of  an  age  in  which  writing  was  either  totally 
unknown  or  at  all  events  little  practised,  and  which  was  un- 
accustomed to   anything  like  historical  investigation.      Seven 
cities  laid  claim  to  his  birth,  t  and  most  of  them  had  legends  to 
tell  respecting  his  romantic  parentage,  his  alleged  blindness,  and 
his  life  of  an  itinerant  bard  acquainted  with  poverty  and  sorrow. 
It  cannot  be  disputed  that  he  was  an  Asiatic  Greek ;  but  this 
is  the  only  fact  in  his  life  which  can  be  regarded  as  certain. 
Several  of  the  best  writers  of  antiquity  supposed  him  to  hava 
been  a  native  of  the  island  of  Chios,  where  there  existed  a 
poetical  gens  or  fraternity  of  Homerids,  who  traced  their  descent 
irom  a  divine  progenitor  of  this  name.     Most  modern  scholars 
believe  Smyrna  to  have  been  his  birth-place.     The  discrepancies 
respecting  his  date  are  no  less  worthy  of  remark.     The  different 
epochs  assigned  to  him  offer  a  diversity  of  nearly  500  years. 
Herodotus  places  Homer  400  years  before  himself,  according  to 

*  "Nee  sic  incipies,  ut  Bcriptor  cyclicus  dim." — Her.  Ars  JPoet. 
137. 

f  The  grammarians,  who  maintained  the  separate  origin  of  the 
Iliad  and  Odj8se3%  were  called  Chorizontes  {x(^giCovT£g)  or  Separa- 
tists. 

I      Smyrna,  Chios,  Colophon,  Salamis,  Rhodos,  Argos,  Athenae, 
Oibis  de  patria  certat,  Homere,  tua. 


48 


fflSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  V. 


-which  he  would  have  lived  ahout  b.c.  850.  This  date,  or  a  little 
later,  appears  more  probable  than  any  other.  He  must  be  placed 
before  the  first  Olympiad,  or  b.c.  776  ;  while  if  we  suppose  him 
to  have  lived  very  long  before  that  epoch,  it  becomes  still  more 
wonderiiil  that  his  poems  should  have  come  down  from  such  an 
age  and  society  to  historical  times. 

i  5.  The  moide  in  which  these  poems  were  preserved  has  occa- 
sioned great  controversy  in  modern  times.  On  this  point  we 
shall  speak  presently ;  but  even  if  they  were  committed  to 
writing  by  the  poet  himself,  und  were  handed  down  to  posterity 
in  this  manner,  it  is  certain  that  they  were  rarely  read.  We 
must  endeavor  to  realize  the  diflerence  between  ancient  Greece 
and  our  own  times.  During  the  most  flourishing  period  of 
Athenian  literature  manuscripts  were  indiflerently  written,  with- 
out division  into  parts  and  v/ithout  marks  of  punctuation.  They 
were  scarce  and  costly,  could  only  be  obtained  by  the  wealthy, 
and  only  read  by  those  who  had  had  considerable  literary  train- 
ing. Under  these  circumstances  the  Greeks  could  never  become 
a  reading  people  ;  and  thus  the  great  mass  even  of  the  Athenians 
became  acquainted  with  ths  productions  of  the  leading  poets  of 
Greece  only  by  hearing  them  recited  at  their  solemn  festivals  and 
on  other  public  occasions.  This  was  more  strikingly  the  case  at 
an  eailier  period.  The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  not  read 
by  individuals  in  private,  but  were  sung  or  recited  at  festivals 
or  to  assembled  companies.  They  were  addressed  to  the  ear 
and  feelings  of  a  sympathizing  multitude ;  and  much  of  the 
impression  which  they  produced  must  have  been  owing  to  the 
talent  of  the  reciter,  and  would  have  disappeared  altogether  in 
solitary  reading.  The  bard  originally  sung  his  own  lays  to  the 
accompaniment  of  his  lyre.  He  was  succeeded  by  a  body  of  pro- 
fessional reciters,  called  Rhapsodists,*  who  rehearsed  the  poems 
of  others.  They  employed  no  musical  accompaniment,  and  de- 
pended solely  for  effect  upon  voice  and  mamier.  They  travelled 
from  town  to  town,  bearing  in  their  hands  a  laurel  branch  or 
wand  as  their  badge  of  office  ;  and  many  of  them  seem  to  have 
acquired  great  excellence  in  their  art.  We  do  not  know  at  what 
time  the  rhapsodist  succeeded  to  the  bard ;  but  the  class  of  pro- 
fessional reciters  must  have  arisen  as  epic  poetry  ceased  to  be 
produced ;  and  it  is  certain  that  before  the  time  of  Solon  the 
epic  poems  were  recited  exclusively  by  the  Rhapsodists,  either 

*  The  etymology  of  the  word  Rhapsodist  (^a't(f(f>66f;)  is  uncertain ;  some 
deriving  it  from  the  staff  or  wand  of  office  (/ia/idof,  or^airlg),  and  others 
from  /^uTTTEiv  uoidffv  to  denote  the  coupling  together  of  verses  without 
any  considerable  pauses, — the  even,  unbroken  flow  of  the  epic  poem  as 
<«*witrasted  with  lyric  verses. 


Chap.  V. 


POEMS  OF  HOMER. 


48 


in  short  fragments  before  private  companies,  or  as  continuous 
poems  at  public  festivals. 

§  G.  In  early  times  the  Rhapsodists  appear  to  have  had  ex- 
clusive possession  of  the  Homeric  poems.     But  in  the  seventh 
century  belbro  the  Christian  era  literary  culture  began  to  prevail 
among  the  Greeks  ;  and  men  of  education  and  wealth  were 
naturally  desirous  of  obtaining  copies  of  the  great  poet  of  the 
nation.     From  this  cause  copies  came  to  be  circulated  among 
the  Greeks  ;  but  most  of  them  contained  only  separate  portions 
of  the  poems,  or  single  rhapsodies,  as  they  were  called.     Entire 
copies  of  such  extensive  works  must  have  been  very  rare  at  this 
early  period  of  literature.     The  way  in  which  the  separate  parts 
should  be  arranged  seems  to  have  given  rise  to  some  dispute ; 
and  it  was  found  that  there  were  numerous  variations  in  the 
text  of  different  copies.     The  ver>^  popularity  and  wide  exten- 
sion of  the  poems  contributed  to  the  corruption  of  the  text.    Since 
the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  the  recognized  standard  of  early 
history  and  mythology,  each  tribe  was  anxious  that  honourable 
mention  should  be  made  of  their  heroes  and  their  race  in  these 
poems,  and  endeavoured  to  supply  such  omissions  by  interpo- 
lating passages  favourable  to  themselves.     The  Rhapsodists  also 
introduced  alterations,  and  in  order  to  gratify  their  vanity  in- 
serted lines  of  their  own  composition.     From  these  causes,  as 
well  as  from  others,  we  can  easily  account  for  the  variations 
found  in  the  text  by  the  reading  class  which  began  to  be  formed 
ia  the  seventh  century.     The  discovery  of  these  varieties  na- 
turally led  to  measures  for  establishing  a  standard  text  of  the 
national  poet.     Solon  is  said  to  have  introduced  improved  regu- 
lations for  the  public  recitations  of  the  poems  at  the  Athenian 
festivals  ;  but  it  is  to  Pisistratus,  the  tyrant  or  despot  of  Athens, 
that  the  great  merit  is  ascribed  of  collecting  and  arranging  the 
poems  in  their  present  form,  in  order  that  they  might  be  recited 
at  the  great  Panathenaic  festival  at  Athens.     It  is  expressly 
stated  by  Cicero*  that  Pisistratus  is  **  reputed  to  have  arranged 
the  books  of  Homer,  previously  in  a  state  of  confusion,  in  the 
form  in  which  we  now  possess  them ;"  and  this  statement  is 
supported  by  the  testimony  of  other  ancient  writers.     From  this 
time  therefore  (about  b.c.  530)  we  may  conclude  that  the  Greeks 
possessed  a  standard  text  of  their  great  poet,  which  formed  the 
basis  of  all  subsequent  editions. 

^  7.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  whole  of  antiquity,  with 
scarcely  an  exception,  regarded  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  as  the 
productions  of  the  one  poet,  called  Homer.  This  opinion  con- 
tinued to  be  held  by  almost  all  modem  scholars  down  to  tho 

*  De  Oratore,  iii.  34. 


44 


HISTORY  OP  OREEGK 


CnAP.  V. 


year  1795,  when  the  celebrated  Gennan  Professor,  F.  A.  "Wolt 
published  his  Frdegfrmma,  or  Prefatory  Essay  to  the  Iliad.    In 
this  work  he  maintained  the  startling  hypothesis  that  neither 
the  Iliad  nor  the  Odyssey  was  composed  as  a  distinct  whole,  lut 
that  they  originally  consisted  of  separate  epical  ballads,  each  con- 
stituting a  smgle  poem,  and  that  these  separate  lays,  which  had 
no  common  purpose  nor  fixed  arrangement,  were  for  the  first 
time  reduced  to  writing  and  formed  into  the  two  great  poems  ot 
the  Uiad  and  the  Odyssey  by  Pisistratus  and  his  friends.    Strange 
and  startling  as  this  theory  seems,  it  was  not  entirely  new.    The 
substance  of  it  had  been  already  propounded  by  Vico,  a  Neapo- 
htan  writer  of  great  originality,  and  by  our  own  gieat  comit^- 
man  Bentley  ;*  but  their  opinions  had  not  been  supported  by 
arguments,  and  were  soon  forgotten.     Accordingly  the  publi- 
cation of  Wolf's  Essay  took  the  whole  hterary  world  by  sur- 
prise, and  scarcely  any  book  in  modem  times  has  efiected  so 
complete  a  revolution  in  the  opinions  of  scholars      Even  those 
who  were  the  most  opposed  to  his  views  have  had  their  own 
opinions  to  some  extent  modified  by  the  arguments  which  he 
brought  forward,  and   no  one  has  been  able  to  establish  the 
old  doctrine  in  its  original  integrity.     It  is  impossible  m  the 
present  work  to  enter  into  the  details  of  the   controversy  to 
which  Wolf's  Essay  has  given  rise.     We  can  only  endeavour  to 
give  a  sketch  of  his  principal  arguments  and  of  the  chiet  objec- 
tions of  his  opponents,  stating  at  the  same  time  the  opimon  which 
seems  to  us  the  most  probable. 

S  8.  The  first  argument  which  Wolf  brought  forward  to  sup- 
port his  position  was,  that  no  written  copies  of  the  Iliad  and 
the  Odyssey  could  be  shown  to  have  existed  during  the  earlier 
times  to  which  their  composition  is  referred,  and  that  without 
writing  such  long  and  complicated  works  could  neither  have  been 
comp^  nor  transmitted  to  posterity.  In  order  to  prove  tliis 
he  entered  into  a  miimte  discussion  concerning  the  age  of  the 
art  of  writing.  It  is  sufficient  to  state  here  a  few  of  the  more 
important  results  at  which  he  arrived.  In  early  times  the  Greeks 
had  no  easy  and  convenient  materials  for  virriting,  such  as  must 
have  been  indispensable  for  long  manuscripts  hke  the  Iliad  and 
the  Odyssey.  Moreover  the  traces  cf  writing  in  Greece  are  ex- 
ceedingly rare,  even  in  the  seventh  century  before  the  Christian 
era,  and  we  have  no  remaining  inscriptions  earlier  than  the  40th 

•  Vico  died  in  1*744.  The  words  of  Bentley  are:  "Homer  wrote  a 
Beqnel  of  songs  and  rhapsodies,  to  bo  sung  by  himself,  for  small  earnings 
and  good  cheer,  at  festivals  and  other  days  of  merriment;  the  Iliad  ho 
made  for  the  men,  the  Odyssies  for  the  other  sex,  Tliese  loose  songs  were 
not  collected  together  mto  the  form  of  an  epic  poem  imtil  500  years  after. 


Chap.  V 


POEMS  OF  HOMER. 


4i 


Olympiad  (b.c.  620).    In  the  Homeric  poems  themselves  there  is 
not  a  single  trace  of  the  art  of  writing.*   We  find  no  mention  of 
any  epitaph  or  inscription ;  coins  are  miknown,  and  even  the 
supercargo  of  a  ship  has  no  written  list  of  his  cargo,  but  is  oblicred 
to  remember  it.f     In  addition  to  this  the  absence  of  the  letter 
called  Digamma  in  the  text  of  the  poems  is  a  strong  proof  thai 
they  were  not  originally  committed  to  writing.     This  letter  ex- 
isted at  the  tune  of  the  composition  of  the  poems,  and  was  con- 
stantly  employed  by  the  poet,  but  it  had  entirely  vanished  from 
the  language  when  they  were  first  written. 
J^^t'  i*  ^^""^  therefore  necessary  to  admit  the  former  part  oi 
WoU  s  first  argument,  that  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  were  original- 
ly not  written  ;  but  does  it  therefore  follow  that  without  this 
means  such  long  poems  could  neither  have  been  composed  nor 
handed  down  to  posterity  ?     These  two  questions  are  not  neces^ 
sarily  connected,  though  they  have  been  usually  discussed  to- 
gether.     Those  who  have  maintained  the  original  unity  of  the 
Ihad  and  Odyssey  m  opposition  to  Wolf  have  generally  thouirht 
It  mcurnbent  upon  them  to  prove  that  the  poems  were  written 
Irom  the  beginmng.     But  this  appears  to  us  quite  umiecessary. 
in  the  present  day  the  memory  has  become  so  much  weakened 
by  tlie  artificial  aid  of  writing  that  it  may  be  diflicult  for  us  to 
conceive  of  the  production  of  a  long  work  without  such  assistance. 
I5ut  there  is  nothing  impossible  in  it.     Even  modern  poets  have 
composed  long  poems  and  have  preserved  them  faithfully  in  their 
memories  belore  committing  them  to  writing.     It  must  also  be 
recollected  that  poetry  was  the  proibssion  of  the  ancient  bards : 
that  It  was  not  the  amusement  of  their  leisure  hours,  but  that  they 
devoted  to  It  all  the  energies  of  their  hearts  and  souls.    The  poems 
which  they  thus  composed  were  treasured  up  in  the  memories 
ot  their  iaithlul  disciples,  and  were  handed  down  lo  posterity  by 
tne  lihapsodists,  whose  lives  were  also  devoted  to  this  object. 
1  he  recollection  of  these  poems  was  rendered  easier  by  the  sim- 
ple nature  of  the  story,  by  the  easy  stmcture  of  the  verse,  by  the 
Irequeiit  recurrence  of  the  same  words,  phrases,  and  similes,  and 
by  the  absence  ot  abstract  ideas  and  reflective  thoughts.    Accord- 
mgly  we  believe  that  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  might  have  been 
composed  and  might  have  been  handed  down  to  i^osterity  with- 
out  being  written.  ^  ^ 

k  10.  The  second  argument  employed  by  Wolf  to  maintain  his 
hypothesis  was  derived  from  an  examination  of  the  Iliad  and 

ln*h?ihna^^vFT/l'';  ^^Ifich  letters  are  supposed  to  be  mentioned  is 
in  the  llind   m   lh8  but  here  the  ari^ara  'Av^^pd  arc  supposed  bv  Wolf 
and  othei-s  to  sigmfy;  pictorial  and  not  alphibetieal  characters!^ 
t  ile  is  ^oprov  fivrjfiuv.     Odyss.  viii.  164. 


4A 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


ciiAP.  v: 


Odyssey  themselves.  He  endeavoured  to  show  that  the  only 
unity  of  the  poems  arises  from  their  subjects,  and  that  the  nu- 
merous contradictions  found  in  them  plainly  prove  that  they 
could  not  have  been  the  productions  of  a  single  mind.  The 
Trojan  war  and  the  wanderings  of  Ulysses,  he  remarks,  had 
formed  the  subjects  of  numerous  epic  ballads,  and  it  was  only 
because  they  had  happened  to  fit  into  one  another  that  they  were 
combined  into  two  comprehensive  poems  by  Pisistratus  and  his 
literary  friends.  A  modem  disciple  of  his  school  has  gone  so  far 
as  to  attempt  to  resolve  the  Iliad  into  the  original  independent 
lays  out  of  which  he  supposes  the  poem  to  have  been  formed. 
Now  it  is  evident  that  this  question  can  only  be  settled  by  a 
minute  examination  of  the  structure  of  the  poems,  for  which 
there  is  no  space  in  the  present  work.  We  can  only  state  that 
the  best  modem  scholars,  with  very  few  exceptions,  have  come 
to  a  conclusion  directly  contrary  to  Wolf's  daring  theory.  Sonie 
of  the  ablest  critics  in  modem  times  have  directed  their  attention 
to  this  subject,  and  while  they  have  not  denied  the  existence  of 
interpolations,  more  or  less  extensive,  in  both  poems,  the  general 
result  has  been  to  establish  their  poetical  unity,  and  to  vmdicate 
their  claim  to  be  the  greatest  models  of  the  epic  art. 


Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Argos. 

BOOK  II. 

GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

B.C.  776—500. 


Bufit  cf  Eomfir. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL   SURVEY  OF   THE   GREEK   PEOPLE. 

§  1.  Nature  of  the  subject  8  2.  The  chief  ties  which  bound  the  Greeks 
together.  Coramunity  of  blood  and  of  language.  §3.  Community  of 
religious  rites  and  festivals.  §4.  The  Amphictvonic  Council.  §5  The 
Olympic  games.     §  6    The  Pythian,  Nemean,  and  Isthmian^gamea 

I L7  ,  Vf  i"^''^"''  S^n  *'?f  ^*''^'^?^'-  §  ^-  Influence  of  the  oracle  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  §  9.  Community  of  manners  and  character.  8  10 
1  he  mdependent  sovereignty  of  each  city  a  settled  maxim  in  the  Greek 

V*^'''"^^^*^^^"*  ^"^^  ^'^^  contain  the  History  of  Greece  from 
the  first  Olympiad,  or  the  year  776  b.c,  to  the  commencement  of 
the  revolt  of  the  Ionic  Greeks  from  Persia,  in  the  year  500  b  c 
Our  knowledge  of  the  early  part  of  this  period  is  very  scanty, 
and  consists  of  only  a  small  number  of  solitary  facts,  which  have 
little  or  no  connexion  with  one  another.  The  division  of  Greece 
mto  a  number  of  small  independent  states  is  a  circumstance 


4ft 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  Y 


Odyssey  themselves.  He  endeavoured  to  show  that  the  only 
unity  of  the  poems  arises  from  their  subjects,  and  that  the  nu- 
merous contradictions  found  in  them  plainly  prove  that  they 
could  not  have  been  the  productions  of  a  single  mind.  The 
Trojan  war  and  the  wanderings  of  Ulysses,  he  remarks,  had 
formed  the  subjects  of  numerous  epic  ballads,  and  it  was  only 
because  they  had  happened  to  fit  into  one  another  that  they  were 
combined  into  two  comprehensive  poems  by  Pisistratus  and  his 
literary  friends.  A  modern  disciple  of  his  school  has  gone  so  far 
as  to  attempt  to  resolve  the  Iliad  into  the  original  independent 
lays  out  of  which  he  supposes  the  poem  to  have  been  formed. 
Now  it  is  evident  that  this  question  can  only  be  settled  by  a 
minute  examination  of  the  structure  of  the  poems,  for  which 
there  is  no  space  in  the  present  work.  We  can  only  state  that 
the  best  modem  scholars,  with  very  few  exceptions,  have  come 
to  a  conclusion  directly  contrary  to  Wolf's  daring  theory.  Sonie 
of  the  ablest  critics  in  modern  times  have  directed  their  attention 
to  this  subject,  and  while  they  have  not  denied  the  existence  of 
interpolations,  more  or  less  extensive,  in  both  poems,  the  general 
result  has  been  to  estabhsh  their  poetical  unity,  and  to  vmdicate 
their  claim  to  be  the  greatest  models  of  the  epic  art. 


Best  cf  Uoijisr. 


Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Argos. 

BOOK  IT. 

GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

B.C.  776—500. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL    SURVEY   OP    THE    GREEK    PEOPLE. 


jif  4.  The  Amphicty^ — -^v,u,iv,..    gy    xne 

J.  A    nV,     r.-     ^  <?•  The  Pythian,  .Nemean,  and  Isthmian  panics. 

^x  ^'  n\  V;^»7!cc  of  those  festivals.     §  8.  Influence  of  the  oracle  of 

Apollo  at  Delphi.     §  9.  Community  of  manners  and  character,    i^  10 

1  he  indei)endent  sovereignty  of  each  city  a  settled  maxim  in  tlie  Greek 

^k^v'''"^/'^^''^*^"*  ^*^^  ^'^^  contain  the  History  of  Greece  from 
the  hrst  Olympiad,  or  the  year  776  B.C.,  to  the  commencement  of 
the  revolt  of  the  Ionic  Greeks  from  Persia,  in  the  year  500  b.c. 
Our  knowledrre  of  the  early  part  of  this  period  is  very  scanty, 
and  consists  of  only  a  small  number  of  solitary  facts,  which  have 
httle  or  no  cK>nncxion  witli  one  another.  The  division  of  Greece 
into  a  number  ol  small  independent  states  is  a  circumstance 


48 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VL 


that  causes  great  difficulties  to  the  historiau.  Unlike  the  history 
of  Rome,  which  is  confined  to  an  account  of  the  origin  and  de- 
velopment of  a  single  people,  the  history  of  Greece  from  its 
commencement  to  its  close  suffers  to  a  greater  or  a  less  extent 
from  a  want  of  unity  in  its  suhject.  This  is  strikingly  the  case 
with  the  first  two  centuries  of  the  period  narrated  in  the  present 
Book ;  and  it  is  not  till  we  come  to  its  close  that  we  are  able  to 
present  a  connected  history  of  the  Grecian  nation.  It  was  the 
Persian  invasions  of  Greece  which  first  impressed  the  leadine 
Greek  states  with  the  necessity  of  uniting  together  against  the 
common  foe ;  and  since  the  military  resources  of  ISparta  were 
then  confessedly  superior  to  those  of  all  the  other  Greeks  they 
naturally  intrusted  to  her  the  conduct  of  the  war.  In  this  way 
Grecian  history  acquires  a  unity  of  interest  which  is  altogether 
wanting  in  the  earlier  times.  There  are,  however,  some  facts 
durmg  the  carher  period  which  claim  our  attention.  Of  these 
the  most  important  are  the  growth  of  Sparta  and  Athens  •  the 
number  of  despots  who  arose  in  the  various  Grecian  cities  •  the 
foundation  and  progress  of  the  numerous  colonies  planted  on  the 
coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  coimected  seas ;  and,  last  of 
all,  the  origin  and  progress  of  literature  and  art. 

Before  we  proceed  to  give  an  account  of  these  events,  it  may 
be  meinl  to  take  a  general  survey  of  the  Greeks  in  the  earlier 
period  of  their  history,  and  to  jwint  out  the  various  causes  which 
imited  them  as  a  people,  notwithstanding  tlieir  separation  into 
no  many  independent  communities. 

f  2.  The  chief  ties,  which  bound  together  the  Grecian  world 
were  commmuty  <  f  blood  and  language— community  of  re- 
ligious ntes  and  festivals— and  community  of  manners  and  cha- 
racter.    Of  these  the  first  and  the  most  important  was  tljc 
possession  of  a  common  descent  and  a  common  language      The 
Greeks  were  aU  of  the  same  race  and  parentage  ;  they  all  con- 
sidered themselves  descendants  of  Hellen  ;  and  they  all  described 
men  and  cities  which  were  not  Grecian  by  the  term  Barbarian 
This  word  has  passed  into  our  own  language,  but  with  a  very 
different  idea;  for  the  Greeks   applied  it  indiscriminately  to 
every  foreigner,  to  the  civihzed  inhabitants  of  Eg>'pt  and  Per'^ia 
as  weU  as  to  the  rude  tribes  of  Scytliia  and  Gaul.     Originally  it 
seems  to  have  expressed  repugnance  to  one  using  a  foreign  lan- 
guage ;  but  as  the  Greeks  became  in  course  of  time  superior 
la  mtelhgence  to  the  surrounding   nations,  it  conveyed   aho 
a  notion  oi  contempt.     Notwithstanding  the  various  dialects 
employed  in  different  parts,  there  was.  throughout  the  Grecian 
world,  sufficient  uiuformity  in  the  language  to  render  it  ever\- 
v/herc  mteUigible  to  a  Greek ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 


Chap.  VL 


AMPHICTYONIC  COUNCIL. 


49 


the  wide-spread  popularity  of  the  Homeric  poems  in  early  times 
powerfully  assisted  in  maintaining  the  same  type  of  language 
among  the  different  Greek  races. 

k  3.  The  second  bond  of  union  was  a  community  of  religious 
rites  and  festivals.  From  the  earliest  times  the  Greeks  appear 
to  have  worshipped  the  same  gods  ;  but  originally  there  were  no 
religious  meetings  common  to  the  whole  nation.  Such  meetings 
were  of  gradual  growth.  They  were  either  formed  by  a  number 
of  neighbouring  towns,  which  entered  into  an  association  for  the 
I)eriodical  celebration  of  certain  religious  rites,  or  they  grew 
out  of  a  festival  originally  confined  to  a  single  state,  but  which 
was  gradually  extended  to  the  inhabitants  of  other  cities  till  at 
length  it  became  open  to  the  whole  Grecian  world.  Of  the  former 
class  we  have  an  example  in  the  Amphictyonies,  of  the  latter  ia 
the  Olympic,  Pythian,  Nemean,  and  Isthmian  games. 

k  4.  The  word  Amphictymiy  is  usually  derived  from  the  mythic- 
al hero  Amphictyon ;  but  the  name  probably  signifies  only  resi- 
dents around  and  neighbors,''^  and  was  used  to  designate  a  relig- 
ious association  of  neighbouring  tribes  or  cities,  who  were  accus- 
tomed to  meet  at  fixed  times  to  offer  sacrifices  to  the  god  of  a 
particular  temple,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the  common  property 
and  under  the  common  protection  of  all.     There  were  many  re- 
ligious associations  of  this  kind  in  Greece ;  but  there  was  one  of 
so  much  celebrity,  that  it  threw  all  the  others  into  the  shade, 
and  came  to  be  called  the  Amphictyonic  Council.     This  assem- 
bly seems  to  have  been  originally  of  small  importance :  and  it 
acquired  its  superiority  over  other  similar  associations  by  the 
wealth  and  grandeur  of  the  Delphian  temple,  of  which  it  was  the 
appointed  guardian.     It  held  two  meetings  every  year,  one  hi  the  |  t/U.  7UU.„^\ 
spring  at  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  and  the  other  in  the   ^' 
autumn  at  the  temple  of  Demcter  (Ceres)  at  Thermopylae.     Its 
members,  who  were  called  the  Amphictyoiis,t  consisted  of  sacred 
deputies  sent  from  twelve  tribes,  each  of  which  contained  several 
independent  cities  or  states.     The  deputies  were  composed  of 
two  classes  of  representatives  from  each  tribe ;  a  chief  called  ^e^ 
Hieiwnnemon,  and  subordinates  named  Eylagoxap.     The  names 
of  these  twelve  tribes  arc  not  the  same  in  all  accounts,  but  they 
were  probably  as  follows:  —  ThessaHans,  BoBotians,  Dorians, 
lonians,  Perrha;bians,  Magnetos,  Locrians,  (Et»ans,  Achaeans, 
Phocians,  Dolopes,  and  Malians.     These  names  are  of  themselves 
sufficient  to  prove  the  great  antiquity  of  the  Council.     Several 
of  tlue  tribes  lierc  mentioned  scarcely  ever  occur  in  the  historical 

*  The  original  form  of  the  name  seems  to  liave  ])eon  ' A/uipiKTiovia,  not 
'A/i(j)iKTi>ovia.  The  word  uft<l)iKTiovt^  signifies  those  that  dwell  round  or 
»<*»»*•  t  Oi  'AupuKTVOvec. 

B 


Vi: 


>*♦, 


00 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  Vt 

period  ;  and  the  fact  of  the  Dorians  standing  on  an  equality  with 
the  Dolopcs  and  the  Malians,  shows  that2e  Council  muBtlmve 
ex,s.cd  before  the  Donan  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  The  tribS 
repi^sentcd  m  it  stoo<l  ou  a  footing  of  perto  equahty,  tM^  votS 
being  given  by  the  deputies  from  each  of  the  twelve  '      """"^^ 

.  w.     •  1      !f  "^  ^'"-'  Amphictyonic  Council  notliing  will  jrive  us 

a  better  Idea  than  the  oath  taken  by  iu  members.    \t  ran  Z^ 

We  wJl  not  destroy  any  Amphictyonie  town,  nor  cut  it  oil"  W 

rnrnnng  water  m  war  or  peace  :  if  any  one  shall  do  so  we  wSl 

der  the  property  ol  the  god,  or  shall  be  cognizant  thereof,  or  shaU 
toke  treacherous  counsel  against  the  things  in  his  temnle  at 
Mphi,  we  will  punish  him  with  foot,  and  hand,  and  voice  itl  bv 
eveor  means  m  oxvc  power."  We  thus  see  that  he  main  S  of 
the  Conned  were  to  restrain  acts  of  aggression  against  it  mem 
^•C:  P-^r^^^  rights  and  dignity  of^the  tempkof 

ttr  view  ^f  T"  f '"'  -^^  ^^P'"'''*'""'  """^'t'"'"^  took  a 
f^r^^lV^  ^"^  ^T*""":  ''"'  *'"^  ^o"-"  o"ly  employed 
£e^!w«   fP"'P?fu  T''","  **'"y  *»""  ^  »»'lo  subservient  to 

S^e^lT  r^'  'r*^  ^^"^•''""  '"'"''■  They  were  never 
co^idercd  i^  a  national  congress,  whose  duty  it  was  to  pmtect 
and  defend  the  common  interests  of  Greece.    If  such  a  c,™ 

Sihrr^T"1i  '  v'*^  """.'^  ""^  ccnmauded  the  oS^^ 
of  the  Greeks,  the  history  of  the  nation  would  have   had  a 

rtSdi"^^*'"'  f''^'^'""''"'  •'"'^^  -"•J'l  lily  i: 

rj-mained  m  their  subordinate  condition,  and  united  Greece 
might  oven  have  defi«l  the  legious  of  conquering  ilome. 

rJ^n  iTf  Jf TT  P"""""  '^'■""'y  nientione.1,  except  in  con- 
ntxion  with  the  Delphian  temple ;  but  when  the  rights  of  the 

Btre  ol  tJic  league.  Oi  this  we  have  a  memorable  instance  in  the 
earlier  penodoi  Greek  history.  The  Phocian  town  of  S  wt 
«tuated  on  the  heights  of  Mount  Parnassus,  near  the  sltuZ 
tL^  eod,  which  belonged  to  this  town  in  the  most  ancient 
tones.     It  possessed  a  iertUe  and  valuable  territory   extendiiur 

SX  G^J^Tfr  ''"^'  °"  "'"•'•»  '*  ^^  a'-port  ll 
Cirrha      Gradually  the  port  seems  to  have  grown  into  imnort- 

ance  at  the  expense  of  the  town ;  while  at  Uie  same  til^hJ 

sanchiary  of  the  god  feU  into  the  hands  of  the  DoriaTtribc  of  the 

Delphians,  and  expande.1  into  a  town  under  the  name  of  De  pW 

It  was  at  the  port  of  Cirrha  that  most  of  the  stran..cre  landed 

who  came  to  consult  the  god  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  thi   p  ace 

availejl  themselves  of  their  position  to  levy  exorbitant  tolls  \Z 

the  pilgmns,  and  to  dl-use  them  in  other  ways.     In  eonseque  ice 

ol   these   outrages   the   Ampliictyons   resolved    to   p3  the 


Ciur.  VL 


NATIONAL  FESTIVALS. 


SI 


Cirrhaeans ;  and  after  waging  war  against  them  for  ten  years  ' 
(b.c.  595-585),  the  Council  at  length  succeeded,  chiefly  by  the 
assistance  of  the  Thessahans  and  Athenians,  in  taking  the  guilty  ' 
city.  It  is  related,  but  on  rather  suspicious  authority,  that  the 
city  was  taken  by  a  stratagem  of  Solon,  who  poisoned  the  waters 
of  the  river  Plistus,  which  flowed  through  the  place.  Cirrha 
was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  its  territory — the  rich  Cirrhsean  or 
Crissajan  plain — ^was  consecrated  to  the  god,  and  curses  impre- 
cated upon  any  one  who  should  cultivate  it.  Thus  ended  the  First 
Sacred  War,  as  it  is  usually  called ;  and  the  spoils  <  fthe  city  were 
employed  by  the  victorious  alhes  in  founding  the  Pythian  games. 
^  5.  The  four  great  festivals  of  the  Olympic,  Pythian,  Isth- 
mian, and  Nemean  games  were  of  greater  efficacy  than  the  Am- 
phictyonie Council  in  promoting  a  spirit  of  union  among  the 
various  branches  of  the  Greek  race,  and  in  keeping  alive  a  feeling 
of  their  common  origin.  They  were  open  to  all  persons  who 
could  prove  their  Hellenic  blood,  and  were  frequented  by  spec- 
tators from  all  parts  of  the  G  recian  world.  The  most  ancient  as 
well  as  the  most  famous  of  these  festivals  was  that  celebrated 
at  Olympia,  on  the  banks  of  the  Alpheus,  in  the  territory  of 
Elis,  and  near  an  ancient  temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove.  Tlyj 
origin  of  this  festival  is  lost  in  the  Mythical  ages.  It  is  said 
to  have  been  revived  by  Iphitus  king  of  Elis,  and  Lycurgus 
the  Spartan  legislator,  in  the  year  776  b.c.  ;  and,  accordingly, 
when  the  Greeks  at  a  later  time  began  to  use  the  Olympic  con- 
test as  a  chronological  era,  this  year  was  regarded  as  the  first 
Olympiad.  It  continued  to  maintain  its  celebrity  for  many  cen- 
turies after  the  extinction  of  Greek  freedom  ;  and  it  was  not  till 
391  A.D.  that  it  was  finally  abolished  by  the  emperor  Theo- 
dosius.  It  was  celebrated  at  the  end  of  every  four  years,*  and 
the  interval  which  elapsed  between  each  celebration  was  called 
an  Olympiad.  The  whole  festival  was  under  the  management 
of  the  E leans,  who  appointed  some  of  their  own  number  to 
preside  as  judges,  under  the  name  of  the  Hellanodica3.t  During 
the  month  in  which  it  was  celebrated  all  hostilities  were  sus- 
pended throughout  Greece.  The  territory  of  Elis  itself  was 
considered  especially  sacred  during  its  continuance,  and  no  armed 
force  could  enter  it  without  incurring  the  guilt  of  sacrilege.  The 
number  of  spectators  was  very  great ;  and  consisted  not  only  of 
those  who  were  attracted  by  private  interest  or  curiosity,  but  of 

*  Tlic  festival  was  called  by  the  Greeks  a  Pentaiteris  {TrevTaerijpic), 
because  it  was  celebrated  c\ery Ji/th  year,  according  td  the  ancient  mode 
of  reckoiiiiii,'.  In  the  same  nisinner  a  festival,  wliich  occurred  at  the  end 
of  every  two  years,  was  paid  1o  he  <rh  l>rat<'d  cv<'ry  third  year,  and 
was  called  ai  TrhUrls  {'VfUiTjjfHr).  f   'lL,X'Auvo6iKcu. 


a 


HISTORY  OF  GBEECa 


Chat.  Vl 


y 


xS>'' 


'4' 


deputies*  from  the  different  Greek  Btates,  who  vied  with  one 
another  m  the  number  of  their  oflerings  and  the  splendour  of  th^r 

S  TS"?^'  V^V  ""Pf^V^"  ^°^<>^  of  their  native 
cities.     At  hrst  the  festival  was  confined  to  a  single  day   and 

consisted  of  nothing  more  than  a  match  of  runners  in  the  sta- 
dium; but  m  course  of  time  so  many  other  contests  were  intro. 
duced,  that  the  games  occupied  five  days.  They  comnnWH 
ranoustnals  of  strength  and  skill,  such  as  wrestlingf  boxingtte 

catea  rentathluro  (mcludmg  jumping,  running,  the  quoit   the 
javehn,  and  wresthng),  but  no  combats  with  any  kind  ol Weapons 
There  were  also  horse-races  and  chariot-races  f  and  the  chariot: 
race,  with  four  fidl-grown  horses,  became  one  of  the  most  popular 
and  celebrated  of  all  the  matches.  popular 

The  only  prize  given  to  the  conqueror  was  a  garland  of  wild 

m"  '•■^]  *"'  v"'  ^'^"'^  '",'""  "^  ^^-^  dearesf  distinctionTj 
We     To  have  his  name  proclaimed  as  victor  before  assembled 

w t;Tr!e   o-"""}  °*  ""'"'*'•"»  ^^'"'  '»'«  »«Wcst  a^id  the 

Zfe^f  "^  "^^  ?"^^';    ^"""^  "  I^^"  ^»«  <=<'»«'>«^ed  to  have 
conferred  everhisting  glory  upon   his  family  and  his  country 

hoLr  HiT^^f.      '''  •■"  fcllow-citizcns  with  distinguished 
^ITf  T  w'^,"  "^'^-  S^^^^^'y  ""'ted  in  the  Altis  or  sacred 

grove  of  Jove  at  Olymp.a ;  and  on  his  return  home  he  entered 
^native  city  m  a  triumphal  procession,  in  which  his  praises 

^vT^; •^l""'*'^,!"  '^'  ^*'^*  ^*™'.'«  "f  poetry.     He  Z 
received  still  more  substantial  rewards.     He  was  generally  ro- 

l»ved  from  the  payment  of  taxes,  and  had  a  right  to  the  front 

seat  at  all  pubhc  games  and  spectacles.     An  Athcwan  victor 

m  the  Olympic  gMnes  received,  in  accordance  with  one  of  Solon's 

^tTV\^'^  ''r*"""^'  ""•  '^  "^^'  t"  "^  P^'^"-  "t  the  tabic 
of  the  ma^stratcs  m  the  prytaneum  or  town-hall ;  and  a  Spartan 

fl.L^*  .?''""/  ^^\  ^'^9"  .*'*'"^"^  ^^^«»*^  *J^«  Christian  era  the 
three  other  festivals  of  the  Pythian,  Nemean,  and   Isthmia^ 

E'  "t^  vZ  "'  '"'  "*^y  ^-^^'  ^^-"-  ^^-  to  the  .hot 

^H 1 ;  ^ '  V  ^"^PH*'!^'^"^  «ft^  tl^e  destmction  of  Cirrha  in 
&iio  L.c,  m  honour  of  Apollo,  as  has  heen  already  related  Thev 
were  celebrated  m  every  third  Olympic  year,  on  the  Cirrha^an 
_  ""^^'^/j^^  superintendence  of  the  Amphictyons.      The 

inr^r^f  "'T  ^  f  "'^'"^^^  '"  ©mnastics  and  of  horse 
and  chanot  races,  but  also  of  contests  in  music  and  poetry. 

*  Called  Theori  (Oeupoi), 


Chap.  VL 


NATIONAL  FESTIVALS. 


53 


They  soon  acquired  celebrity,  and  became  second  only  to  the 
great  Olympic  festival. 

The  Nemean  and  Isthmian  games  occurred  more  frequently 
than  the  Olympic  and  Pythian.  They  were  celebrated  once  in 
two  years — the  Nemean  in  honor  of  the  Nemean  Jove,  in  l^e 
valley  of  Ncmea,  })etwcen  Phlius  and  Cleona),  originally  by  the 
Cleoriaians  and  subsequently  by  the  Argives — and  the  Isthmian 
by  the  Corinthians,  on  their  isthmus,  in  honour  of  Poseidon 
(Neptune).  As  in  the  Pythian  festival,  contests  in  music  and 
in  poetry,  as  well  as  gymnastics  and  chariot-races,  formed  part 
of  these  games. 

^7.  Although  the  four  great  festivals  of  which  we  have  been 
speaking  had  no  influence  in  promoting  the  political  union  of 
Greece,  they  nevertheless  were  of  great  importance  in  making 
the  various  sections  of  the  race  feel  that  they  were  all  mem- 
bers of  one  family,  and  in  cementing  them  together  by  common 
sympathies  and  the  enjoyment  of  common  pleasures.  The  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  these  festivals,  for  one  was  celebrated  every 
year,  tended  to  the  same  result.  The  Greeks  were  thus  annu- 
ally reminded  of  their  common  origin,  and  of  the  great  dis- 
tinction which  existed  between  them  and  barbarians.  Nor  must 
we  forget  the  incidental  advantages  which  attended  them.  The 
concourse  of  so  large  a  number  of  persons  from  every  part  of 
the  Grecian  world  afforded  to  the  merchant  opportunities  for 
traffic,  and  to  the  artist  and  the  literary  man  the  best  means  of 
making  their  works  known.  During  the  time  of  the  games  the 
Altis  was  surrounded  with  booths,  in  which  a  busy  commerce 
was  carried  on ;  and  in  a  spacious  hall  appropriated  for  the 
purpose  the  poets,  philosophers,  and  historians  were  accustomed 
to  read  their  most  recent  works. 

The  perfect  equality  of  persons  at  the  festival  demands  par- 
ticular mention.  The  games  were  open  to  every  Greek  without 
any  distinction  of  country  or  of  rank.  The  horse-races  and 
chariot-races  were  necessarily  confined  to  the  wealthy,  who  were 
allowed  to  employ  others  as  riders  arid  drivers  ;  but  the  rich  and 
lx)or  alike  could  contend  in  the  gymnastic  matches.  This,  how- 
ever, was  far  from  degrading  the  former  in  public  opinion ;  and 
some  of  the  greatest  and  wealthiest  men  in  the  various  cities 
took  part  in  the  running,  wrestling,  boxing,  and  other  matches. 
Cylon,  who  attempted  to  make  himself  tyrant  of  Athens,  had 
gained  the  prize  in  the  foot-race ;  Alexander,  son  of  Amyntas, 
prince  of  Macedon,  had  also  run  for  it ;  and  instances  occur  in 
which  cities  chose  their  generals  from  the  victors  in  these  games. 
^8.  The  habit  of  consulting  the  same  oracles  in  order  to  ascer- 
tain the  will  of  the  gods  was  another  bond  of  union.     It  was  the 


54 


niSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VI 


universal  practice  of  the  Greeks  to  undertake  no  matter  of  im- 
portance without  first  asking  the  advice  of  the  gods ;  and  there 
were  many  sacred  spots  in  which  the  gods  were  always  ready 
to  give  an  answer  to  pious  worsliipjwrs.  Some  of  tliesc  oracles 
were  consulted  only  by  the  surrounding  neighbourhood,  but 
others  obtained  a  wider  celebrity ;  and  the  oracle  of  Apollo  at 
Delphi  in  particular  surpassed  all  the  rest  in  importance,  and 
was  regarded  with  veneration  in  every  part  of  the  Grecian  world. 
So  great  was  its  fame  that  it  was  sometimes  consulted  by  foreign 
nations,  such  as  the  Lydians,  Phrygians,  and  Romans ;  and  the 
Grecian  states  constantly  applied  to  it  for  counsel  in  their  diffi- 
culties and  perjilexities.  Li  the  centre  of  the  temple  at  Delphi 
there  was  a  small  opening  in  the  ground,  from  which  it  was  said 
that  a  certaui  gas  or  vapour  ascended .  Wienever  the  oracle  was 
to  be  consulted,  a  virgin  priestess,  called  Fythia,  took  her  scat 
upon  a  tripod,  which  was  placed  over  the  chasm.  The  ascending 
vapour  affected  her  brain,  and  the  words  which  she  uttered  in 
this  excited  condition  were  believed  to  be  the  answer  of  Apollo 
to  his  worshippers.  They  were  always  in  hexameter  verse,  and 
were  reverently  taken  down  by  the  attendant  priests.  Most  of 
the  answei-s  were  equivocal  or  obscure ;  but  the  credit  of  the 
oracle  conthmed  unimpaired  long  after  the  downfall  of  Grecian 
independence. 

^  i).  A  further  element  of  union  among  the  Greeks  wr.s  the 
similarity  of  manners  and  character.  It  is  true  the  difference  in 
this  respect  between  the  polished  inhabitants  of  Athens  and  the 
rude  mountaineers  of  Acarnania  was  marked  and  striking  ;  but 
if  we  compare  the  two  with  foreign  contemporaries  the  contrast 
between  them  and  the  latter  is  still  more  striking.  Absolute 
despotism,  human  sacrifices,  polygamy,  deliberate  mutilation  of 
the  person  as  a  piuushmeut,  and  selling  of  children  into  slavery, 
existed  in  some  part  or  other  of  the  barbarian  world,  but  are  not 
found  in  any  city  of  Greece  in  the  liistorical  times.  Although 
we  caimot  mention  many  customs  common  to  all  the  Greeks 
and  at  the  same  time  peculiar  to  them,  yet  we  cannot  doubt 
that  there  did  exist  among  them  certain  general  characteristics 
in  their  manners  and  customs,  which  served  as  a  bond  of  union 
among  themselves,  and  a  line  of  demarcation  IVom  foreigners. 

HO.  The  elements  of  union  of  which  we  have  been  speaking 
—community  ol"  blood  and  language,  of  religion  and  festivals, 
and  of  manners  and  character — only  bound  the  Greeks  together 
in  common  feelings  and  sentiments.  They, never  produced  any 
political  union.  The  independent  sovereignty  of  each  city  was  a 
fundamental  notion  in  the  Greek  mind.  The  only  supreme  au- 
th^  ity  which  a  Greek  recognised  was  to  be  foimd  within  his 


c)hap.  VI. 


WANT  OF  POLITICAL  UNION. 


65 


own  city  walls.  The  exercise  of  authority  by  one  city  over 
another,  whatever  advantages  the  weaker  city  might  derive 
from  such  a  comiexion,  was  repugnant  to  every  Greek.  This 
was  a  sentiment  common  to  all  the  ditiereut  members  of  the 
Greek  race,  under  all  forms  of  government,  whether  oligarchical 
or  democratical.  Hence  the  dominion  exercised  by  Thebes  over 
the  cities  of  Bceotia,  and  by  Athens  over  subject  allies,  was  sub- 
mitted to  with  reluctance,  and  was  disowned  on  the  first  oppor- 
tunity. This  strongly  rooted  feeling  deserves  particular  notice 
and  remark.  Careless  readers  of  history  are  tempted  to  suppose 
that  the  territory  of  Greece  was  divided  among  a  comparatively 
small  number  of  independent  states,  such  as  Attica,  Arcadia, 
BcBotia,  Phocis,  Locris,  and  the  like  ;  but  this  is  a  most  serious 
mistake,  and  leads  to  a  total  misapprehension  of  Greek  history. 
Every  separate  city  was  usually  an  independent  state,  and  con- 
sequently each  of  the  territories  described  under  the  general 
names  of  Arcadia,  BoBotia,  Phocis,  and  Locris,  contained  numerous 
political  communities  uidependent  of  one  another.  Attica,  it  is 
true,  formed  a  single  state,  and  its  difierent  towns  recognised 
Athens  as  their  capital  and  the  source  of  supreme  power ;  but 
this  is  an  exception  to  the  general  rule. 

The  patriotism  of  a  Greek  was  confined  to  his  city,  and  rarely 
kindled  into  any  general  love  for  the  common  welfare  of  Hellas. 
The  safety  and  the  prosperity  of  his  city  were  dearer  to  him  than 
the  safety  and  prosperity  of  Hellas,  and  to  secure  the  fonner  he 
was  too  often  contented  to  sacrifice  the  latter.  For  his  own  city 
a  patriotic  Greek  was  ready  to  lay  down  his  property  and  his 
life,  but  he  felt  no  obligation  to  expend  his  substance  or  expose 
his  Ufe  on  behalf  of  the  common  interests  of  the  country.  So 
complete  was  the  political  division  between  the  Greek  cities, 
that  the  citizen  of  one  was  an  alien  and  a  stranger  in  the  terri- 
tory of  another.  He  was  not  merely  debarred  from  all  share  in 
the  government,  but  he  could  not  acquire  property  in  land  or 
houses,  nor  contract  a  marriage  with  a  native  woman,  nor  sue 
in  the  courts  of  justice,  except  through  the  medium  of  a  friendly 
citizen.*  The  cities  thus  mutually  repelling  each  other,  the 
sympathies  and  feelings  of  a  Greek  became  more  centered  in 
his  own.  It  was  this  exclusive  patriotism  which  rendered  it 
difficult  for  the  Greeks  to  unite  under  circumstances  of  common 
danger.  It  was  this  political  disunion  which  led  them  to  turn 
their  arms  against  each  other,  and  eventually  made  them  sub- 
ject to  the  Macedonian  monarchs. 

*  Sometimes  a  city  granted  to  a  citizen  of  another  state,  or  even  to 
the  whole  state,  the  right  of  intermarriage  and  of  acquiring  landed  pro- 
perty. The  former  of  these  rights  was  called  kniyafiia^  the  latter  iyKTijaLc. 


View  of  Mount  Taygetus  from  the  site  of  Sparta. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUS  AND  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 

§  1.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  tlic  Dorians.     Division  of  the  Pelo- 

sion  of  the  Done  states  in  Peloponnest,..  Arpos  orii,Mnallv  the  first 
Done  stae  Sparta  seeond.  .Messene  third.  §3.  Phidon'of  Ir^ol 
§4.  Legislation  of  Lycur»,ru3.    go.  Life  ofLycurirus.    §6.  The  chief 

feedlnlTh^fr  r  '"  'T^"J*"^-  i'  I^ulatioVo/  Lneol 
2*'?^^f,!f.*«**^^ee  classes.  Spartans.  §8.  Perioeci.  8  9.  Helots 
§  10.  Political  firovernment  of  Sparta.  The  kings.  The  senate  The 
popular  assembly.  The  ephoi4.  §  IL  Trainifg  and  edSion  of 
the  Spartan  youths  and  men.  §  12.Vaini„g  of  the  Spartan  .^^Ln 
§  13.  Division  of  landed  property.  §  U.  Other  regulations  ascrS 
CrortrS?";  JT  T°"^-    §  ''•  I>^^«"«iWe  positio^n  of  Spartlf  §  16 

§1.  In  the  Heroic  ages  Peloponnesus  was  the  seat  of  the  ffreat 

wTrrT^r-   ^rr  r  ^  '*;'  ^^^^^^^^^^  of  Agamemnon, 
ting  ot  men,  Sparta  oi  his  brother  Menelaus,  and  Arcos  of  Dio- 

medes  who  dared  to  contend  in  battle  with  the  immortal  irods 
Jint  before  the  commencement  of  history  all  these  monarchies 
had  been  swept  away,  and  their  subjects  either  driven  out  of  the 
land  or  compelled  to  submit  to  the  dominion  of  the  Dorians, 
i  1  .fy  ""^  \^^  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  this  warlike  race 
18  clothed  m  a  legendary  form,  and  has  been  already  narrated 


Chap.  VII.     EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUS. 


57 


in  the  preceding  Book.  In  what  manner  this  conquest  was  really 
effected  is  beyond  the  reach  of  history,  but  we  have  good  reasons 
for  believing  that  it  was  the  work  of  many  years,  and  was  not 
concluded  by  a  single  battle,  as  the  legends  would  lead  us  to 
sup]X)se.  We  find,  however,  in  the  early  historical  times  the 
whole  of  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  Peloponnesus  in  the 
undisputed  jwssession  of  the  Dorians. 

The  remaining  parts  of  the  peninsula  were  in  the  hands  of 
other  members  of  the  Greek  race.  On  the  western  coast  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Neda  to  that  of  the  Larissus  was  the  territory 
of  E lis,  including  the  two  dependent  states  of  Pisa  and  Triphylia. 
The  Eleans  are  said  to  have  been  descendants  of  the  JEtolians, 
who  had  accompanied  the  Dorians  in  their  invasion,  and  received 
Elis  as  their  share  of  the  spoil.  The  Pisatans  and  the  Triphylians 
had  been  originally  independent  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula,  but 
had  been  conquered  by  their  more  powerful  neighbours  of  EKs. 

The  strip  of  land  on  the  northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  and 
soutli  of  the  Corinthian  gulf,  was  inhabited  by  Achajans,  and 
was  called  after  them  Achaia.  This  territory  extended  from 
the  promontory  Araxus  on  one  side  to  the  confines  of 
Sicyonia  on  the  other,  and  was  divided  among  twelve  Achaean 
cities,  which  are  rarely  mentioned  in  the  earlier  period  of 
Greek  history,  and  only  rose  to  importance  in  the  Macedonian 
times. 

The  mountainous  region  in  the  centre  of  Peloponnesus  was* 
inhabited  by  the  Arcadians,  who  may  be  regarded  as  genuine 
Pclasgians,  since  they  are  uniformly  represented  as  the  earliest 
inhabitants  of  the  country.  Their  country  was  distributed  into 
a  large  number  of  villages  and  cities,  among  which  Tegea  and 
Mantinea  were  the  two  most  powerful. 

^  2.  The  division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  Dorian  states 
differed  at  various  times.  At  the  close  of  the  period  which 
forms  the  subject  of  the  present  Book,  Sparta  was  unquestionably 
the  first  of  the  Dorian  powers,  and  its  dominions  far  exceeded 
those  of  any  other  Dorian  state.  Its  territory  then  occupied  the 
whole  of  the  southern  region  of  the  peninsula  from  the  eastern 
to  the  western  sea,  lieing  separated  from  the  dominions  of  Argos 
by  the  river  Tanus,  and  from  Triphylia  by  the  river  Neda.  At 
that  time  the  territory  of  Argos  was  confined  to  the  Argolic 
peninsula,  but  did  not  include  the  whole  of  this  district,  the 
south-eastern  part  of  it  being  occupied  by  the  Doric  cities  of 
Epidaurus  and  Troizen,  and  the  Diyopian  city  of  Hermione.  On 
the  Isthmus  stood  the  powerful  city  of  Corinth,  westward  Sicyon, 
and  to  the  south  of  these  Cleona)  and  Phlius,  both  also  Doric 
fiities.     North-east  of  Corinth  came  Megara,  the  last  of  the  Doric 


CiiAv.  VIL     EAllLY  llISTOliY  OF  TELOPOl^NESUS. 


57 


Vk'W  of  Mount  Taygetus  from  the  site  of  Sparta. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOrONNESUS  AND  LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 

§  1.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesna  hy  tlio  Dorians.     Division  of  tl»e  Polo 
r>onnesu.  into  th.  Doric  statos.Klis,  A.l.nia,  and  ArcX      ^o'  D  .•-" 
8IOE  of  the  Done  states  in  Pel<.,>onnes„..     Arpos  ori-nnalh^he  first 
Bone  state   Sparta  seeond,  Messene  third.     J?  8-  Phidon 'of  Ar^o. 
H;  i;Cgi«lationofLveurirus.     §5.  Life  of  Lyeurtrus.    i^  G.  The  chief 
^ti'-  ^^T^"^    "  ^''^  le*(islation.      §7:  Popidati<^ '0/ tt^^ 
divulea.nto  three  classes.     Spartans.      §  S.  PeVia-ei.     §9.  IleloN 
^  10.  I  olitical  troveniment  of  Sparta.    The  kinirs.    The  senate    The 

t^f"rrtrnT^^*  Theepho.^  s<  11.  Traini^^,,.  and  Vdu^\bn  of 
the  spartan  youths  and  men.  §  12.  Training,,  of  the  Spartan  women. 
|f  13.  Dn  ision  of  landed  property.  §  U.  Otlier  rei;ul itions  ascrihed 
to  Ljcurgus  Iron  money.  §  15.  Defensible  position  of  Spart..  i  'f 
(.rowth  of  the  Spartan  power,  a  consequence  of  the  disci  ine  of 
Lycurgus.     Conquest  of  Laconia.  * 

H.  In  the  Heroic  ages  Peloponnesus  was  the  seat  of  the  m-eat 
Achajan  rnonarehies.  Mycenje  was  the  residence  of  Agamemnon 
limg  of  men  Sparta  of  his  hrother  Menelaus,  and  Amos  of  Dio' 
inedes  who  dared  to  contend  in  battle  with  the  immortal  pods. 
lint  iKiiore  the  commencement  of  history  all  these  monarchies 
had  been  swept  away,  and  their  subjects  cither  driven  out  of  the 
land  or  compelled  to  submit  to  the  dominion  of  the  Dorians. 
•  1  .If?"  ""^  ^}'^  conquest  of  Pelopomiesus  by  this  warlike  race 
is  clothed  m  a  legendary  form,  and  has  been  already  narrated 


in  the  preceding  Book.  In  what  manner  this  conquest  was  really 
efiectcd  is  beyond  the  reach  of  history,  but  we  have  good  reasons 
for  believing  that  it  was  the  work  of  many  years,  and  was  not 
concluded  by  a  single  battle,  as  the  legends  would  lead  us  to 
sup|X)se.  We  find,  however,  in  the  early  historical  times  the 
whole  of  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  Peloponnesus  in  the 
undisputed  |X)ssession  of  the  Dorians. 

The  remaining  parts  of  the  peninsula  were  in  the  hands  of 
other  members  of  the  Greek  race.  On  the  western  coast  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Neda  to  that  of  the  Larissus  was  the  territory 
of  E lis,  including  the  two  dependent  states  of  Pisa  and  Triphylia. 
The  Eleans  are  said  to  have  been  descendants  of  the  JEtolians, 
who  had  accompanied  the  Dorians  in  their  invasion,  and  received 
Elis  as  their  share  of  the  spoil.  The  Pisatans  and  the  Triphylians 
had  been  originally  independent  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula,  but 
had  been  conquered  by  their  more  powerful  neighbours  of  Elis. 

The  strip  of  land  on  the  northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  and 
south  of  the  Corinthian  gulf,  was  inhabited  by  Achaans,  and 
was  called  after  them  Achaia.  This  territory  extended  from 
the  promontory  Araxus  on  one  side  to  the  confines  of 
Sicyonia  on  the  other,  and  was  divided  among  twelve  Achaean 
cities,  Avliicli  are  rarely  mentioned  in  the  earlier  period  of 
Greek  history,  and  only  rose  to  importance  in  the  Macedonian 
times. 

The  mountainous  region  in  the  centre  of  Peloponnesus  was 
inhabited  by  the  Arcadians,  who  may  be  regarded  as  genuine 
Felasgians,  since  they  are  uniformly  represented  as  the  earliest 
inliabitants  of  the  country.  Their  country  was  distributed  into 
a  l.irg*^  inunbcr  of  villages  and  cities,  among  whicli  Tegea  and 
Manlinea  were  the  two  most  powerlul. 

S^  2.  The  division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  Dorian  states 
diliered  at  various  times.  At  the  close  of  the  period  which 
forms  the  subject  of  the  present  Book,  h^})arta  was  unquestionably 
the  first  of  the  Dorian  powers,  and  its  dominions  far  exceeded 
those  of  any  otlier  Dorian  state,  lis  territory  then  occupied  the 
whole  of  the  southern  region  of  the:  peninsula  from  the  eastern 
to  the  western  sea,  being  separated  freiii  the  dominions  of  Argns 
by  the  river  Tanus,  and  from  Trijdiylia  by  the  river  Neda.  At 
that  time  the  territory  of  Argos  was  confined  to  the  Argolic 
peninsula,  but  did  not  inclnde  the  whole  of  tliis  district,  the 
south-eastern  part  of  it  being  occupied  by  the  Doric  cities  of 
Epidaums  and  Traizen,  and  the  Dryopian  city  of  Hermione.  On 
the  Isthmus  stood  the  powerful  city  of  Corinth,  westward  Sicyon, 
and  to  the  south  of  these  Cleona3  and  Pldiiis,  l)oth  ako  Doric 
cities.     North-east  of  Corinth  came  Megara,  the  last  of  the  Doric 


m 


IlIiJTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VU 


cities,  whose  territory  stretched  across  the  Isthmus  liom  sea 
to  sea. 

But  if  we  go  back  to  the  first  Olympiad,  we  shall  find  Sparta 
in  possession  of  only  a  very  small  territory,  instead  of  the  exten- 
sive domiiuon  described  above.  Its  territory  at  that  time  ap- 
pears to  have  comprehended  little  more  than  the  valley  of  the 
river  Eurotas.  Westward  of  this  valley,  and  separated  from  it 
by  Momit  Taygetus,  were  the  Messenian  Dorians,  while  eastward 
oi  it  the  whole  of  the  mountainous  district  along  the  coast,  from 
the  head  of  the  Argohc  gulf  down  to  Cape  Malea,  was  aUo  inde- 
pendent of  Sparta,  belonging  to  Argos.  In  the  earhest  historical 
times  Argos  appears  as  the  first  power  in  the  Peloponnesus,  a 
Ikct  which  the  legend  of  the  Herachds  seems  to  recognize  by 
making  Temenus  the  eldest  brother  of  the  three.  Next  came 
Sparta,  and  last  the  Messene.  The  importance  of  Argos  appears 
to  have  arisen  not  so  much  iiom  her  own  territory  as  from 
her  being  the  head  of  a  powerful  confederacy  ol'  Dorian  states. 
Most  of  these  states  are  said  to  have  been  Ibimdcd  by  colonies 
from  Argos,  such  as  Cleonaj,  Phhus,  Sicyon,  Epidaurus,  Trcezen, 
and  ^gina.  They  formed  a  league,  the  patron  god  of  which 
was  Apollo  Pythaeus,  whose  common  worship  was  a  means  of 
uniting  them  together.  There  was  a  temple  to  this  god  in  each 
of  the  coiilederated  cities,  wliile  liis  most  holy  and  central  sanc- 
tuary was  on  the  acropolis  of  Argos.  But  the  power  of  Argos 
rested  on  an  insecme  basis;  the  ties  which  held  the  confederacy 
together  became  gradually  weakened;  and  Sparta  was  able  to 
wrest  from  her  a  large  portion  of  her  territory  and  eventually  to 
succeed  to  her  place  as  the  lirst  Dorian  state  in  the  peninsula. 

§  3.  The  importance  of  the  privileges  possessed  by  Argos 
before  the  rise  of  the  Spartan  power  is  shown  by  the  history  of 
Phidon.  This  remarkable  man  may  be  placed  about  the  8th 
Olympiad,  or  747  b.c,  and  claims  our  attention  the  more  as  one 
of  the  first  really  historical  personages  hitherto  presented  to  us. 
He  was  king  of  Argos,  and  is  represented  as  a  descendant  of  the 
Heraclid  Temenus.  Having  broken  through  the  lunits  which 
had  been  imposed  on  the  authority  of  his  predecessors,  he 
changed  the  govenunent  of  Argos  into  a  despotism.  He  then 
restored  her  supremacy  over  all  the  cities  of  her  confederacy 
which  had  become  ncariy  dissolved.  He  appears  next  to  have 
attacked  Corinth,  and  to  have  succeeded  in  reducing  it  under  Us 
dominion.  He  is  further  reported  to  have  aimed  at  extending 
his  sway  over  the  greater  part  of  Pelopoimes^us,— laying  claim, 
as  the  descendant  of  Hercules,  to  all  the  cities  which  that  liero 
had  ever  taken.  His  power  and  his  influence  became  so  great 
in  the  Pelopoinit  ?iis  tliat  the  Pi-«itans.  who  had  been  accustomed 


Ka  141.       EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUa 


60 


to  preside  at  the  Olympic  games,  but  who  had  been  deprived  of 
this  privilege  by  the  Eleans,  invited  him,  in  the  8th  Olympiad, 
to  restore  them  to  their  origmal  rights  and  expel  the  intruders. 
This  invitation  fell  in  with  the  ambitious  projects  of  Phidon,  who 
claimed  for  himself  the  right  of  presiding  at  these  games,  which 
had  been  instituted  by  his  great  ancestor  Hercules.  He  accord- 
ingly marched  to  Olympia,  expelled  the  Eleans  from  the  sacred 
spot,  and  celebrated  the  games  in  conjunction  with  the  Pisatans. 
But  his  triumph  did  not  last  long ;  the  Spartans  took  the  part  of 
the  Eleans,  and  the  contest  ended  in  the  defeat  of  Phidon.  In 
the  following  Olympiad  the  Eleans  again  obtained  the  manage- 
ment of  the  festival. 

It  would  appear  that  the  power  of  Phidon  was  destroyed  in 
this  struggle,  but  of  the  details  of  his  fall  we  have  no  information. 
He  did  not  however  fall  without  leaving  a  very  striking  and  per- 
manent trace  of  his  influence  upon  Greece.  He  was  the  first  per- 
son who  introduced  a  copper  and  a  silver  coinage  and  a  scale  of 
weights  and  measures  into  Greece.  Through  his  influence  they 
became  adopted  throughout  Peloponnesus  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  north  of  Greece,  under  the  name  of  the  Jilginetan  scale.  There 
arose  subsequently  another  scale  in  Greece  called  the  Euboic, 
which  was  employed  at  Athens  and  in  the  Ionic  cities  generally, 
as  well  as  in  Euboea.  It  is  usually  stated  that  the  coinage  of 
Phidon  was  struck  in  the  island  of  Mgina.,  but  it  appears  more 
probable  that  it  was  done  in  Argos,  and  that  the  name  of  ^gine- 
taii  was  given  to  the  coinage  and  scale,  not  from  the  place  where 
they  first  originated,  but  from  the  people  whose  commercial  ac- 
tivity tended  to  make  them  more  generally  known. 

^  4.  The  progress  of  Sparta  from  the  second  to  the  first  place 
among  the  states  in  Peloponnesus  was  mainly  owing  to  the  pecu- 
liar institutions  of  the  state,  and  more  particularly  to  the  mili- 
tary discipline  and  rigorous  training  of  its  citizens.  The  singular 
constitution  of  Sparta  was  mianimously  ascribed  by  the  ancients 
to  the  legislator  Lycurgus,  but  there  were  difierent  stories  respect- 
ing his  date,  birth,  travels,  legislation,  and  death.  Some  mod- 
ern writers  on  the  other  hand  have  maintained  that  the  Spartan 
institutions  were  common  to  the  vrhole  Doric  race,  and  there- 
fore cannot  be  regarded  as  the  work  of  a  Spartan  legislator.  In 
their  view  Sparta  is  the  full  type  of  Doric  principles,  tendencies, 
and  sentiments.  This,  however,  appears  to  be  an  erroneous 
view  ;  it  can  be  shown  that  the  institutions  of  Sparta  were  pe- 
cuhar  to  herself,  distuiguishing  her  as  much  from  the  Doric 
cities  of  Argos  and  Corinth,  as  from  Athens  and  Thebes.  The 
Cretan  institutions  bore,  it  is  true,  some  analogy  to  those  of 
Sparta,  but  the  resemblance  has  been  greatly  exaggerated,  and 


m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VIL 


was  chiefly  confined  to  the  syssitia  or  public  messes.  The 
Spartans,  doubtless,  had  original  tendencies  common  to  them 
with  the  other  Dorians ;  but  the  constitution  of  Lycurgus  im- 
pressed upon  them  their  peculiar  character,  which  separates 
them  so  strikingly  from  the  rest  of  Greece.  Whether  the  sys- 
tem of  Spartan  laws  is  to  be  attributed  to  Lycurgus,  cannot 
now  be  determined.  He  lived  in  an  age  when  writing  was 
never  employed  for  literary  purposes,  and  consequently  no  ac- 
count of  him  from  a  contem[M)rary  has  come  down  to  us.  None 
of  the  details  of  his  life  can  be  proved  to  be  historically  true ; 
and  we  are  obliged  to  choose  out  of  several  accounts  the  one 
which  appears  the  most  probable. 

k  5.  There  arc  very  great  discrepancies  respecting  the  date  of 
Lycurgus ;  but  all  accounts  agree  in  supixjsing  him  to  have  lived 
at  a  very  remote  priod.     His  most  probable  date  is  b.  c.  77G, 
in  which  year  he  is  said  to  have  assisted  Iphitus  in  restoring  the 
Olympic  games.     He  belonged  to  the  royal  family  of  Sparta. 
According  to  the  common  account  he  was  the  son  of  Eunomus, 
one  of  the  two  kings  who  reigned  together  in  Sparta.    His  father 
was  killed  in  the  civil  dissensions  which  afflicted  Sparta  at  that 
time.     His  elder  brother,  Polydectes,  succeeded  to  the  crown, 
but  died  soon  afterward,  leaving  his  queen  with  child.     The 
ambitious  woman  oflercd  to  destroy  the  child,  if  Lycurgus  would 
share  the  throne  with  her.    Lycurgus  pretended  to  consent ;  but 
as  soon  as  she  had  given  birth  to  a  son,  he  presented  him  in  the 
market-place  as  the  future  king  of  Sparta  ;  and,  to  testify  the 
people's  joy,  gave  him  the  name  of  Charilaus.    The  young  king's 
mother  took  revenge  upon  Lycurgus  by  accusing  him  of  enter- 
taining designs  against  his  nephew's  life.    Hereupon  he  resolved 
to  withdraw  from  his  native  country,  and  to  visit  foreign  lands. 
He  was  absent  many  years,  and  is  said  to  have  employed  his 
time  in  studying  the  institutions  of  other  nations,  and  in  con- 
versing with  their  sages,  in  order  to  devise  a  system  of  laws  and 
regulations  which  might  deliver  Sparta  from  the  evils  under 
which  it  had  long  been  suffering.     He  first  visited  Crete  and 
Ionia ;  and  not  content  with  the  Grecian  world,  passed  from  Ionia 
into  Egypt ;  and  according  to  some  accounts  is  reported  to  have 
visited  Iberia,  Libya,  and  even  India. 

During  his  absence  the  young  king  had  grown  up,  and  assumed 
the  reins  of  government ;  but  the  disorders  of  the  state  had 
meantime  become  worse  than  ever,  and  all  parties  longed  for  a 
termination  to  their  present  sufferings.  Accordingly  the  return 
of  Lycurgus  was  hailed  with  delight,  and  lie  found  the  people 
both  ready  and  willing  to  submit  to  an  entire  change  in  their 
government  and  institutions.     Ho  now  set  himself  to  work  to 


B.C.  776. 


LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 


61 


carry  his  long  projected  reforms  into  efliect ;  but  before  he  com- 
menced his  arduous  task,  he  consulted  the  Delpliian  oracle,  from 
which  he  received  strong  assurances  of  divine  support.  Thus 
encouraged  by  the  god,  he  suddenly  presented  himself  in  the 
market-place,  surrounded  by  thirty  of  the  most  distinguished 
Spartans  in  arms.  The  king,  Charilaus,  was  at  first  disposed  to 
resist  the  revolution,  but  afterwards  supported  the  schemes  of 
his  uncle.  Lycurgus  now  issued  a  set  of  ordinances,  caUed 
Rlictra,  by  which  he  effected  a  total  revolution  in  the  political 
and  military  organization  of  the  people,  and  in  their  social  and 
domestic  life.  His  reforms  were  not  carried  into  effect  without 
violent  opposition,  and  in  one  of  the  tumults  which  they  excited, 
his  eye  is  said  to  have  been  struck  out  by  a  youth  of  the  name 
of  Alcander.  But  he  finally  triumphed  over  all  obstacles,  and 
succeeded  in  obtaining  the  submission  of  all  classes  in  the  com- 
munity to  his  new  constitution.  His  last  act  was  to  sacrifice 
himself  for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  Having  obtained  from 
the  people  a  solemn  oath  to  make  no  alterations  i-i  his  laws 
before  his  return,  he  quitted  Sparta  for  ever.  He  set  out  on  a 
journey  to  Delphi,  where  he  obtained  an  oracle  from  the  god, 
approving  of  all  he  had  done,  and  promising  everlasting  prosperity 
to  the  Spartans  as  long  as  they  preserved  his  laws.  Whither  he 
went  afterwards,  and  how  and  where  he  died,  nobody  could  tell. 
He  vanished  from  earth  like  a  god,  leaving  no  traces  behind  him 
but  his  spirit :  and  his  grateful  countrymen  honoured  him  with 
a  temple,  and  worshipped  him  with  annual  sacrifices  down  to 
the  latest  times. 

^  G.  In  order  to  understand  the  constitution  of  Lycurgus,  it 
is  necessary  to  recollect  the  peculiar  circumstances  in  wliich  the 
Spartans  were  placed.  They  were  a  handful  of  men  in  possession 
of  a  country  which  they  had  conquered  by  the  sword,  and 
which  they  could  only  maintain  by  the  same  means.  They  pro- 
bably did  not  exceed  9000  men ;  and  the  great  object  of  the 
legislator  was  to  unite  this  small  body  together  by  the  closest 
ties,  and  to  train  them  in  such  habits  of  hardihood,  bravery, 
and  military  subordination  that  they  might  maintain  their 
ascendency  over  their  subjects.  The  means  which  he  adopted 
to  attain  this  object  were  exceedingly  severe,  but  eminently 
successful.  He  subjected  the  Spartans  to  a  discipline  at  once 
monastic  and  warlike,  unparalleled  either  in  ancient  or  in  modern 
times.  His  system  combined  the  ascetic  rigours  of  a  monastery 
with  the  stern  discipline  of  a  garrison.  But  before  we  proceed  to 
relate  the  details  of  this  extraordinary  system,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  give  an  account  of  the  difibrent  classes  of  the  population  of 
the  country,  and  also  of  the  nature  of  the  government. 


m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VII 


P.a  776. 


LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 


63 


§  7.  The  population  of  Laconia  was  divided  into  the  three 
classes  of  Spartans,  PericBci,  and  Helots. 

The  Spartans  were  the  descendants  of  the  leading  Dorian 
conquerors.     They  formed  the  sovereign  power  oi'the  state  and 
they  alone  were  eligible  to  honours  and  pubhc  offices.     They 
hved  in  Sparta  itseli;  and  were  all  subject  to  the  discipline  of 
Lycurgus.     They  were  maintained  from  their  estates  in  different 
parts  of  Laconia,  which  were  cultivated  for  them  by  the  Helots, 
who  paid  them  a  fixed  amount  of  the  produce.     Originally  all 
Spartans  were  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality.     They  were 
divided  into  three  tribes,~the  Hylleis,  the  Pamphyh.  and  the 
Dymanes,— which  were  not,  however,  pecuhar  to  Sparta,  but 
existed  in  all  the  Dorian  states.     They  retained  their  fuU  rights 
as  citizens,  and  transmitted  them  to  their  children,  on  two  con- 
ditions,— first,  of  submitting  to  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus-  and 
secondly,  of  paying  a  certain  amount  to  the  public  mess,  which 
was  mamtamed  solely  by  these  contributions.     In  course  of  time 
many  Spartans  forfeited  their  full  citizenship  from  being  unable  to 
comply  with  the  latter  of  these  conditions,  either  through  losin^r 
their  lands  or  through  the  increase  of  children  in  the  poorer 
families.     Thus  there  arose  a  distinction  among  the  Spartans 
themselves,  unknown  at  an  eariier  period — the  reduced  number 
of  qualified  citizens  being  called  the  Equals  or  Peers,*  the  dis- 
franchised poor  the  luferiors.f     The  latter,  however,  did  not 
become  Penojci,  but  might  recover  their  original  rank  if  they 
again  acquired  the  means  of  contributing  their  portion  to  the 
public  mess. 

^8.  The  Periadt  were  personally  free,  but  politically  subject 
to  the  Spartans.  They  possessed  no  share  in  the  government, 
and  were  bound  to  obey  the  commands  of  the  Spartan  magis- 
trates. They  appear  to  have  been  partly  the  descendants  of  the 
old  Achaean  population  of  the  country,  and  partly  of  Dorians 
who  had  not  been  admitted  to  the  full  privileges  of  the  niliim- 
class.  They  were  distributed  into  a  hundred  townships,  which 
were  spread  through  the  whole  of  Laconia.  They  fought  in  the 
Spartan  armies  as  heavy-armed  soldiers,  and  therefore  must  have 
been  trained  to  some  extent  in  the  Spartan  tactics ;  but  they 
were  certainly  exempt  from  the  pecuhar  discipline  to  which  the 
ruhng  class  was  subject,  and  possessed  more  individual  free- 
dom of  action.     The  larger  proportion  of  the  land  of  Laconia 


Oi  'OfAOlOl. 


f  01  ^YTTOfieiovet;. 


1  Ihe  name  TrepioLKoi  signifies  literally  'Mwellers  around  the  city" 
and  13  used  generally  by  the  Greeks  to  signify  the  inhabitants  in  the 
countrv  districts,  wlio  possessed  inferior  political  privileges  to  the  citi- 
«ena  who  hved  in  the  city.  r  r  t, 


belonged  to  Spartan  citizens,  but  the  smaller  half  was  the  pro- 
perty of  the  PerioBci.  The  whole  of  the  commerce  and  manu- 
lactures  of  the  country  was  in  their  exclusive  possession,  since 
no  Spartan  ever  engaged  in  such  occupations.  They  thus  had 
means  of  acquiring  wealth  and  importance,  from  which  the 
Spartans  themselves  were  excluded ;  and  although  they  were 
probably  treated  by  the  Spartans  with  the  same  haughtiness 
which  they  usually  displayed  toward  inferiors,  their  condition 
upon  the  whole  does  not  appear  as  oppressive  or  degrading. 
They  were  regarded  as  members  of  the  state,  though  not  pos- 
sessing its  full  citizenship,  and  were  included  along  with  the 
Spartans  as  Laconians  or  Lacedaemonians. 

§  9.  The  Helots  were  serls  bound  to  the  soil,  which  they  tilled 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Spartan  proprietors.  Their  condition  was 
veiy  diflerent  from  that  of  the  ordinary  slaves  in  antiquity,  and 
more  similar  to  the  villanage  of  the  middle  ages.  They  lived  in 
the  rural  villages,  as  the  Periojci  did  in  the  towns,  cultivating 
the  lands  and  paying  over  the  rent  to  their  masters  in  Sparta, 
but  enjoying  their  homes,  wives,  and  families,  apart  from  their 
master's  personal  superintendence.  They  appear  to  have  been 
never  sold,  and  they  accompanied  the  Spartans  to  the  field  as 
fight-armed  troops.  But  while  their  condition  was  in  these 
respects  superior  to  that  of  the  ordinary  slaves 'in  other  parts  of 
Greece,  it  was  embittered  by  the  fact  that  they  were  not  strangers 
fike  the  latter,  but  were  of  the  same  race,  and  spoke  the  same 
language  as  their  masters.  Their  name  is  variously  explained, 
and  we  have  different  accounts  of  their  origin  ;  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  they  were  of  pure  Hellenic  blood,  and  were  probably 
the  descendants  of  the  old  inhabitants,  who  had  offered  the  most 
obstinate  resistance  to  the  Dorians,  and  had  therefore  been  re- 
duced to  slavery.*  Li  the  earlier  times  they  appear  to  have 
been  treated  with  comparative  mildness,  but  as  their  numbers 
increased,  they  became  objects  of  greater  suspicion  to  their 
masters,  and  were  subjected  to  the  most  wanton  and  oppressive 
cruelty.  They  were  compelled  to  wear  a  pecuhar  dress — a 
leather  cap  and  a  sheepskin — to  distinguish  them  from  the  rest 
of  the  population;  every  means  was  adopted  to  remind  them 
of  their  inferior  and  degraded  condition ;  and  it  is  said  they 
were  often  forced  to  make  themselves  drunk,  as  a  warning  to 
the  Spartan  youth.     Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  these  and 

*  The  common  account  derives  the  name  of  Helots  (E^Awrec)  from 
the  town  of  Ilelos  ('EAof)  in  the  south  of  Laconia,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  had  rebelled  and  been  reduced  to  slavery.  Others  connect  their 
name  with  ^Aiy,  marshes,  as  if  it  signified  inhabitants  of  the  lowlands 
Others,  again,  with  more  probability  explain  EUwrec  as  meaning  prt»- 
oncrs,  from  the  root  of  klsiv,  to  take. 


/ 


64 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VII. 


similar  talcs,  it  is  certain  that  the  wanton  and  impolitic  oppres- 
sions of  the  Spartans  produced  in  the  minds  of  the  Helots  a 
deep-seated  and  inveterate  detestation  of  their  masters.  They 
were  always  ready  to  seize  any  opportunity  of  rising  against 
their  oppressors,  and  would  gladly  '*  have  eaten  the*^  flesh  of 
the  Spartans  raw."  Hence  Sparta  was  always  in  apprehension 
of  a  revolt  of  the  Helots,  and  had  recourse  to  the  most  atro- 
cious means  for  removing  any  who  had  excited  their  jealousy 
or  their  fears.  Of  this  we  have  a  memorahle  instance  in  the 
secret  service,  called  Cryptla*  which  authorized  a  select  hody 
of  Spartan  youths  to  range  the  country  in  all  directions,  armed 
with  daggers,  and  secretly  to  assassinate  such  of  the  Helots  as 
were  considered  formidable.  Sometimes,  however,  the  Helots, 
who  had  distinguished  themselves  by  their  bravery  in  war,* 
received  their  freedom  from  the  government ;  but  in  that  case 
they  formed  a  distinct  body  in  the  state,  known  at  the  time  of 
the  Peloponnesian  war  by  the  name  of  Neoflamdflcs.\ 

HO.  The  functions  of  the  Spartan  government  were  distri- 
buted among  two  kings,  a  senate  of  thirty  members,  a  jjopidar 
assembly,  and  an  executive  directory  of  five  men  called  the 
Ephors.  This  jwlitical  constitution  is  a.scril)ed  to  Lycurgus ;  but 
there  is  good  reason  for  behoving  that  the  Ephors  were  added  at 
a  later  time ;  and  there  cannot  be  any  doubt  that  the  senate  and 
the  i>opular  assembly  were  handed  down  to  the  Sj)artans  from 
the  Heroic  age,  and  merely  received  some  modilieatiou  and  rcni- 
lations  from  Lycurgus.  *' 

At  the  head  of  the  state  were  the  two  hereditary  kings.     The 
existence  of  a  pair  of  kings  was  peculiar  to  Sparta,  aiufis  said  to 
have  arisen  fmm  the  accidental  circumstance  of  Aristodemus 
havmg  left  twin  sons,  Eurysthenes  and  Prock-s.$     This  division 
oi  the  royal  power  naturally  tended  to  weaken  its  influence  and 
to  produce  jealousies  and  dissensions  between  the  two  kings,  who 
constantly  endeavored  to  thwart  each  other.     The  royaf  jjower 
was  on  the  decline  during  tlie  whole  historical  jieriod,  and  the 
authority  of  the  kings  was  gradually  usuri)ed  by  the  Ephors, 
who  at  length  obtained  the  entire  control  of  the  government, 
and  reduced  the  kings  to  a  state  of  humiliation  and  dependence! 
Originally  the  Spartan  kings  were  the  real  and  not  the  nominai 
chiels  of  the  state,  and  exercised  most  of  the  functions  of  the 
monarchs  of  the  Heroic  age.     In  later  times  the  most  imiwrtant 
of  the  prerogatives  Mhich  they  were  allowed  to  retain,  was  the 
supreme  command  of  the  military  force  on  foreign  expeditions. 
But  even  m  this  privilege  their  authority  was  restricted  at  a 

*  Kpimreia,  a  secret  commhnon,  from  Kfrntrro,  hide,  conceal. 

t  miiAafiuiihig :  that  is.  ncwbf  cnfranckited,         X  Soc  above,  p.  38. 


B.C.  776. 


LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS 


«6 


later  time  by  the  presence  of  two  out  of  the  five  Ephors.  Al- 
though the  political  power  of  the  kings  was  thus  curtailed,  they 
possessed  many  important  privileges,  and  were  always  treated 
with  the  profomidest  honour  and  respect.  They  were  regarded 
by  the  j^eople  with  a  feeling  of  religious  reverence  as  the  de- 
scendants of  the  mighty  hero  Hercules,  and  were  thus  supposed 
to  connect  the  entire  st;ite  M'ith  the  gods.  They  were  the  high- 
priests  of  the  nation,  and  cveiy  month  oHered  sacrifices  to  Jove 
on  behalf  of  the  people.  They  possessed  ample  domains  in 
various  parts  of  Laconia,  and  received  frequent  pn^sents  on  many 
public  occasions.  Their  death  was  lamented  as  a  public  calamity, 
and  their  funeral  was  solemnized  by  the  most  striking  obsequies. 

The  Senate,  called  Gcrusia,*  or  the  Council  of  Elders,  con- 
sisted of  thirty  members,  among  whom  the  two  kings  were  in- 
cluded. They  were  not  chosen  under  sixty  years  of  age,  and 
they  held  their  office  for  life.  They  possessed  considerable  power, 
and  were  the  only  real  check  upon  the  authority  of  the  Ephors. 
They  discussed  and  prepared  all  measures  which  were  to  be 
brought  before  the  popular  assembly,  and  had  some  share  in  the 
general  administration  of  the  state.  But  the  most  important  of 
their  functions  was,  that  they  were  judges  in  all  criminal  cases 
afiecting  the  life  of  a  Spartan  citizen,  without  being  bound  by 
any  written  code. 

The  Popular  Assembly  was  of  little  importance,  and  appears 
to  have  been  usually  summoned  only  as  a  matter  of  form  for  the 
election  of  certain  magistrates,  for  passing  laws,  and  for  determ- 
ining upon  peace  and  war.  It  would  appear  that  open  discus- 
sion was  not  allowed,  and  that  the  assembly  rarely  came  to  a 
division.  Such  a  popular  assembly  as  existed  at  Athens,  in 
which  all  public  measures  were  exjwsed  to  criticism  and  com- 
ment, would  have  been  contrary  to  one  of  the  first  principles  of 
the  Spartan  government  in  historical  times,  which  was  charac- 
terized by  the  extreme  secrecy  of  all  its  proceedings. 

The  Ephors  may  be  regarded  as  the  representatives  of  the 
popular  assembly.  They  were  elected  annually  from  the  general 
body  of  Spartan  citizens,  and  seem  to  have  been  originally 
appointed  to  protect  the  interests  and  liberties  of  the  people 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  kings  and  the  senate.  They 
correspond  in  many  respects  to  the  tribunes  of  the  people  at 
Rome.  Their  functions  were  at  first  limited  and  of  small  im- 
portance ;  but  in  the  end  the  whole  political  power  became  cen- 
tred in  their  hands.  They  were  thus  the  real  rulers  of  the  state, 
and  their  orders  were  submissively  obeyed  by  all  classes  in 
Sparta.     Their  authority  was  of  a  despotic  nature,  and  they  ex- 

*  Tepovaia, 


66 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  Vn 


RC.  7T6. 


LEGISLATION  OP  LYCURGUS. 


erased  it  without  responsibility.  They  had  the  entire  manage- 
ment of  the  mternal  as  well  as  of  the  foreign  aflkirs  of  the  state  • 
they  formed  a  court  to  decide  upon  causes  of  great  importance  ; 
they  dismissed  at  their  pleasure  subordinate  magistrates,  and 
imposed  upon  them  fines  and  imprisomncnt ;  tlioy  even  arrested 
the  kings,  and  either  fined  them  on  their  own  autliority  or 
brought  them  to  trial  before  the  senate. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  account  that  tlie  Spartan 
government  was  in  reklity  a  close  oligarchy,  in  whicli  the  kincrg 
and  the  senate,  as  well  as  the  people,  were  alike  subject  to  the 
irresponsible  authority  of  the  five  Ephors. 

j  11.  The  most  important  part  of  the  legislation  of  Lycurgua 
did  not  relate  to  the  political  constitution  of  Sparta,  but  to  the 
discipline  and  education  of  the  citizens.     It  was  these  which 
gave  Sparta  her  pecuhar  character,  and  distinguished  her  in  so 
stnking  a  maimer  Irom  all  the  other  states  of  Greece.     In  mod- 
ern tunes  It  has  been  usually  held  that  the  state  exists  for  the 
citizen,  and  tliat  the  great  object  of  the  state  is  to  secure  the 
citizen  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  life  and  his  property.     In  Sparta 
on  the  contrary,  the  citizen  existed  only  for  the  state,  and  was 
bound  to  devote  to  its  honour  and  glory  not  only  all  his  time, 
atfections  and  energies,  but  to  sacrifice  to  its  interests  his  property 
and  Ins  hfe.     We  have  ahready  seen  that  the  position  of  the 
bpartans,  surromided  by  numerous  enemies,  whom  they  only 
held  m  subjection  by  the  sword,  comi)elled  them  to  be  a  nation 
ot  soldiers.     Lycurgus  determined  tliat  they  should  be  notliiiicr  " 
else ;  and  the  great  object  of  his  whole  system  was  to  cultivate 
a  martial  spmt,  and  to  give  them  a  training  which  would  make 
them  mvmcible  in  battle.     To  accomplish  this  the  education  of 
a  Spartan  was  placed  under  the  control  of  the  state  from  his 
earliest  boyhood,  and  he  continued  to  be  under  pubhc  inspection 
to  his  old  age. 

Every  child  after  birth  was  exhibited  to  public  view  and  if 
deemed  deformed  and  weakly,  and  unfit  for  a  future  life  of  labour 
and  latigue,  was  exposed  to  perish  on  Momit  Taygetus.  At  the 
age  of  seven  he  was  taken  from  his  mother's  care,  and  handed 
over  to  the  public  classes.  His  trainmg  was  under  the  special 
charge  of  an  officer  nominated  by  the  state,*  and  was  subject  to 
the  general  siipermtendence  of  the  elders.  He  was  not  only  taucrht 
all  the  gymnastic  games,  which  would  give  vigour  and  strength 
to  his  body,  and  all  the  exercises  and  movements  required  from 
the  Lacedaemonian  soldiers  in  the  field,  but  he  was  also  subjected 
to  severe  bodily  discipline,  and  was  compeUed  to  submit  to  hard- 
Rhipa  and  sufienng  without  repining  or  complaint     One  of  the 

•  Called  Pc^hnomw  {na^dovofior), 


67 


tests  to  which  tlie  fortitude  of  the  Spartan  youths  was  subjected, 
was  a  cruel  scourging  at  the  altar  ol"  Artemis  (Diana),  until  their 
blood  gushed  forth  and  covered  the  altar  of  the  goddess.  It 
was  udhctcd  publicly  before  the  eyes  of  their  parents  and  in  tlie 
presence  of  the  whole  city  ;  and  many  were  known  to  have  died 
mider  the  lash  without  uttering  a  complaining  murmur.  No 
means  were  neglected  to  prepare  them  for  the  hardships  and 
stratagems  of  war.  They  were  obliged  to  wear  the  same  garment 
winter  and  summer,  and  to  endure  hunger  and  thirst,  heat  and 
cold.  They  were  purposely  allowed  an  insufficient  quantity  of 
food,  but  were  permitted  to  make  up  the  deficiency  by  hunting 
in  the  woods  and  mountains  of  Laconia.  They  were  even  en- 
couraged to  steal  whatever  they  could  ;  but  if  they  were  caught 
in  the  fact,  they  were  severely  pmiished  for  their  want  of  dex- 
terity. Plutarch  tells  us  of  a  boy,  who,  having  stolen  a  fox,  and 
hid  it  under  his  garment,  chose  rather  to  let  it  tear  out  his  very 
bowels  than  be  detected  in  the  theft. 

The  literary  education  of  a  Spartan  youth  was  of  a  most  re- 
stricted kind.  He  was  taught  to  despise  literature  as  unworthy 
of  a  warrior,  while  the  study  of  eloquence  and  philosophy,  which 
were  cultivated  at  Athens  with  such  extraordinary  success,  was 
regarded  at  Sparta  with  contempt.  Long  speeches  were  a  Spar- 
tan's abhorrence,  and  he  was  trained  to  express  himself  with 
sententious  brevity.  He  was  not,  however,  an  entire  stranger 
to  the  humanizing  influence  of  the  Muses.  He  was  taught  to  sing 
and  play  on  the  lyre ;  but  the  strains  which  he  learnt  were  either 
martial  songs  or  hymns  to  the  gods.  Hence  the  warlike  poems 
of  Homer  were  popular  at  Sparta  from  an  early  period,  and  are 
even  said  to  have  been  introduced  into  Pelopoimesus  by  Lycurgus 
himself  The  poet  Tyrtseus  was  for  the  same  reason  received 
with  high  honours  by  the  Spartans,  notwithstanduig  their  aversion 
to  strangers ;  wliile  Archilochus  was  banished  from  the  country 
because  he  had  recorded  in  one  of  his  poems  liis  flight  from  the 
field  of  battle. 

A  Spartan  was  not  considered  to  have  reached  the  full  age  cf 
manhood  till  he  had  completed  his  thirtieth  year.  He  was  then 
allowed  to  marry,  to  take  part  in  the  public  assembly,  and  was 
ehgible  to  the  offices  of  the  state.  But  he  still  continued  under 
the  pubhc  discipline,  and  was  not  permitted  even  to  reside 
and  take  his  meals  with  his  wife.  The  greater  part  of  his 
time  was  occupied  in  gymnastic  and  military  exercises ;  he 
took  his  meals  with  liis  comrades  at  the  public  mess,  and  he 
slept  at  night  in  the  pubhc  barracks.  It  was  not  till  he  had 
reached  his  sixtieth  year  that  he  was  released  from  the  public 
discipline  and  from  military  service. 


it 


108 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VII. 


B.C.  776. 


LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 


69 


The  public  mess— called  Sijssitia*— is  said  to  have  been  insti- 
tuted by  Lycurjrus  to  prevent  all  indulgence  of  the  appetite. 
Pubhc  tables  were  provided,  at  which  every  male  citizen  was 
obliged  to  take  his  meals.  Each  table  accommodated  fifteen  j  or- 
tious,  who  formed  a  separate  mess,  into  which  no  new  member 
was  admitted,  except  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  whole 
company.  Each  sent  monthly  to  the  common  stock  a  specified 
quantity  of  barley-meal,  wine,  cheese,  and  figs,  and  a  little  money 
to  buy  flesh  and  fish.  No  distinction  of  any  kind  was  allowed  at 
these  fnigal  meals.  Meat  was  only  eaten  occasionally  ;  and  one 
of  the  principal  dishes  was  black  broth.  Of  what  it  consisted 
we  do  not  know.  The  tyrant  Dionysius  found  it  very  unpala- 
table ;  but,  as  the  cook  told  him,  the  broth  was  nothing  without 
the  seasoning  of  fatigue  and  hunger. 

4  12.  The  Spartan  women  in  their  earlier  years  were  subjected 
to  a  course  of  training  almost  as  rigorous  as  that  of  the  men. 
They  were  not  viewed  as  a  part  of  the  family,  but  as  a  part  of  the 
state.     Their  great  duty  was  to  give  Sparta  a  vigorous  race  of 
citizens,  and  not  to  discharge  domestic  and  household  duties. 
They  were  therefore  trained  in  gynuiastic  exercises,  and  con- 
tended with  each  other  in  running,  wrestling,  and  boxing.     The 
youths  were  present  at  these  exercises,  and  the  maidens  were 
allowed  in  like  manner  to  witness  those  of  the  youths.     The  two 
sexes  were  thus  brought  into  close  intercourse  in  a  manner  un- 
known to  the  rest  of  Greece ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have.^ 
been  followed  by  any  injurious  consequences,  and  the  morals  of' 
the  Spartan  women  were  probably  purer  than  those  of  any  other 
females  in  Greece.    At  the  age  of  twenty  a  Spartan  woman  usually 
married,  and  she  was  no  longer  subjected  to  the  public  disciphne. 
Although  she  enjoyed  little  of  her  husband's  society,  she  was 
treated  by  him  with  deep  respect,  and  was  allowed  a  greater  de- 
gree  of  liberty  than  was  tolerated  in  other  Grecian  states.    Hence 
she  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  welfare  and  glory  of  her  native 
land,  and  was  animated  by  an  earnest  and  lofty  spirit  of  patriot- 
ism.    The  Spartan  mother  had  reason  to  be  proud  of  herself  and 
of  her  children.     When  a  woman  of  another  country  said  to 
Gorge,  the  wife  of  Leonidas,  "  The  Spartan  women  alone  rule  the 
men,"  she  replied,  "  The  Spartan  women  alone  bring  forth  men." 
Their  husbands  and  their  sons  were  fired  by  their  sympathy  to 
deeds  of  heroism,  and  were  deterred  from  yielding  to  the  foe  by 
the  certain  reproaches  and  contempt  which  awaited  them  at 
their  domestic  hearths.     "  Return  either  with  your  shield,  or  upon 

♦  Ivffmria,  that  is,  eatinff,  or  meBmng  together  or  in  eommon.   The  pub- 
hc mesa  was  also  called  Phlditia  {rd  4>etdiTia\  or  frugal  meals. 


it,"  was  their  exhortation  to  their  sons,  when  going  to  battle ; 
and  after  the  fatal  day  of  Leuctra  those  mothers  whose  sons  had 
fallen  returned  thanks  to  the  gods ;  while  those  were  the  bitter 
sufferers  whose  sons  had  survived  that  disgraceful  day.  The  tri- 
umphant resignation  of  a  Spartan  mother  at  the  heroic  death  of 
her  son,  and  her  fierce  wrath  when  he  proved  a  recreant  coward, 
are  well  expressed  in  two  striking  poems  of  the  Greek  Anthology : 

"Eight  sons  Dema;neta  at  Sparta's  call 
Sent  forth  to  fight ;  one  tomb  received  them  alL 
No  tear  she  shed,  but  shouted  'Victory! 
Sparta,  I  bore  them  but  to  die  for  thee.'  " 


"  A  Spartan,  his  companion  slain. 
Alone  from  battle  fled ; 
His  mother,  kindling  with  disdain 

That  she  had  borne  him,  struck  him  dead ; 
For  courage,  and  not  birth  alone, 
In  Sparta,  testifies  a  son!"* 

S^  13.  One  of  the  most  celebrated  measures  ascribed  to  Lycur- 
gus  by  later  writers  was  his  redivision  of  the  land  of  the  country. 
It  is  related  that  the  disorders  of  the  state  arose  mainly  from 
the  gross  inequality  of  property :  the  greater  part  of  the  land 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  few  rich  men,  whilst  the  majority  of  the 
people  were  left  in  hopeless  misery.  In  order  to  remedy  this 
fearful  state  of  things,  he  resolved  to  make  a  new  division  of 
lands,  that  the  citizens  might  all  live  together  in  perfect  equality. 
Accordingly,  he  redistributed  the  territory  belonging  to  Sparta 
into  9000  equal  lots,  and  the  remainder  of  Laconia  into  30,000 
equal  lots,  and  assigned  to  each  Spartan  citizen  one  of  the  former 
of  these  lots,  and  to  each  Perioicus  one  of  the  latter. 

It  is,  however,  very  questionable  whether  Lycurgus  ever  made 
any  division  of  the  landed  property  of  Laconia.  It  is  not  men- 
tioned by  any  of  the  earlier  writers,  and  we  find  in  historical 
times  great  inequality  of  property  among  the  Spartans.  It  is 
suggested  with  great  probability  by  Mr.  Grote,  that  the  idea 
of  an  equal  division  of  landed  property  by  Lycurgus  seems 
to  have  arisen  in  the  third  century  before  the  Christian  era, 
when  an  attempt  was  made  by  Agis  and  Cleomenes,  kings  of 
Sparta,  to  rescue  their  country  from  the  state  of  degradation 
into  which  it  had  sunk.  From  the  time  of  the  Persian  war,  the 
number  of  the  Spartan  citizens  was  constantly  declining,  and  the 
property  accumulating  in  a  few  hands.  Tlie  number  of  citizens, 
reckoned  by  Herodotus  at  80U0,  had  dwindled  (lo\vn  in  the  time 
of  Aristotle  to  1000,  and  had  been  still  further  reduced  in  that  of 
*  See  Antkoloffia  Polyglotta,  editad  by  Dr.  AVellesley,  pp.  191,  202. 


fO 


niSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


||< 


cuAF.  vn 


Agis  to  700 ;  and  in  the  reign  of  tliis  king  100  alone  possessed 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  landed  property  in  the  state,  while  the 
remainder  were  miserably  poor.  At  the  same  time  the  old  dis- 
cipline had  degeneratetl  into  a  mere  form ;  numbers  of  strangers 
had  settled  in  the  city ;  and  Sparta  had  long  lost  her  ancient 
influence  over  her  neighbours.  The  humiliatmg  condition  of 
their  country  roused  Agis  and  other  ardent  spirits  to  endeavour 
to  restore  Sparta  to  her  former  glories ;  and  for  this  purpose 
they  resolved  to  establish  again  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus  in 
its  pristine  vigour,  and  to  make  a  fresh  division  of  the  landed 
property.  Agis  perished  in  his  attempt  to  carry  these  reforms 
into  eliect ;  but  a  similar  revolution  was  shortly  afterwards  ac- 
comphshed  by  Cleomenes.  It  was  in  the  stat«  of  public  feeling 
which  gave  birth  to  the  projects  of  Agis  and  Cleomenes,  that 
the  idea  arose  of  an  equal  division  of  property  having  been  one 
of  the  ancient  institutions  of  their  great  lawgiver.  The  discipline 
and  education  ol'  Lycurgus  tended  greatly  to  introduce  equality 
among  the  rich  and  the  poor  in  their  habits  and  enjoyments ; 
and  hence  we  can  easily  understand  how  this  equality  suggested 
to  a  subsequent  age  an  equaHty  of  property  as  likewise 'one  of 
the  institutions  of  Lycurgus. 

§  14.  It  has  been  already  remarked  that  the  Spartans  were 
not  allowed  to  engage  in  any  trade  or  manufactures ;  and  that  all 
occupations,  pursued  for  the  sake  of  gain,  were  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  PericBci.     We  are  told  that  Lycurgus  therefore  banished 
from  Sparta  all  gold  and  silver  money,  and  allowed  nothing  but 
bars  of  iron  to  pass  in  exchange  for  every  commodity.    It  is,  how- 
ever, absurd  to  ascribe  such  a  regulation  to  Lycurgus,  since  silver 
money  was  first  coined  in  Greece  by  Phidon  of  Argos  in  the  sue- 
cceding  generation,  and  gold  money  was  first  coined  in  Asia,  and 
was  very  little  known  in  Greece,  even  in  the  time  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesiaii  war.     In  this  case,  as  in  others,  the  usage  of  later  times 
was  converted  into  a  primitive  institution  of  the  lawgiver.     As 
the  Spartans  were  not  allowed  to  engage  in  commerce,  and  all 
luxury  and  display  in  dress,  furniture,  and  food  was  forbidden, 
they  had  very  little  occasion  for  a  circulating  medium,  and  iron 
money  was  found  sufficient  fqr  their  lew  wants.     But  this  pro- 
hibition  of  the  precious  metals  only  made  the  Spartans  more 
anxious  to  obtain  them ;  and  even  in  the  times  of  their  greatest 
glory  the  Spartans  were  the  most  venal  of  the  Greeks,  and  could 
rarely  resist  the  temptation  of  a  pecuniary  bribe. 

The  Spartans  were  averse  to  all  changes,  botli  in  their  govern- 
ment and  their  customs.  In  order  to  preserve  their  national 
character  and  the  primitive  simplicity  of  their  habitF,  Lycurgus 
IS  said  to  have  Ibrbidden  all  strangers  to  resido  at  SjKirttt  without 


B.C.  116. 


LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 


11 


special  permission.     For  the  same  reason  the  Spartans  were  not 
allowed  to  go  abroad  without  leave  of  the  magistrate. 

Caution  was  also  another  characteristic  of  the  Spartans. 
Hence  we  are  told  that  they  never  pursued  an  enemy  farther  than 
was  necessary  to  make  themselves  sure  of  the  victory.  They 
were  also  forbidden  by  Lycurgus  to  make  frequent  war  upon  the 
same  foes,  lest  the  latter  should  learn  their  peculiar  tactics. 

^15.  The  city  of  Sparta  was  never  fortified,  even  in  the  days 
of  her  greatest  power,  and  continued  to  consist  of  five  distinct 
quarters,  which  were  origmally  separate  villages,  and  which  were 
never  united  into  one  regular  town.  It  is  said  that  Lycurgus 
had  conmianded  them  not  to  surround  their  city  with  walls,  but 
to  trust  for  their  defence  to  their  own  mihtary  prowess.  Another 
and  a  better  reason  for  the  absence  of  walls  is  to  be  sought  in  the 
admirable  site  of  the  city,  in  the  midst  of  a  territory  almost  in- 
accessible to  invaders.  The  northern  and  western  frontiers  of 
Laconia  were  protected  by  lofty  ranges  of  mountains,  through 
which  there  were  only  a  few  difficult  passes ;  while  the  rocky 
nature  of  its  eastern  coast  protected  it  frcm  invasion  by  sea. 
Sparta  was  situated  inland,  in  the  middle  of  the  valley  of  the 
Eurotas  ;  and  all  the  principal  passes  of  Laconia  led  to  the  city, 
which  was  thus  placed  in  the  best  position  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
Spartan  power  is  to  be  traced  to  the  strength  of  its  frontiers  and 
to  the  site  of  Sparta  itself 

H6.  The  legislation  of  Lycurgus  was  followed  by  important 
results.  It  made  the  Spartans  a  body  of  professional  soldiers, 
well  trained  and  well  disciplined,  at  a  time  when  military  train- 
ing and  discipline  were  little  known,  and  almost  unpractised  in 
the  other  states  of  Greece.  The  consequence  was  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  political  power  of  Sparta,  and  the  subjugation  of 
the  neighbouring  states.  At  the  time  of  Lycurgus  the  Spartans 
held  only  a  small  portion  of  Laconia ;  they  were  merely  a  garrison 
m  the  heart  of  an  enemy's  country.  Their  first  object  was  to 
make  themselves  masters  of  Laconia,  in  which  they  finally  suc- 
ceeded after  a  severe  struggle.  The  military  ardour  and  love  of 
war,  which  had  been  implanted  in  them  by  the  institutions  of 
Lycurgus,  continued  to  animate  them  after  the  subjugation  of 
Laconia,  and  led  them  to  seek  new  conquests.  We  have  abeady 
seen  that  they  offered  a  successful  resistance  to  the  formidable 
power  of  Phidon  of  Argos.  They  now  began  to  cast  longhig 
eyes  upon  the  possessions  of  their  Dorian  brethren  in  Messenia, 
and  to  mechtatc  the  conquest  of  that  fertile  country. 


? 


Early  Greek  Armour,  from  Vaae-paintings. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

HISTORY  OF  SPiVRTA.       THE  MESSENIAN,  ARCADIAN,  AND  ARGIVE 

WARS. 

§  1.  Authorities  for  tlio  liistory  of  the  Mcssenian  wars.  §  2.  The  first 
Messeiiiaa  war,  b.c  Vlo— 724.  §  3.  The  second  Messci'iian  war,  r.c. 
685 — 068.  Aristonit  lies,  the  Mcssenian  hero,  and  Tyitanis,  theSpartan 
liero,  of  this  war.  §4.  Wars  between  th*^  Spartans  and  Arcadians. 
Conquest  of  the  soutliern  ]>art  of  Arcadia  hy  Sparta,  AV'ar  lietwecii 
Sparta  and  Te^'ca.  i?  T).  Wars  between  th*e  Spartans  and  Artrives. 
Battle  of  the  tliree  hundred  champions  to  decide  the  possession  of 
Cyuuriai. 

♦  1.  The  early  wars  of  Sparta  were  carried  on  against  the  Mes- 
senians,  Arcadians,  and  Argives.  They  resulted  in  making 
Sparta  the  undisputed  mistress  of  two-thirds  of  Peloponnesus, 
and  the  most  powerful  of  the  Grecian  states.  Of  these  wars  the 
two  waged  against  Messcnia  were  tlie  most  celebrated  and  the 
most  imjKirtant.  They  were  botli  long  protracted  and  obsti- 
nately contested.  They  kith  ended  in  tlie  victory  of  Sparta,  and 
in  the  subjugation  of  Messenia.  ^  These  facts  are  beyond  dispute, 
and  are  attested  by  the  contemporary  poet  Tyrtajus.  But  of  the 
details  of  these  wars  we  have  no  trustworthy  narrative.  The 
account  of  them,  which  is  inserted  in  most  histories  of  Greece, 
is  taken  from  Pausanias,  a  writer  who  lived  in  tlie  second  ceu- 
tory  (li'  the  Christian  era.     He  derived  his  narrative  of  the  first 


! 


B.C.  V43. 


FIRST  MESSENIAN  WAR. 


n 


i 


war  from  a  prose  writer  of  the  name  of  Myron,  who  did  not  live 
earlier  than  the  third  century  before  the  Christian  era ;  and  he 
took  his  account  of  the  second  irom  a  poet  called  Rhianus,  a 
native  of  Crete,  who  hved  about  b.c.  220.  Both  these  writers 
were  separated  from  the  events  which  they  narrated  by  a  period 
of  500  years,  and  probably  derived  their  materials  from  the  stories 
current  among  the  Messenians  after  their  restoration  to  their  na- 
tive land  by  Epaminondas.  Information  of  an  historical  character 
could  not  be  expected  from  the  work  of  Rhianus,  which  was  an 
epic  poem  celebrating  the  exploits  of  the  great  hero  Aristomenes. 
We  must  not,  therefore,  receive  the  common  account  of  the  Mcs- 
senian wars  as  a  real  history ;  and  we  shall  consequently  give 
only  a  brief  outline  of  the  narrative  of  Pausanias.  The  dates  of 
the  two  wars  cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty.  Pausanias  makes 
the  first  last  from  b.c.  743  to  724,  and  the  second  from  b.c.  685 
to  668.     Both  of  these  dates  are  probably  too  early. 

^  2.  The  real  cause  of  the  first  Mcssenian  war  was  doubtless 
the  lust  of  the  Spartans  for  the  fertile  territories  of  their  neigh- 
bours. But  its  origin  was  narrated  in  the  following  manner. 
On  the  heights  of  Momit  Taygetus,  which  separated  the  two 
kingdoms,  there  was  a  temple  of  Art  einis  (Diana),  common  to  the 
Spartans  and  Messenians.  It  was  here  that  the  Spartan  king 
Teleclus  was  slain  by  the  Messenians ;  but  the  two  people  gave  a 
diflerent  version  of  the  cause  of  his  death.  The  Spartans  asserted 
that  Teleclus  was  murdered  by  the  Messenians,  while  he  was 
attempting  to  defend  some  Spartan  virgins,  whom  he  was  con- 
ducting to  the  temple,  from  the  insults  of  the  Mcssenian  youth. 
The  Messenians,  on  the  other  hand,  averred  that  Teleclus  had 
dressed  up  young  men  as  virgins  with  concealed  daggers,  and 
that  Teleclus  was  slain  in  the  aflVay  which  ensued  upon  the  dis- 
covery of  the  plot.  The  war  did  not,  however,  immediately 
break  out ;  and  the  direct  cause  of  it  was  owing  to  a  private 
quarrel.  Polychares,  a  distinguished  Mcssenian,  who  had  gained 
the  prize  at  the  Olympic  games,  had  been  grossly  injured  by  the 
Spartan  Euaephnus,  who  had  robbed  him  of  his  cattle  and  mur- 
dered his  son.  Being  unable  to  obtain  redress  from  the  Spartan 
government,  Polychares  took  the  revenge  into  his  own  hands, 
and  killed  all  the  Lacedaemonians  that  came  in  his  way.  The 
Spartans  demanded  the  surrender  of  Polychares,  but  the  Messe- 
nians refused  to  give  him  up.  Thereupon  the  Spartans  deter- 
mined upon  war.  They  silently  prepared  their  forces ;  and 
without  any  formal  declaration  of  war,  they  crossed  the  frontier, 
surprised  the  fortress  of  Amphea,  and  put  the  inhabitants  to  the 
»word. 

Thus  commenced  the  first  Mcssenian  war .    E  uphaes,  who  was 

E 


T 


M 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


ClIAF.  VIIL 


then  king  of  Messenia,  carried  on  the  war  with  energy  and  vigour. 
For  the  tirst  lour  years  the  Lacedaemonians  made  little  progress ; 
but  in  the  fifth  a  great  battle  was  fought,  and  although  its  result 
was  indecisive,  the  Messenians  did  not  venture  to  risk  another 
engagement,  and  retired  to  the  strongly  fortified  mountain  of 
Ithome.     In  their  distress  they  sent  to  consult  the  oracle  at 
Delphi,  and  received  the  appalUng  answer  that  the  salvation  of 
Messenia  required  the  sacrifice  of  a  virgin  of  the    house  of 
jEpytus*  to  the  gods  of  the  lower  world.     Aristodemus  ofiered 
his  own  daughter  as  the  victim  ;  but  a  young  Messenian,  who 
loved  the  maiden,  attempted  to  save  her  life  by  declaring  that 
she  was  about  to  become  a  mother.    Her  father,  enraged  at  this 
assertion,  killed  his  daughter  with  his  own  hand,  and  opened 
her  body  to  refute  the  calumny.     Although  the  demands  of 
the  oracle  had  not  been  satisfied,  since  tliis  was  a  murder  and 
not  a  sacrifice,  the  Spartans  were  so  disheartened  by  the  news, 
that  they  abstained  from  attacking  the  Messenians  for  some 
years.     In  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  war,  the  Spartan  king 
Theopompus  marched  against  Ithome,  and  a  second  great  battle 
was  fought,  but  the  result  was  again  indecisive.     Euphiies  fell 
in  the  action ;  and  Aristodemus,  who  was  clioseii  king  in  his 
place,  prosecuted  the  war  with  vigour  and  ability.     In  the  fifth 
year  of  his  reign  a  third  great  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the 
Corinthians  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Spartans,  and  the  Arca- 
dians and  Sicyonians  on  the  side  of  the  Messenians.     This  time 
the  Messenians  gained  a  decisive  victory,  and  the  Laceda3monians 
were  driven  back  into  their  own  territory.     They  now  sent  to 
ask  advice  of  the  Delphian  oracle,  and  were  promised  success 
upon  using  stratagem.     They  therefore  had  recourse  to  fraud  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  various  prodigies  dismayed  the  bold  spirit 
of  Aristodemus.    His  daughter  too  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream, 
showed  to  him  her  wounds,  and  summoned  him  away.    Seeing 
that  his  country  was  doomed  to  destruction,  Aristodemus  slew 
himself  on  liis  daughter's  tomb.      Shortly  afterwards,  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  the  war,  the  Messenians  abandoned  Ithome, 
which  the  Lacedaemonians  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  whole 
country  became  subject  to  Sparta.     Many  of  the  inhabitants 
fled  into  Arcadia,  and  the  priestly  families  withdrew  to  Eleusis, 
in  Attica.    Those  who  remained  in  the  country  were  treated  with 
great  severity.    They  were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  Helots,  and 
were  compelled  to  pay  to  their  masters  half  of  the  produce  of 
their  lands.     This  is  attested  by  the  authority  of  Tyrtajus,  who 
says,  "  Like  asses  worn  down  by  heavy  burthens  they  were  com- 
*  The  royal  family  of  Messenia  was  descended  from  ^Epytus,  who 
was  a  son  of  Cresphontes. 


B.C.  686. 


SECOND  MESSENIAN  WAR. 


75 


polled  to  make  over  to  their  masters  an  entire  half  of  the  produce 
of  their  fields,  and  to  come  in  the  garb  of  woe  to  Sparta,  them- 
selves and  their  wives,  as  mourners  at  the  decease  ot  the  kings 

and  principal  persons."  ,       ,   i  •    i         i 

^  3  For  thirty-nine  years  the  Messenians  endured  this  degrad- 
ing yoke.  At  the  end  of  this  time  (b.c.  685)  they  took  up  arms 
against  their  oppressors,  having  foimd  a  leader  in  Aristomenes, 
of  Andania,  sprung  from  the  royal  fine  of  ^pj^us.  The  exploits 
of  this  hero  form  the  great  subject  of  the  second  Messeman  war. 
It  would  appear  that  most  of  the  states  in  Pelc  ;)onnesus  took 
part  in  this  struggle.  The  Argives,  Arcadians,  Sicyonians,  and 
Pisatans  were  the  principal  allies  of  the  Messenians ;  but  the 
Corinthians  sent  assistance  to  Sparta.  The  first  battle  was 
fought  before  the  arrival  of  the  aUies  on  either  side  ;  and  though 
it  was  indecisive,  the  valour  of  Aristomenes  struck  fear  into  the 
hearts  of  the  Spartans.  To  frighten  the  enemy  still  more,  the 
hero  crossed  the  frontier,  entered  Sparta  by  night,  and  affixed  a 
shield  to  the  temple  of  Athena  (Minerva)  of  the  Brazen  House, 
with  the  inscription,  "  Dedicated  by  Aristomenes  to  the  goddess 
from  the  Spartan  spoils." 

The  Spartans  in  alarm  sent  to  Delphi  for  advice.  The  god 
bade  them  apply  to  Athens  for  a  leader.  Fearing  to  disobey  the 
oracle,  but  with  the  view  of  rendering  no  real  assistance,  the 
Athenians  sent  Tyrtseus  of  Aphidnse,  who  is  represented  in  the 
popular  legend  as  a  lame  man  and  a  schoolmaster.  The  Spartans 
received  their  new  leader  with  due  honour  ;  and  he  was  not  long 
in  justifying  the  credit  of  the  oracle.  His  martial  songs  roused 
the  fainting  courage  of  the  Spartans,  and  animated  them  to  new 
effbrts  agamst  the  foe.*  The  Spartans  showed  their  gratitude 
by  making  him  a  citizen  of  their  state.  So  efficacious  were  his 
poems,  that  to  them  is  mainly  ascribed  the  final  success  of  the 
Spartans.  Hence  he  appears  as  the  great  hero  of  Sparta  during 
the  second  Messenian  war.  Some  of  his  celebrated  songs  have 
come  down  to  us,  and  the  following  war-march  is  a  specimen : — 

"To  the  field,  to  the  field,  gallant  Spartan  band. 
Worthy  sons,  like  your  sires,  of  our  warlike  land! 
Let  each  arm  be  prepared  for  its  part  in  the  fight. 
Fix  the  shield  on  the  left,  poise  the  spear  with  the  right, 
Let  no  care  for  your  lives  in  your  bosoms  find  place. 
No  such  care  knew  the  heroes  of  old  Spartan  race."  \ 

Encouraged  by  the  strains  of  Tyrtaeus,  the  Spartans  agam 

♦  "Tyrtanisque  mares  animos  in  Martia  bella 

Versibus  exacuit."— Hor.  Ars  Poet.  402. 
f  Mure's  History  of  Greek  Literatuio,  vol.  iii.  p.  195. 


m 


mSTORV  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VUL 


marched  against  the  Messeiiiaii?.     But  they  were  not  at  first  suc- 
cessful.    A  great  battle  was  fnught  at  the  Boar's  Grave  iii  th« 
plain  of  Stenyclerus,  in  which  the  allies  of  both  sides  were  pre- 
sent.    The  Spartans  were  defeated  with  great  loss;  and  the 
Messenian  maidens  of  a  later  day  used  to  sing  how  "  Aristo- 
menes  pursued  the  flying  LacedsBmonians  down  to  the  mid-plain 
of  Stenycleras,  and  up  to  the  very  summit  of  the  mountain."     Id 
the  third  year  of  the  war  another  great  battle  was  fought,  i» 
which  the  Messenians  suffered  a  signal  defeat,  in  consequence  of 
the  treachery  of  Aristocrates,  the  king  of  the  Arcadian  Orcho- 
menus.     So  great  was  the  loss  of  the  Messenians,  that  Aristo- 
menes  no  longer  ventured  to  meet  the  Spartans  in  the  open 
field ;  and  he  therefore  resolved  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
Messenian  leaders  in  the  former  war,  and  concentrate  his  strength 
in  a  fortified  spot.     For  this  purpose  he  chose  the  mountain 
fortress  of  Ira,  and  there  he  contiimed  to  prosecute  the  war  for 
eleven  years.     The  Spartans  encamped  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain ;  but  Aristomenes  frequently  sallied  from  his  fortress,  and 
ravaged  the  lands  of  Laconia  with  fire  and  sword.     It  is  unne- 
cessary to  relate  all  the  wonderful  exploits  of  this  hero  in  his 
various  incursions.     Thrice  did  he  offer  to  Jove  Ithomates  the 
sacrifice  called  Hecatomphonia,  reserved  for  the  warrior  who 
had  slain  a  hundred  enemies  with  his  own  hand.     Thrice  was  he 
taken  prisoner ;  on  two  occasions  he  burst  his  bonds,  but  on  the 
third  he  was  carried  to  Sparta,  and  thrown  with  his  fifty  com- 
panions into  a  deep  pit,  called  Ceadas.     His  comrades  were  all 
killed  by  the  fall ;  but  Aristomenes  reached  the  bottom  unhurt. 
He  saw,  however,  no  means  of  escape,  and  had  resigned  himself 
to  death  ;  but  on  the  tliird  day  perceiving  a  fox  creeping  among 
the  bodies,  he  grasped  its  tail,  and  following  the  animal  as  it 
Btruggled  to  escape,  discovered  an  opening  in  the  rock.     Through 
the  favor  of  the  gods  the  hero  thus  escaped,  and  on  the  next 
day  was  again  at  Ira  to  the  surprise  alike  of  friends  and  foes. 
But  his  single  prowess  was  not  sufficient  to  avert  the  ruin  of  his 
country ;  he  had  incurred  moreover  the  anger  of  the  Dioscuri  or 
the  Twm  gods ;  and  the  favour  of  heaven  was  therefore  turned 
from  him.     One  night  the  Spartans  surprised  Ira,  while  Aristo- 
menes was  disabled  by  a  wound ;  but  he  collected  the  bravest  of 
his  followers,  and  forced  his  way  through  the  enemy.     He  took 
lefuge  in  Arcadia,  where  he  was  hospitably  received ;  but  the 
plan  which  he  had  formed  for  surprising  Sparta  was  betrayed 
by  Aristocrates,  whom  his  countrymen  stoned  for  his  treachery. 
Many  of  the  exiled  Messenians  went  to  Rhegium,  in  Italy, 
under  the  sons  of  Aristomenes,  but  the  hero  him^-lf  finished  his 
days  in  Rhodes.     His  memory  long  lived  in  the  hearts  of  hia 


B.C.  66a       WAR  BETWEEii  SPARTA  AISTD  TEGEA. 


in 


countrymen ;  and  later  legends  related,  that  in  the  fatal  battle  of 
Leuctra,  which  destroyed  for  ever  the  Lacedaemonian  power,  the 
hero  was  seen  scattering  destruction  among  the  Spartan  troops. 

The  second  Messenian  war  was  terminated  by  the  complete 
subjugation  of  the  Messenians,  who  again  became  the  serfs  of 
their  conquerors  (b.c.  668).  In  this  condition  they  remained  till 
the  restoration  of  their  independence  by  Epaminondas,  in  the 
year  369  b.c.  During  the  whole  of  the  intervening  period  the 
Messenians  disappear  from  history.  The  country  called  Messenia 
in  the  map  was  in  reality  a  portion  of  Laconia,  which,  after  the 
second  Messenian  war,  extended  across  the  south  of  Pelopon- 
nesus from  the  eastern  to  the  western  sea. 

§  4.  Of  the  history  of  the  wars  between  the  Spartans  and 
Arcadians  we  have  fewer  details.  Tlie  Spartans  made  various 
attempts  to  extend  their  dominion  over  Arcadia.  Hence  the 
Arcadians  afforded  assistance  to  the  Messenians  in  their  struggle 
against  Sparta,  and  they  evinced  their  sympathy  for  this  gallant 
people  by  putting  to  death  Aristocrates  of  Orchomenus,  as  has 
been  already  related.  The  conquest  of  Messenia  was  probably 
followed  by  the  subjugation  of  the  southern  part  of  Arcadia. 
We  know  that  the  northern  frontier  of  Laconia,  consisting  of 
the  districts  called  Sciritis,  Beleminatis,  Maleatis,  and  Caryatis, 
originally  belonged  to  Arcadia,  and  was  conquered  by  the  Lace- 
daemonians at  an  early  period. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  however,  did  not  meet  with  equal  success 
in  their  attempts  against  Tegea.  This  city  was  situated  in  the 
south-eastern  corner  of  Arcadia,  on  the  very  frontiers  of  Laconia. 
It  possessed  a  brave  and  warlike  population,  and  defied  the 
Spartan  power  for  more  than  two  centuries.  As  early  as  the 
reign  of  Charilaus,  the  nephew  of  Lycurgus,  the  Lacedaemonians 
had  invaded  the  territory  of  Tegea ;  but  they  were  not  only 
defeated  with  great  loss,  but  this  king  was  taken  prisoner  with 
all  his  men  who  had  survived  the  battle.  Long  afterward,  in 
the  reign  of  Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  b.c.  580),  the  Lace- 
daemonians again  marched  against  Tegea,  but  were  again  defeat- 
ed with  great  loss,  and  were  compelled  to  work  as  slaves  in  the 
ver}'  chains  which  they  had  brought  with  them  for  the  Tegeatans. 
For  a  whole  generation  their  arms  continued  unsuccessful ;  but 
in  the  reign  of  Anaxandrides  and  Ariston,  the  successors  of 
Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  b.c.  560),  they  were  at  length  able 
to  bring  the  long  protracted  struggle  to  a  close.  In  their  dis- 
tress they  had  applied  as  usual  to  the  Delphic  oracle  for  advice, 
and  had  been  promised  success  if  they  could  obtain  the  bones 
of  Orestes,  the  son  of  Agamemnon.  The  directions  of  the  god 
enabled  them  to  find  the  remains  of  the  hero  at  Tegea  :  and  by  a 


^8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  VIII 


skilful  stratagem  one  of  their  citizens  succeeded  in  carrying  the 
holy  relics  to  Sparta.  The  tide  of  the  war  now  turned.  The 
Tegeatans  were  constantly  defeated,  and  were  at  lengtli  obliged 
to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Sparta.  They  were  not,  how- 
ever, reduced  to  subjection,  hke  the  Messenians.  They  still  con- 
tinued masters  of  their  own  city  and  territor)%  and  oidy  became 
dependent  aUies  of  Sparta. 

^  5.  The  history  of  the  early  struggle  between  Argos  and 
Sparta  is  quite  unknown.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  whole 
eastern  coast  of  Peloponnesus  had  originally  belonged  to  Argos, 
or  the  confederacy  over  which  this  city  presided.  The  Lacede- 
monians, however,  succeeded  not  only  in  conquering  all  the 
eastern  coast  of  Laconia,  but  also  in  annexing  to  their  territory 
the  district  of  Cyimria,*  on  their  northern  frontier,  which  had 
originally  formed  part  of  the  dominions  of  Argos.  It  is  uncer- 
tain at  what  time  the  Lacedajmouians  obtained  this  important 
acquisition ;  but  the  attempt  of  the  Argives  to  recover  it  in 
547  B.C.  led  to  one  of  the  most  celebrated  combats  in  early 
Grecian  history.  It  was  agreed  between  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
Argives  that  the  possession  of  the  territory  should  be  decided 
by  a  combat  between  three  hundred  chosen  champions  on  either 
side.  So  fierce  was  the  conflict  that  only  one  Spartan  and  two 
Argives  survived.  The  latter,  supposing  that  all  their  opponents 
had  been  slain,  hastened  home  with  the  news  of  victory  ;  but 
Othryades,  the  Spartan  w-arrior,  remained  on  the  field,  and 
spoiled  the  dead  bodies  of  the  enemy.  Both  sides  claimed  the 
victory,  whereupon  a  general  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  Argives 
were  defeated.  The  brave  Othryades  slew  himself  on  the  field 
of  battle,  being  ashamed  to  return  to  Sparta  as  the  one  survivor 
of  her  tliree  hundred  champions.  This  victory  secured  the 
Spartans  in  the  possession  of  Cynuria,  and  effectually  humbled 
the  power  of  Argos. 

Sparta  was  now  by  far  the  most  powerful  of  the  Grecian  states. 
Her  owm  tenitory,  as  we  have  already  seen,  included  the  whole 
southern  portion  of  Peloponnesus  ;  the  Arcadians  were  her  sub- 
ject allies  ;  and  Argos  had  suffered  too  much  from  her  recent 
defeat  to  offer  any  further  resistance  to  her  formidable  neighbour. 
North  of  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  there  was  no  state  whose  power 
could  compete  with  that  of  Sparta.  Athens  was  still  suffering 
from  the  civil  dissensions  which  had  led  to  the  usurpation  of 
Pisistratus,  and  no  one  could  have  anticipated  at  this  time  the 
rapid  and  extraordinary  growth  of  this  state,  which  rendered  her 
beibre  long  the  rival  of  Sparta. 

•  The  plain,  called  Thyreatia  from  the  town  of  Thyrea,  was  the  most 
important  part  of  Cynuria. 


Leaden  Sling-bullets  and  Arrow-heads,  found  at  Athens,  Marathon,  and  LeontinL 


CHAPTER  IX. 


THE    AGE    OF    THE    DESPOTS. 

§  1.  Abolition  of  royalty  throughout  Greece,  except  in  Sparta.  §  2.  Estab- 
lishment of  the  oligarchical  governments.  §  2.  Overthrow  of  the  oli- 
garchies by  the  despots.  Character  of  the  despots,  and  causes  of  their 
fall.  §  4.  Contest  between  oligarchy  and  democracy  on  tlie  removal 
of  the  despots.  §  5.  Despots  of  ISicyon.  History  of  Clisthenes.  §  6.  Des- 
pots of  Corinth.  History  of  Cypselus  and  Periander.  §  7.  Conflicts 
of  the  oligarchical  and  democratical  parties  at  Megara.  Despotisn: 
of  Theagenes.    The  poet  Theognis. 

f  1.  Sparta  was  the  only  state  in  Greece  which  continued  to 
retain  the  kingly  form  of  government  during  the  briUiant  period 
of  Grecian  history.  In  all  other  parts  of  Greece  royalty  had 
been  abolished  at  an  early  age,  and  various  forms  of  republican 
government  established  in  its  stead.  In  all  of  these,  though  dif- 
fering widely  from  each  other  in  many  of  their  institutions, 
hatred  of  monarchy  was  a  universal  feeling.  This  change  in 
the  popular  mind  deserves  our  consideration.  In  the  Heroic  age, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  monarchy  was  the  only  form  of  govern- 
ment kftown.  At  the  head  of  every  state  stood  a  king,  who  had 
derived  his  authority  from  the  gods,  and  whose  commands  were 
reverently  obeyed  by  his  people.  The  only  check  upon  his  au- 
thority was  the  council  of  the  chiefs,  and  even  they  rarely  ven- 
tured to  interfere  with  his  rule.  But  soon  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  first  Olympiad  this  reverential  feeling  towards  the 
king  disappears,  and  his  authority  and  his  functions  are  trans- 
ferred to  the  council  of  chiefs. 


w 


80 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CH4P.  IX 


B.C.  650. 


THE  GRECIAN  DESPOTS. 


81 


This  important  revolution  was  owing  mainly  to  the  smallnesa 
of  the  Grecian  states.  It  must  be  constantly  remembered  that 
each  political  community  consisted  only  of  the  inhabitants  of  a 
single  city.  Among  so  small  a  body  the  king  could  not  surround 
himself  with  any  pomp  or  mystery.  He  moved  as  a  man  among 
his  fellow-men  ;  his  faults  and  his  foibles  became  known  to  all ; 
and  as  the  Greek  mind  developed  and  enlarged  itself,  his  subjects 
lost  all  belief  in  his  divine  right  to  their  obedience.  They  had 
no  extent  of  territory  which  rendered  it  advisable  to  maintain  a 
king  for  the  purpose  of  preservuig  their  union ;  and,  conse- 
quently, when  they  lost  respect  for  his  j^erson,  and  faith  in  his 
divine  right,  they  abolished  the  dignity  altogether.  This  change 
appears  to  have  been  accomplished  without  any  sudden  or  violent 
revolutions.  Sometimes,  on  the  death  of  a  king,  his  son  was  ac- 
knowledged as  ruler  for  life,  or  for  a  certain  number  of  years,  with 
the  title  o^Archon  ;*  and  sometimes  the  royal  race  was  set  aside 
altogether,  and  one  of  the  nobles  was  elected  to  supply  the  place 
of  the  king,  with  the  title  o^Pnjtanis  or  President.!  In  all  cases, 
however,  the  new  magistrates  became  more  or  less  responsible 
to  the  nobles ;  and  in  course  of  time  they  were  elected  for  a 
brief  period  Irom  the  whole  body  of  the  nobles,  and  were  ac- 
countable to  the  latter  for  the  manner  in  which  they  dischargcxi 
the  duties  of  their  office. 

k  2.  The  abolition  of  royalty  was  thus  followed  by  an  Oli- 
garchy, or  the  government  of  the  Few.  This  was  the  first  form 
of  repubUcanism  in  Greece.  Democracy,  or  tlie  government  of 
the  Many,  was  yet  unknown ;  and  the  condition  of  the  general 
mass  of  the  freemen  appears  to  have  been  unailccted  by  the  re- 
volution. But  it  paved  the  way  to  greater  changes.  It  taught 
the  Greeks  the  important  principle  that  the  political  power  was 
vested  in  the  citizens  of  the  state.  It  is  true  that  these  were  at 
first  only  a  small  portion  of  the  freemen ;  but  their  number 
might  be  enlarged  ;  and  the  idea  could  not  fail  to  occur  that  the 
power  which  had  been  transferred  from  the  One  to  the  Few 
might  be  still  further  extended  from  the  Few  to  the  Many. 

The  nobles  possessed  the  greater  part  of  the  land  of  the  state, 
and  were  hence  frequently  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Gco- 
mori  or  Gamori.|  Their  estates  were  cultivated  by  a  rural  and 
dependent  population  ;  whilst  they  themselves  lived  in  the  city, 
and  appear  to  have  formed  an  exclusive  order,  transmitting  their 
privileges  to  their  sons  alone.  But  besides  this  governing  body 
and  their  rustic  dependents,  there  existed  two  other  classes,  con- 
sisting of  small  landed  proprietors,  who  cultivated  their  fields 

*  'Ap;f(jv.  \  Jlpvravic. 

X  Tetajiopoi  (Ionic),  Tofiopoi  (Doric),  landowtien. 


with  their  own  hands,  and  of  artisans  and  traders  residing  in  the 
town.  These  two  classes  were  constantly  increasing  in  nmnbers, 
wealth,  and  intelligence,  and,  consequently,  began  to  demand  a 
share  in  the  government,  from  which  they  had  hitherto  been 
excluded.  The  ruling  body  meantime  had  remained  stationary, 
or  had  even  declined  in  numbers  and  in  wealth ;  and  they  had 
excited,  moreover,  the  discontent  of  the  people  by  the  arbitrary 
and  oppressive  manner  in  which  they  had  exercised  their  au- 
thority. But  it  was  not  from  the  people  that  the  oligarchies 
received  their  first  and  greatest  blow.  They  were  generally  over- 
thrown by  the  usurpers,  to  whom  the  Greeks  gave  the  name  of 
Tyrants.* 

^  3.  The  Greek  word  Tyrant  does  not  correspond  in  meaning 
to  the  same  word  in  the  English  language.  It  signifies  simply 
an  irresponsible  ruler,  and  may  therefore  be  more  correctly  ren- 
dered by  the  term  Despot.  The  rise  of  the  Despots  seems  to 
have  taken  place  about  the  same  time  in  a  large  number  of  the 
Greek  cities.  They  begin  to  appear  in  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
century  B.C. ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  next  hundred  and  fifty  years 
(from  B.C.  650  to  500)  there  were  few  cities  in  the  Grecian 
world  which  escaped  this  revolution  in  their  government.  The 
growing  discontent  of  the  general  body  of  the  people  afforded 
facilities  to  an  ambitious  citizen  to  overthrow  the  existing  oli- 
garchy, and  to  make  himself  supreme  ruler  of  the  state.  In  most 
cases  the  despots  belonged  to  the  nobles,  but  they  acquired  their 
power  in  various  ways.  The  most  frequent  manner  in  which 
they  became  masters  of  the  state  was  by  espousing  the  cause  of 
the  commonalty,  and  making  use  of  the  strength  of  the  latter  to 
put  down  the  oligarchy  by  force.  Sometimes,  but  more  rarely, 
one  of  the  nobles,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  chief  magistracy 
for  a  temporary  period,  availed  himself  of  his  position  to  retain 
his  dignity  permanently,  in  spite  of  his  brother  nobles.  There 
was  another  class  of  irresponsible  rulers  to  whom  the  name  of 
^symnetes,\  or  Dictator,  was  given.  The  supreme  power  was 
voluntarily  entrusted  to  him  by  the  citizens,  but  only  for  a  limited 
period,  and  in  order  to  accomphsh  some  important  object,  such 
as  reconcilmg  the  various  factions  in  the  state. 

The  government  of  most  of  the  despots  was  oppressive  and 
cruel.  In  many  states  they  were  at  first  popular  with  the  gen- 
oral  body  of  the  citizens,  who  had  raised  them  to  power  and  were 
glad  to  see  the  humiliation  of  their  former  masters.  But  discon- 
tent soon  began  to  arise ;  the  despot  had  recourse  to  violence  to 
put  down  disalibction,  and  thus  became  an  object  of  hatred  to 
his  fellow-citizens.  In  order  to  protect  himself  he  called  in  the 
*  Tvpawoi,  \  AiavfjLV^Tfji, 

E* 


83 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  IX. 


aid  of  foreign  troops,  and  took  np  his  residence  in  the  Acropolis, 
surrounded  by  his  mercenaries.  The  most  illustrious  citizens 
were  now  exiled  or  put  to  death,  and  the  govenmient  became 
in  reality  a  tyramiy  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word.  Some  of 
these  despots  erected  magnificent  public  works,  either  to  gratify 
their  own  love  of  splendour  and  display,  or  with  the  express  view 
of  impoverishing  their  subjects.  Others  were  patrons  of  litera- 
ture and  art,  and  sought  to  gain  popularity  by  inviting  literary 
men  to  their  court.  But  even  those  who  exercised  their  sov- 
ereignty with  moderation  were  never  able  to  retain  their  jjopu- 
larity.  The  assumption  of  irresponsible  power  by  one  man  had 
become  abhorrent  to  the  Greek  mind.  A  person  thus  raising 
himself  above  the  law  was  considered  to  have  forfeited  all  title 
to  the  protection  of  the  law.  He  was  regarded  as  the  greatest 
of  criminals,  and  his  assassination  was  viewed  as  a  righteoujj 
and  holy  act.  Hence  few  despots  grew  old  in  their  goverinnent ; 
Mill  fewer  bequeathed  their  power  to  their  sons ;  and  very  rarely 
did  the  dynasty  continue  as  long  as  the  third  generation. 

§  4.  Many  of  the  despots  in  Greece  were  put  down  by  the 
Lacedaemonians.  The  Spartan  government,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  was  essentially  an  oligarchy ;  and  the  Spartans  were  always 
ready  to  lend  their  powerful  aid  to  the  support  or  the  establish- 
ment of  the  government  of  the  Few.  Hence  they  took  an  active 
part  in  the  overthrow  of  the  despots,  with  the  intention  of  es- 
tablishing the  ancient  oligarchy  in  their  place.  But  this  rarely 
happened ;  and  they  thus  became  unintentional  instniments  in 
promoting  the  principles  of  the  popular  party.  The  rule  of  the 
despot  had  broken  down  the  distinction  between  the  nobles  and 
the  general  body  of  freemen ;  and  upon  the  removal  of  the  des- 
pot it  was  found  impossible  in  most  cases  to  reinstate  the  former 
body  of  nobles  in  their  ancient  privileges.  The  latter,  it  is  true, 
attempted  to  regain  them,  and  were  supported  in  their  attempts 
by  Sparta.  Hence  arose  a  new  struggle.  The  first  contest 
after  the  aboUtion  of  royalty  was  between  oligarchy  and  the 
despot ;  the  next  which  now  ensued  was  between  oligarchy  and 
democracy. 

The  history  of  Athens  will  afford  the  most  striking  illustration 
of  the  difierent  revolutions  of  which  we  have  been  speaking ;  but 
there  are  some  examples  in  the  other  Greek  states  which  must 
not  be  passed  over  entirely. 

{  5.  The  city  of  Sicyon,  situated  to  the  west  of  the  Corinthian 
isthmus,  was  governed  by  a  race  of  despots  for  a  longer  period 
than  any  other  Greek  state.  Their  dynasty  lasted  for  a  hundred 
years,  and  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Orthagoras,  about 
B.C.  676.     This  revolution  is  worthy  of  notice,  because  Ortha- 


B.C.  625.        DESPOTS  OF  SICYON  AND  CORINTa 


83 


goras  did  not  belong  to  the  oligarchy.  The  latter  consisted  of  a 
portion  of  the  Dorian  conquerors ;  and  Orthagoras,  who  belonged 
to  the  old  inhabitants  of  the  country,  obtained  the  power  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  Dorian  oligarchy.  He  and  his  successors  were 
doubtless  supported  by  the  old  population,  and  this  was  one 
reason  of  the  long  continuance  of  their  power.  The  last  of  the 
dynasty  was  Clisthenes,  who  was  celebrated  for  his  wealth  and 
magnificence,  and  who  gained  the  victory  in  the  chariot  race  in 
the  Pythian  and  Olympic  games.  He  aided  the  Amphictyons  in 
the  sacred  war  against  Girrha  (b.c.  595),  and  he  was  also  engaged 
in  hostilities  against  Argos.  But  the  chief  point  in  his  history 
which  claims  our  attention  was  his  systematic  endeavour  to 
depress  and  dishonour  the  Dorian  tribes.  It  has  been  already 
remarked*  that  the  Dorians  in  all  their  settlements  were  di- 
vided into  the  three  tribes  of  Hylleis,  Pamphyli,  and  Dymanes. 
These  ancient  and  venerable  names  he  changed  into  new  ones, 
derived  from  the  sow,  the  ass,  and  the  pig,t  while  he  declared 
the  superiority  of  his  own  tribe  by  giving  it  the  designation  of 
Archelaiy  or  lords  of  the  people.  Clisthenes  appears  to  have 
continued  despot  till  his  death,  which  may  be  placed  about 
B.C.  560.  The  dynasty  perished  with  him.  He  left  no  son; 
but  his  daughter  Agarista,  whom  so  many  suitors  wooed,  was 
married  to  the  Athenian  Megacles,  of  the  great  family  of 
the  Alcmaeonidae,  and  became  the  mother  of  Clisthenes,  the 
founder  of  the  Athenian  democracy  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
Pisistratidae. 

k  6.  The  despots  of  Corinth  were  still  more  celebrated.  Their 
dynasty  lasted  74  years.  It  was  founded  by  Cypselus,  who  over- 
threw the  oligarchy  called  the  BacchiadaB  in  b.c.  655.  His  mother 
belonged  to  the  Bacchiadae ;  but  as  none  of  the  race  would  marry 
her  on  account  of  her  lameness,  she  espoused  a  man  who  did  not 
belong  to  the  ruling  class.  The  Bacchiadse  having  learnt  that  an 
oracle  had  declared  that  the  issue  of  this  marriage  would  prove 
their  ruin,  endeavoured  to  murder  the  child ;  but  his  mother 
preserved  him  in  a  chest,  from  which  he  derived  his  name.J 
When  he  had  grown  up  to  manhood  he  came  forward  as  the 
champion  of  the  people  against  the  nobles,  and  with  their  aid 
expelled  the  BacchiadaB,  and  established  himself  as  despot.  He 
held  his  power  for  thirty  years  (b.c.  655-625),  and  transmitted 
it  on  his  death  to  his  son  Periander.  His  government  is  said  to 
have  been  mild  and  popular. 

The  sway  of  Periander,  on  the  other  hand,  is  universally  repre- 

*  Above,  c.  T.  §  T. 

Hyatae  (Tarat),  OneataB  ('Ovearat),  ChtEreatJe  {XoipeuTaC). 
Cypselus  from  cypsele  (kv^e^ti),  a  chest 


I 


84 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  IX 


sented  as  oppressive  and  cruel.     Many  of  the  tales  related  of  him 
may  be  regarded  as  the  calumnies  of  liis  enemies ;  but  there  is 
good  reason  for  believing  that  he  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron.    The 
way  in  which  he  treated  the  nobles  is  illustrated  by  a  well-known 
tale,  which  has  been  transferred  to  the  early  history  of  Rome. 
Soon  after  his  accession  Periander  is  said  to  have  sent  to  Thra- 
sybulus,  despot  of  Miletus,  to  ask  him  for  advice  as  to  the  best 
mode  of  maintaining  his  power.     Without  giving  an  answer  in 
writing,  Thrasybulus  led  the  messenger  through  a  com-field, 
cutting  off;  as  he  went,  the  tallest  ears  of  corn.     He  then  dis- 
missed the  messenger,  telling  him  to  inform  his  master  how  he 
had  found  him  employed.     The  action  was  rightly  interpreted 
by  Periander,   who  proceeded  to  rid  himself  of  the  powerful 
nobles  of  the  state.     The  anecdote,  whether  true  or  not,  is  an 
indication  of  the  common  opinion  entertained  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Periander.     We  are  further  told  that  he  protected  his 
person  by  a  body-guard  of  mercenaries,  and  kept  all  rebellion  in 
check  by  his  rigorous  measures.      It  is  admitted  on  all  hands 
that  he  possessed  great  ability  and  military  skill ;  and,  however 
oppressive  his  government  may  have  been  to  the  citizens  of 
Corinth,  he  raised  the  city  to  a  state  of  great  prosperity  and 
power,  and  made  it  respected  alike  by  friends  and  foes.     Under 
his  sway  Corinth  was  the  wealthiest  and  the  most  powerful  of 
ail  the  commercial  communities  of  Greece ;  and  at  no  other  pe- 
riod in  its  history  does  it  appear  in  so  flourishing  a  condition. 
In  his  reign  many  important  colonies  were  founded  by  Corinth 
on  the  coast  of  Acamania  and  the  surrounding  islands  and 
coasts,   and   his  sovereignty  extended   over  Corcyra,   Ambra- 
cia,  Leucas,  and  Anactorium,  all  of  which  were  independent 
states  in  the  next  generation.     Corinth  possessed  harbours  on 
either  side  of  the  isthmus,   and   the  customs   and   port-dues 
were  so  considerable  that  Periander  required  no  other  source 
of  revenue. 

Periander  was  also  a  warm  patron  of  literature  and  art.  He 
welcomed  the  poet  Arion  and  the  philosopher  Anacharsis  to 
his  court,  and  was  numbered  by  some  among  the  Seven  Sages 
of  Greece. 

The  private  life  of  Periander  was  marked  by  great  misfortunes, 
which  enabittered  his  latter  days.  He  is  said  to  have  killed  his 
wife  Mehssa  in  a  fit  of  anger ;  whereupon  his  son  Lycophron 
left  Corinth  and  withdrew  to  Corcyra.  The  youth  continued 
so  incensed  against  his  father  that  he  refused  to  return  to  Cor- 
inth, when  Periander  in  his  old  age  begged  him  to  come  back 
and  assume  the  govenmient.  Finding  him  inexorable,  Periander, 
who  was  anxious  to  insure  the  continuance  of  his  dynasty,  then 


B.C.  600.        DESPOTS  OF  CORINTH  AIST)  MEGARA. 


86 


offered  to  go  to  Corcyra,  if  Lycophron  would  take  his  place  at 
Corinth.  To  this  his  son  assented  ;  but  the  Corcyraeans,  fearing 
the  stern  rule  of  the  old  man,  put  Lycophron  to  death. 

Periander  reigned  forty  years  (b.c.  G25-585).  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a  relative,  Psammetichus,  son  of  Gorgias,  who  only 
reigned  between  three  and  four  years,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
put  down  by  the  Lacedaemonians. 

§  7 .  During  the  reign  of  Periander  at  Corinth,  Theagenes  made 
himself  despot  in  the  neighbouring  city  of  Megara,  probably 
about  B.C.  G30.  He  overthrew  the  oligarchy  by  espousing  the 
popular  cause ;  but  he  did  not  maintain  his  power  till  his 
death,  but  was  driven  from  the  govenmient  about  b.c.  600.  A 
struggle  now  ensued  between  the  oligarchy  and  the  democracy, 
which  was  conducted  with  more  than  usual  violence.  The 
popular  party  obtained  the  upper  hand,  and  abused  their  vic- 
tory. The  poor  entered  the  houses  of  the  rich,  and  forced 
them  to  provide  costly  banquets.  They  confiscated  the  property 
of  the  nobles,  and  drove  most  of  them  into  exile.  They  not 
only  cancelled  their  debts,  but  also  forced  the  aristocratic  cre- 
ditors to  refund  all  the  interest  which  had  been  paid.  But  the 
expatriated  nobles  returned  in  arms  and  restored  the  oligarchy. 
They  were,  however,  again  expelled,  and  it  was  not  till  after 
long  struggles  and  convulsions  that  an  oligarchical  government 
was  permanently  established  at  Megara. 

These  Megarian  revolutions  are  interesting  as  a  specimen  of 
the  struggles  between  the  oligarchical  and  democratical  parties, 
which  seem  to  have  taken  place  in  many  other  Grecian  states 
about  the  same  time.  Some  account  of  them  is  given  by  the 
contemporary  poet  Theognis,  who  himself  belonged  to  the  oligar- 
chical party  at  Megara.  He  was  bom  and  spent  his  life  in  the 
midst  of  these  convulsions,  and  most  of  his  poetry  was  composed 
at  the  time  when  the  oligarchical  party  was  oppressed  and  in 
exile. 

In  his  poems  the  nobles  are  the  good^  and  the  commons 
the  bad,  terms  which  at  that  time  were  regularly  used  in  this 
political  signification,  and  not  in  their  later  ethical  meaning.* 
We  find  in  his  poems  some  interesting  descriptions  of  the 
social  changes  which  the  popular  revolution  had  effected.  It 
had  rescued  the  country  population  from  a  condition  of  abject 
poverty  and  serfdom,  and  had  given  them  a  share  in  the  govern- 
ment. 

•  It  sliould  be  recollected  that  the  terms  oi  ayaOoL,  IcOloi,  pelriarot, 
«fec.  are  frequently  used  by  the  Greek  writere  to  signify  the  nobles,  and 
oi  KOKOL,  decXoi,  Ac.,  to  signify  the  coniraons.  The  Latin  writers  employ 
in  like  manner  boni,  optimates,  and  milt. 


86  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  IX 

*  Our  commonwealth  preserves  its  former  fame : 
Our  common  people  are  no  more  the  same. 
They  that  in  skins  and  hides  were  rudely  dress'd, 
Nor  dreamt  of  law,  nor  sought  to  be  redress'd 
B^  rules  of  right,  but  in  the  days  of  old 
Liv'd  on  the  land,  like  cattle  in  the  fold, 
Are  now  the  Brave  and  Good  ;  and  we,  the  rest. 
Are  now  the  Mean  and  Bad,*  though  once  the  best." 

An  aristocracy  of  wealth  had  also  begun  to  spring  up  in  place 
of  an  aristocracy  of  birth,  and  intermarriages  had  taken  place 
between  the  two  parties  in  the  state. 

**  But  in  the  daily  matches  that  we  make 
The  price  is  everything ;  for  money's  sake 
Men  marry — Women  are  in  marriage  given ; 
The  Bad  or  Coward*  that  in  wealth  has  thriven. 
May  match  his  offspring  with  the  proudest  race : 
Thus  everything  is  mixed,  noble  and  base." 

Theognis  lost  his  property  in  the  revolution,  and  had  been 
driven  into  exile;  and  the  following  lines  show  the  ferocious 
spirit  which  sometimes  animated  the  Greeks  in  their  party 
struggles. 

"Yet  my  full  wish,  to  drink  their  very  blood. 
Some  power  divine,  that  watches  for  my  good, 
May  yet  accomplish.     Soon  may  he  fulfil 
My  righteous  hope— my  just  and  hearty  wilL"f 

These  Sicyonian,  Corinthian,  and  Megarian  despots  were  some 
of  the  most  celebrated  ;  and  their  history  will  serve  as  samples 
of  what  took  place  in  most  of  the  Grecian  states  in  the  seventh 
end  sixth  centuries  before  the  Christian  era. 

*  All  these  terms  are  used  in  their  political  signification. 
.  T  IJe  preceding  extracts  from  Theognia  are  taken  from  the  transh*- 
tion  of  the  poet  published  by  Mr.  Frere  at  Malta  in  1842. 


Coinof  Corintlu 


CrcBsus  on  the  Funeral  Pile.    (See  p.  100.)— From  an  ancient  Vaise. 


CHAPTER  X. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OP  ATHENS  DOWN  TO  THE  USURPATION  OF 

PISISTRATUS. 

§  1.  Early  division  of  Attica  into  twelve  independent  states,  said  tohav* 
been  united  by  Theseus.  §  2.  Abolition  of  royalty.  Life  archons. 
Decennial  archons.  Annual  archons.  §  3.  Twofold  division  of  the 
Athenians.  (1.)  Eupatridaj,  Geomori,  Demiurgi.  (2.)  Four  tribes: 
Geleontes,  Hopletes,  ^gicores,  Argades.  §  4.  Division  of  the  four 
tribes  into  Trittyes  and  Naucraria3,  and  into  Phratriae  and  Gentes. 
§  5.  The  government  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Eupatridse.  The 
nine  archons  and  their  functions.  The  senate  of  Areopagus.  §6.  The 
legislation  of  Draco.  §7.  The  conspiracy  of  Cylon.  His  failure,  and 
massacre  of  his  partisans  by  Megacles,  the  Alcmseonid.  Ejtpulsion  of 
the  Alcmfeonidae.  §8.  Visit  of  Epimenides  to  Athens.  His  purifica- 
tion of  the  city.  |  9.  Life  of  Solon.  §  10.  State  of  Attica  at  the 
time  of  Solon's  legislation.  §  11.  Solon  elected  archon,  B.C.  594,  with 
legislative  powers.  §  12.  His  Seisachtneia  or  disburdening  ordinance. 
§  18.  His  oonstitutional  changes.    Division  of  the  people  into  four 


88 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  X. 


^C  683. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  ATHENS. 


89 


classes,  accordini^  to  tlieir  propeHv.  §  14.  Institution  of  the  Senate 
of  Four  Ilunaml.  Enlargement  of  the  powere  of  the  Areopagu^ 
The  Athoniau  iroverninent  continues  an  oligarcliy  after  the  tunc  of 
Solon.  §  1 5.  the  special  laws  of  Solon.  §  1 6.  The  travels  of  Solon. 
§  17.  Usurpation  of  Pisistratus.     Return  and  death  of  Solon. 

f  1.  The  history  of  Athens  before  the  age  of  Solon  is  almost  a 
blank.  Its  legendary  tales  are  few,  its  historical  facts  still  fewer. 
Cecrops,  the  first  ruler  of  Attica  *  is  said  to  have  divided  the 
country  into  twelve  districts,  which  are  represented  as  inde- 
pendent communities,  each  governed  by  a  separate  king.  They 
were  afterwards  united  into  a  single  state,  having  Athens  as  its 
capital  and  the  seat  of  government.  At  what  time  this  im- 
portant union  was  effected  cannot  be  determined.  It  took  place 
at  a  period  long  antecedent  to  all  historical  records,  and  is 
ascribed  to  Theseus,  as  the  national  hero  of  the  Athenian  j)eople.t 
The  poets  and  orators  of  a  later  age  loved  to  represent  him  as 
the  parent  of  the  Athenian  democracy.  It  would  be  a  loss  of 
time  to  point  out  the  folly  and  absurdity  of  such  a  notion. 
Theseus  belongs  to  legend,  and  not  to  liistory  ;  and  in  the  age 
in  which  he  is  placed  a  democratical  form  of  government  was  a 
thing  quite  unknown. 

k  2.  A  few  generations  afler  Theseus,  the  Dorians  are  said  to 
have  invaded  Attica.  An  oracle  declared  that  they  would  be  vic- 
torious if  they  spared  the  life  of  the  Athenian  king  ;  whereupon 
Codras,  who  then  reigned  at  Athens,  resolved  to  sacrifice  himscli 
for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  Accordingly  he  went  into  the 
invader's  camp  in  disguise,  provoked  a  quarrel  with  one  of  the 
Dorian  soldiers,  and  was  killed  by  the  latter.  Upon  learning  the 
death  of  the  Athenian  king,  the  Dorians  retired  from  Attica 
without  striking  a  blow  ;  and  the  Athenians,  from  respect  to  the 
memory  of  Codrus,  abolished  the  title  of  king,  and  substituted 
for  it  that  of  Archon|  or  Ruler.  The  office,  however,  was  held 
for  life,  and  was  confined  to  the  family  of  Codrus.  His  son, 
Medon,  was  the  first  archon,  and  he  was  followed  in  the  dignity  by 
eleven  members  of  the  family  in  succession.  But  soon  after  the 
accession  of  Alcmseon,  the  thirteenth  in  descent  from  Medon, 
another  change  was  introduced,  and  the  duration  of  the  archon- 
ship  was  limited  to  ten  years  (b.c.  752).  The  dignity  was  still 
confined  to  the  descendants  of  Medon  ;  but  in  the  time  of  Hipix)- 
menes  (b.c.  714)  this  restriction  was  removed,  and  the  office  was 
thrown  open  to  all  the  nobles  in  the  state.  In  b.c  .  683  a  still  more 
important  change  took  place.  The  archonship  was  now  made 
annual,  and  its  duties  were  distributed  among  nine  persons,  all  of 
whom  bore  the  title,  although  one  was  called  t^w  archon  pre-emi- 

*  See  p.  15.  t  ^**^  details  see  p.  20.  X  'Xpx<^v. 


nently,  and  gave  his  name  to  the  year.     The  last  of  the  decennial 
arclioiis  was  Eryxias,  the  first  of  the  nine  annual  archons  Creon. 

Such  is  the  legendary  account  of  the  change  of  government  at 
Athens,  from  royalty  to  an  oligarchy.  It  appears  to  have  taken 
place  peaceably  and  gradually,  as  in  most  other  Greek  states. 
The  whole  political  power  was  vested  in  the  nobles ;  from  them 
the  nine  annual  archons  were  taken,  and  to  them  alone  these 
magistrates  were  responsible.  The  people,  or  general  body  of 
freemen,  had  no  share  in  the  government. 

S^  3 .  The  Athenian  nobles  were  called  EupatridcB.  Their  name 
is  ascribed  to  Theseus,  who  is  said  to  have  divided  the  Athenian 
people  into  three  classes,  called  EupatridcB,  Geomori  or  husband- 
men, and  Dcmiurgi  *  or  artisans.  The  Eupatridae  were  the  sole 
depositaries  of  political  and  religious  power.  In  addition  to  the 
election  of  the  archons,  they  possessed  the  superintendence  of 
all  religious  matters,  and  were  the  authorized  expomiders  of  all 
laws,  sacred  and  profane.  They  corresponded  to  the  Roman 
patricians  ;  while  the  two  other  classes,  who  were  their  subjects, 
answered  to  the  Roman  plebeians. 

There  was  another  division  of  the  Athenians  still  more  ancient, 
and  one  which  continued  to  a  much  later  period.  Weliave  seen 
that  the  Dorians  in  most  of  their  settlements  were  divided  into 
three  tribes.  The  lonians,  in  like  mamier,  were  usually  distri 
buted  into  four  tribes.f  This  division  existed  in  Attica  from 
the  earliest  times,  and  lasted  in  full  vigour  down  to  the  great 
revolution  of  Clisthenes  (b.c.  509).  The  four  Attic  tribes  had 
different  appellations  at  various  periods,  but  were  finally  distin- 
guished by  the  names  of  Gcleontcs  (or  Telmrites),  Hojiletcs,  jEgi- 
cores,  and  Argddcs,t  which  they  are  said  to  have  derived  from 
the  four  sons  of  Ion.  The  etymology  of  these  names  would  seem 
to  suggest  that  the  tribes  were  so  called  from  the  occupations  of 
their  members  ;  the  Geleontes  (Teleontes)  being  cultivators,  the 
Hopletes  the  warrior-class,  the  iEgicores  goat-ltcrds,  and  the 
Argades  artisa?is.  Hence  some  modern  writers  have  supposed 
that  the  Athenians  were  originally  divided  into  castes,  like  the 
Egyptians  and  Indians.  But  the  etymology  of  these  names  is 
not  free  from  doubt  and  dispute ;  and  even  if  they  were  bor- 
rowed from  certain  occupations,  they  might  soon  have  lost 
their  original  meaning,  and  become  mere  titles  without  any 
significance. 

§  4.  There  were  two  divisions  of  the  four  Athenian  tribes,  one 
for  political,  and  another  for  religious  and  social  purposes. 

*  EvTrarp/Jat,  Teufzopoi,  ATjfiiovpyoi. 

+  ^vXov,  pi.  f^v^a. 

}  T£?Jov7ii,  or  TeMovTcgf  "OirXijrei;,  AiyiKopelg,  'Apyudetc. 


•0 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  X 


For  political  purposes  each  tribe  was  divided  into  three  Trit- 
tyes,  and  each  Trittys  into  four  Naucrariaj.*  There  were  thus 
12  Trittyes  and  48  Naucrariae.  These  appear  to  have  been 
local  divisions  of  the  whole  Athenian  people,  and  to  have  been 
made  chieHy  for  financial  and  military  objects.  Each  Naucrary 
consisted  of  the  Naucrari,  or  householders,!  who  had  to  furnish 
the  amount  of  taxes  and  soldiers  imposed  upon  the  district  to 
which  they  belonged. 

The  division  of  the  tribes  for  religious  and  social  purposes  is 
more  frequently  mentioned.  Each  tribe  is  said  to  have  contained 
three  Phratrise,  each  Phratry  thirty  Gentes,  and  each  Gens  thirty 
heads  of  families.^  Accordingly  there  would  have  been  12 
Phratriae,  360  Gentes,  and  10,800  heads  of  families.  It  is  evident, 
however,  that  such  symmetrical  numbers  could  never  have  been 
preserved,  even  if  they  had  ever  been  instituted ;  and  while  it  is 
certain  that  the  number  of  families  must  have  increased  in  some 
gentes,  and  decreased  in  others,  it  may  also  be  questioned  whe- 
ther the  same  number  of  gentes  existed  in  each  tribe.  But 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  numbers,  the  phratria)  and 
gentes  were  important  elements  in  the  religious  and  social  lile 
of  the  Athenians.  The  families  composing  a  gens  were  united 
by  certain  religious  rites  and  social  obligations.  They  were 
accustomed  to  meet  together  at  fixed  periods  to  ofier  sacri- 
fices to  a  hero,  whom  they  regarded  as  the  common  ancestor 
of  all  the  families  of  the  gens.  They  had  a  common  place  of 
burial  and  common  property ;  and  in  case  of  a  member  dying 
intestate,  his  property  devolved  upon  his  gens.  They  were 
bound  to  assist  each  other  in  difficulties.  There  was  also  a  con- 
nection between  the  gentes  of  the  same  phratry,  and  between 
the  phratries  of  the  same  tribe,  by  means  of  certain  religious 
rites ;  and  at  the  head  of  each  tribe  there  was  a  magistrate 
called  the  Fhylo-Basileus^k  or  King  of  the  Tribe,  who  oflered 
sacrifices  on  behalf  of  the  whole  body. 

h  5.  The  real  history  of  Athens  begins  with  the  institution  of 
annual  archons,  in  the  year  683  B.C.  This  is  the  first  date  in 
Athenian  history  on  which  certain  reliance  can  be  placed.  The 
duties  of  the  government  were  distributed  among  the  nine 
archonS)  in  the  following  manner.     The  first,  as  has  been  already 

*  TpiTTvf,  "SavKpapia, 

f  ISavKQago^  seems  to  be  connected  with  vaiuy  dwell,  and  is  only  an- 
other fonu  for  vavKAa(}0£  or  vavicXjypof. 

\  4>f>ar(>m,  i.e.  brotherhood:  the  word  is  etymologically  connected  with 
f rater  and  brother.  The  word  Ftvof,  or  Gens,  answers  nearly  in  meaning 
to  our  elan.   The  members  of  a  yhog  were  called  yewfiTai  or  dfioyaiuKTec 


B.C.  683. 


EARLT  HISTORY  OF  ATTICA 


91 


remarked,  was  called  The  Archan*  by  way  of  pre-eminence, 
and  sometimes  the  ArcJton  Eponymus,^  because  the  year  was 
distinguished  by  his  name.  He  was  the  president  of  the  body, 
and  the  representative  of  the  dignity  of  the  state.  He  was  the 
protector  of  widows  and  orphans,  and  determined  all  disputes 
relating  to  the  family.  The  second  archon  was  called  Tlie  Bad- 
lens  or  T/ie  King,  because  he  represented  the  king  in  his  capaci- 
ty as  high-priest  of  the  nation.^  All  cases  respecting  reHgion  and 
homicide  were  brought  before  him.  The  third  archon  bore  the 
title  of  The  Poleinarch,k  or  Commander-in-chief,  and  was,  down 
to  the  time  of  Clisthenes,  the  commander  of  the  troops.  He  had 
jurisdiction  in  all  disputes  between  citizens  and  strangers.  The 
remaining  six  had  the  common  title  of  Tfi£smothetcs,\\  or  Legis- 
lators. They  had  the  decision  of  all  disputes  which  did  not 
specially  belong  to  the  other  three.  Their  duties  seem  to  have 
been  almost  exclusively  judicial ;  and  for  this  reason  they  re- 
ceived their  name,  not  that  they  made  the  laws,  but  because 
their  particular  sentences  had  the  force  of  laws  in  the  absence 
of  a  written  code. 

The  Senate,  or  Council  of  Areopagus,  was  the  only  other 
political  power  in  the  state  in  these  early  times.  It  received  its 
name  from  its  place  of  meeting,  which  was  a  rocky  eminence 
opposite  the  Acropolis,  called  the  Hill  of  Ares  (Mars'  Hill).ir 
Its  institution  is  ascribed  by  some  writers  to  Solon  ;  but  it  ex- 
isted long  before  the  time  of  that  legislator,  and  may  be  regard- 
ed as  the  representative  of  the  council  of  chiefs  in  the  Heroic 
ages.  It  was  originally  called  simply  The  Senate  or  Council, 
and  did  not  obtain  the  name  of  the  senate  of  Areopagus  till 
Solon  instituted  another  senate,  from  which  it  was  necessary  to 
distinguish  it.  It  was  of  course  formed  exclusively  of  Eupatrids, 
and  all  the  archons  became  members  of  it  at  the  expiration  of 
their  year  of  office. 

k  6.  The  government  of  the  Eupatrids,  hke  most  of  the  early 
oligarchies,  seems  to  have  been  oppressive.  In  the  absence  of 
written  laws,  the  archons  possessed  an  arbitrary  power,  of  which 
they  probably  availed  themselves  to  the  benefit  of  their  firienda 
and  their  order,  and  to  the  injury  of  the  general  body  of  citizens, 

*  *0  '\qxuv.  t  'A.gx(Jv  knuvvfioc. 

I  'O  (iaffiXevg.  In  the  same  manner  the  title  of  Jiex  Sacrificttr 
Im  or  Rex  Sacrorum  was  retained  at  Rome  after  the  abolition  of 
royalty. 

8  'O  IXoAf/zapjof. 

f  OeafiodeTau  The  word  Oea/iol  was  the  ancient  term  for  laws,  and 
was  afterwards  supplanted  by  vojliou  The  latter  expression  for  making 
laws  is  Oeadai  vofiovg. 

•jf  'O  'Apetof  Trayoc. 


n 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  X 


B.C.  612. 


CONSPIRACY  OF  CYLON. 


n 


The  consequence  was  great  discontent,  which  at  length  hccamc 
flo  serious,  that  Draco  was  appointed  in  624  B.C.  to  draw  up  a 
written  code  of  hiws.  He  did  not  change  the  political  constitu- 
tion of  Athens,  and  the  most  remarkable  characteristic  oi  his 
laws  was  their  extreme  severity.  He  affixed  the  penalty  of  death 
to  all  crimes  ahke  ; — to  petty  thefts,  for  instance,  as  well  as  to 
sacrilege  and  murder.  Hence  they  were  said  to  have  been  writ- 
ten not  in  ink,  but  in  blood  ;  and  we  are  told  that  he  justified  this 
extreme  harshness  by  saying,  that  small  oflences  deserved  death, 
and  that  he  knew  no  severer  punishment  for  great  ones.  This 
severity,  however,  must  be  attributed  rather  to  the  spirit  of  the 
times,  than  to  any  peculiar  harshness  in  Draco  himself ;  for  he 
probably  did  little  more  than  reduce  to  writing  the  ordinances 
which  had  previously  regulated  his  brother  Eupatrids  in  their  de- 
cision of  cases.  His  laws  would  of  course  appear  excessively 
severe  to  a  later  age,  long  accustomed  to  a  milder  system  of 
jurisprudence ;  but  there  is  reason  for  beheving  that  their  severi- 
ty has  been  somewhat  exaggerated.  In  one  instance,  indeed, 
Draco  softened  the  ancient  rigour  of  the  law.  Before  his  time 
all  homicides  were  tried  by  the  senate  of  Areopagus,  and  if  found 
guilty,  were  condemned  to  suffer  the  full  penalty  of  the  law, — 
either  death,  or  perpetual  banishment  with  conhscation  of  prop 
erty.  The  senate  had  no  power  to  take  account  of  any  extenuat- 
ing or  justifying  circumstances.  Draco  left  to  this  ancient  body 
the  trial  of  all  cases  of  wilful  murder  ;  but  he  appointed  fifty-one 
new  judges,  called  Epfietce,^  who  were  to  try  all  cases  of  homi- 
cide in  which  accident  or  any  other  justification  could  be  pleaded. 
His  regulations  with  respect  to  homicide  continued  in  use  after 
his  other  ordinances  had  been  repealed  by  Solon. 

k  7.  The  legislation  of  Draco  failed  to  calm  the  prevailing  dis- 
content. The  people  gained  nothing  by  the  written  code,  except 
a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  its  severity  ;  and  civil  dissensions 
prevailed  as  extensively  as  before.  The  general  dissatisfaction 
with  the  govermnent  was  favourable  to  revolutionary  projects  ; 
and  accordingly,  twelve  years  after  Draco's  legislation  (b.c.  612), 
one  of  the  nobles  conceived  the  design  of  depriving  his  brother 
Eupatrids  of  their  power,  and  making  himself  despot  of  Athens. 
This  noble  was  Cylon,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  members 
of  the  order.  He  had  gained  a  victory  at  the  Olympic  games, 
and  had  married  the  daughter  of  Theagenes,  of  Megara,  who 
had  made  himself  despot  of  his  native  city.  Encouraged  by 
the  success  of  his  father-in-law,  and  excited  by  his  own  cele- 
brity and  position  in  the  state,  he  consulted  the  Delphic  oracle 
on  the  subject,  and  was  advised  to  seize  the  Acropohs  at  •'  tho 


greatest  festival  of  Jove."  Cylon  naturally  supposed  that  the 
god  referred  to  the  Olympic  games,  in  which  he  had  gained  so 
much  distinction,  forgetting  that  the  Diasia  was  the  greatest 
festival  of  Jove  at  Athens.  Accordingly,  during  the  celebration 
of  the  next  Olympic  games,  he  took  possession  of  the  Acropohs 
with  a  considerable  force,  composed  partly  of  his  own  partisans, 
and  partly  of  troops  furnished  by  Theagenes.  But  he  did  not 
meet  with  any  support  from  the  gi'cat  mass  of  the  people,  and 
he  soon  found  himself  closely  blockaded  by  the  forces  which  the 
government  was  able  to  summon  to  its  assistance.  Cylon  and 
his  brother  made  their  escape :  but  the  remainder  of  his  asso- 
ciates, hard  pressed  by  hunger,  abandoned  the  defence  of  the 
walls,  and  took  refuge  at  the  altar  of  Athena  (Minerva).  Here 
they  were  found  by  the  archon  Megacles,  one  of  the  illustrious 
family  of  the  Alcmaeonidaj ;  who,  fearing  lest  their  death  should 
pollute  the  sanctuary  of  the  goddess,  promised  that  their  lives 
should  be  spared  on  their  quitting  the  place.  But  directly  they 
had  quitted  the  temple,  the  promise  was  broken,  and  they  were 
put  to  death ;  and  some  who  had  taken  refuge  at  the  altar  of 
the  Eumenides,  or  the  Furies,  were  murdered  even  at  that  sa- 
cred spot. 

The  conspiracy  thus  failed  ;  but  its  suppression  was  attended 
with  a  long  train  of  melancholy  consequences.  The  whole  family 
of  the  AlcmfBonidae  were  believed  to  have  become  tainted  by  the 
daring  act  or  sacrilege  committed  by  Megacles  ;  and  the  friends 
and  partisans  of  the  murdered  conspirators  were  not  slow  in  de- 
manding vengeance  upon  the  accursed  race.  Thus  a  new  ele- 
ment of  discord  was  introduced  into  the  state.  The  power  and 
influence  of  the  Alcmaeonidae  enabled  them  long  to  resist  the 
attempts  of  their  opponents  to  bring  them  to  a  public  trial ;  and 
it  was  not  till  many  years  after  these  events  that  Solon  per- 
suaded them  to  submit  their  case  to  the  judgment  of  a  special 
court  composed  of  three  hundred  Eupatrida3.  By  this  court  they 
were  adjudged  guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  were  expelled  from  Attica ; 
but  their  punishment  was  not  considered  to  expiate  their  im- 
piety, and  we  shall  find  in  the  later  times  of  Athenian  history 
that  this  powerful  family  was  still  considered  an  accursed  race, 
which  by  the  sacrilegious  act  of  its  ancestor  brought  upon  their 
native  land  the  anger  of  the  gods.  The  expulsion  of  the  Alc- 
mffionidae  appears  to  have  taken  place  about  the  year  597  b.c. 
k  B.  The  banishment  of  the  guilty  race  did  not,  however,  de- 
liver the  Athenians  from  their  rehgious  fears.  They  imagined 
that  their  state  had  incurred  the  anger  of  the  gods :  and  the 
pestilential  disease  with  which  they  were  visited  was  regarded 
ns  an  unerring  sign  of  the  divine  wrath.     Upon  the  advice  of 


( 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chaf.  X 


the  Delphic  oracle,  they  invited  the  celebrated  Cretan  prophet 
and  sage  Epimenides  to  visit  Athens,  and  purify  their  city  Irom 
pollution  and  sacrilege. 

Epimenides  was  one  of  the  most  renowned  prophets  ol  the 
age.  In  his  youth  he  was  said  to  have  been  overtaken  by  a  sleep, 
which  lasted  for  fifty-seven  years.  During  this  imraculous  trance 
he  had  been  favoured  with  frequent  intercourse  with  the  gods, 
and  had  learnt  the  means  of  propitiating  them  and  gaining  their 
favour.  This  venerable  seer  was  received  with  the  greatest  re- 
verence at  Athens.  By  performing  certain  sacrifices  and  expi- 
atory rites,  he  succeeded  in  staying  the  plague,  and  in  purifying 
the  city  from  its  guilt.  The  rehgious  despondency  ot  the  Athe- 
nians now  ceased,  and  the  grateful  people  ofiered  their  bene- 
factor a  talent  of  gold ;  but  he  refused  the  money,  and  con- 
tented himself  with  a  branch  from  the  sacred  olive  tree,  which 
grew  on  the  Acropolis.  The  visit  of  Epimenides  to  Athens  oc- 
curred about  the  year  596  b.c. 

Epimenides  had  been  assisted  in  his  undertaking  by  the  ad- 
vice of  SSolon,  who  now  enjoyed  a  distinguished  reputation  at 
Athens,  and  to  whom  his  fellow-citizens  looked  up  as  the  only 
person  in  the  state  who  could  deliver  them  from  their  political 
and  social  dissensions,  and  secure  them  from  such  misfortunes  lor 

the  future.  . 

§  9.  We  have  now  come  to  an  important  period  m  Athenian 
and  in  Grecian  history.  The  legislation  of  Solon  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  greatness  of  Athens.  Solon  himself  was  one  ol  the 
most  remarkable  men  in  the  early  history  of  Greece.  He  pos- 
sessed a  deep  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  was  ammated  m 
his  public  conduct  by  a  lofty  spirit  of  patriotism.  It  is,  there- 
fore, the  more  to  be  regretted  that  we  are  acquainted  with  only 
a  few  facts  in  his  life.  His  birth  may  be  placed  about  the  year 
638  B.C.  He  was  the  son  of  Execestides,  who  traced  lus  descent 
from  the  heroic  Codrus ;  and  liis  mother  was  first  cousin  to  the 
mother  of  Pisistratus.  His  father  possessed  only  a  moderate 
fortune,  which  he  had  still  further  diminished  by  prodigality  ; 
and  Solon  in  consequence  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  trade. 
He  visited  many  parts  of  Greece  and  Asia  as  a  merchant,  and 
formed  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  his 
time.  At  an  early  age  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  poetical 
abiUties  ;  and  so  widely  did  his  reputation  extend,  that  he  was 
reckoned  one  of  the  Seven  Sages. 

The  first  occasion  which  induced  Solon  to  take  an  active  part 
in  poUtical  afiairs,  was  the  contest  between  Athens  and  Megara 
for  the  possession  of  Salamis.  That  island  had  revolted  to  Me- 
gara ;  and  the  Athenians  had  so  repeatedly  failed  m  their  at- 


jBbC.  600* 


LIFE  OF  SOLON. 


W 


tempts  to  recover  it,  that  they  forbade  any  citizen,  under 
penalty  of  death,  to  make  any  proposition  for  the  renewal  of  the 
enterprise.  Indignant  at  such  pusillanimous  conduct,  Solon 
caused  a  report  to  be  spread  through  the  city  that  he  was  mad, 
and  then  in  a  state  of  frenzied  excitement  he  rushed  into  the 
market-place,  and  recited  to  a  crowd  of  bystanders  a  poem 
which  he  had  previously  composed  on  the  loss  of  Salamis.  He 
upbraided  the  Athenians  with  their  disgrace,  and  called  upon 
them  to  reconquer  "  the  lovely  island."  "  Rather  (he  exclaimed) 
would  I  be  a  denizen  of  the  most  contemptible  community  in 
Greece  than  a  citizen  of  Athens,  to  be  pointed  at  as  one  of  those 
Attic  dastards  who  had  so  basely  relinquished  their  right  to 
Salamis."  His  stratagem  was  completely  successful.  His  friends 
seconded  his  proposal:  and  the  people  unanimously  rescinded 
the  law,  and  resolved  once  more  to  try  the  fortune  of  war.  Solon 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  expedition,  in  which  he 
was  accompanied  by  his  young  kinsman  Pisistratus.  In  a  single 
campaign  (about  B.C.  600)  Solon  drove  the  Megarians  out  of  the 
island  ;  but  a  tedious  war  ensued,  and  at  last  both  parties  agreed 
to  refer  the  matter  in  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  Sparta.  So- 
lon pleaded  the  cause  of  his  countrymen,  and  is  said  on  this 
occasion  to  have  forged  the  line  in  the  Iliad,*  which  represents 
Ajax  ranging  his  ship  with  those  of  the  Athenians.  The  Lace- 
daemonians decided  in  favor  of  the  Athenians,  in  whose  hands 
the  island  remained  henceforward  down  to  the  latest  times. 

Soon  after  the  conquest  of  Salamis,  Solon's  reputation  was 
further  increased  by  espousing  the  cause  of  the  Delphian  temple 
against  Cirrha.  He  is  said  to  have  moved  the  decree  of  the  Am- 
phictyons,  by  which  war  was  declared  against  the  guilty  city 
(B.C.  595).t 

HO.  The  state  of  Attica  at  the  time  of  Solon's  legislation  de- 
mands a  more  particular  account  than  we  have  hitherto  given. 
Its  population  was  divided  into  three  factions,  who  were  now  in 
a  state  of  violent  hostility  against  each  other.  These  parties 
consisted  of  the  Pcdieis,t  or  wealthy  Eupatrid  inhabitants  of  the 
plains  ;  of  the  Diacrii,^  or  poor  inhabitants  of  the  hilly  districts 
in  the  north  and  east  of  Attica ;  and  of  the  Parali,\\  or  mercantile 
inhabitants  of  the  coasts,  who  held  an  intermediate  position  be- 
tween the  other  two. 

The  cause  of  the  dissensions  between  these  parties  is  not 
particularly  mentioned  ;  but  the  difficulties  attending  these  dis- 
putes had  become  aggravated  by  the  miserable  condition  of  the 
poorer  population  of  Attica.     The  latter  were  in  a  state  of 

•  iL  568.  f  See  p.  5L  %  Tledulg  or  Hedialoi. 

§  AiuKQiou  I   HugaXoL 


m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  X. 


abject  poverty.  They  had  borrowed  money  from  the  wealthy 
at  exorbitant  rates  of  interest  upon  the  security  of  their  pro- 
perty and  their  persons.  If  the  principal  and  interest  of  the 
debt  were  not  paid,  the  creditor  had  the  power  of  seizing  the 
person  as  well  as  the  land  of  his  debtor,  and  of  using  him  as  a 
slave.  Many  had  thus  been  torn  from  their  homes  and  sold  to 
barbarian  masters  :  while  others  were  cultivating  as  slaves  the 
lands  of  their  wealthy  creditors  in  Attica.  The  rapacity  of  the 
rich  and  the  degradation  of  the  poor  are  recorded  by  Solon  in 
the  existing  fragments  of  his  poetry  ;  and  matters  had  now  come 
to  such  a  crisis,  that  the  existing  laws  could  no  longer  be  en- 
forced, and  the  poor  were  ready  to  rise  in  open  uisurrection 
against  the  rich. 

Hi.  In  these  alarming  circumstances,  the  ruling  oligarchy 
were  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  Solon.  They  were  aware  of  thu 
vigorous  protest  he  had  made  against  their  injustice ;  but  they 
trusted  that  his  connexion  with  their  party  would  help  them  over 
their  present  difficulties ;  and  they  therelbre  chose  him  Archon 
in  B.C.  594,  investing  him  mider  that  title  with  unlimited  powers 
to  efiect  any  changes  he  might  consider  beneficial  to  the  state. 
His  appointment  was  hailed  with  satisfaction  by  the  poor ; 
and  all  parties  were  willing  to  accept  his  mediation  and  re- 
forms. 

Many  of  Solon's  friends  urged  him  to  take  advantage  of  his 
position  and  make  himself  despot  of  Athens.  There  is  no  doubt 
he  would  have  succeeded  if  he  had  made  the  attempt,  but  he 
had  the  wisdom  and  the  virtue  to  resist  the  temptation,  telling 
liis  friends  that  "  despotism  might  be  a  fine  country,  but  there 
was  no  way  out  of  it."  Dismissing,  therefore,  all  thoughts  of 
personal  aggrandisement,  he  devoted  all  his  energies  to  the  diffi- 
cult task  he  had  undertaken. 

H«.  He  commenced  his  undertaking  by  relieving  the  poorer 
class  of  debtors  from  their  existing  distreris.  This  he  eliected 
by  a  celebrated  ordinance  called  Scisachtheia,  or  a  shaking  offof 
burthens.*  This  measure  cancelled  all  contracts  by  which  the 
land  or  person  of  a  debtor  had  been  given  as  security  :  it  thus 
relieved  the  land  from  all  encumbrances  and  claims,  and  set  at 
liberty  all  persons  who  had  been  reduced  to  slavery  on  account 
of  their  debts.  Solon  also  provided  means  of  restoring  to  their 
homes  those  citizens  who  had  been  sold  into  foreign  countries. 
He  forbad  for  the  future  all  loans  in  which  the  person  of  the 
debtor  was  pledged  as  security.  This  extensive  measure  entirely 
released  the  poorer  classes  from  their  diHiculties,  but  it  must 
have  left  many  of  their  creditors  miable  to  discharge  their  obli- 


I3.C.  5V4. 


LEGISLATION  OF  SOLOK. 


n 


gations.  To  give  the  latter  some  relief,  he  lowered  the  standard 
of  the  coinage,  so  that  the  debtor  saved  rather  more  than  a 
fourth  in  every  payment.* 

Some  of  his  friends  having  obtained  a  hint  of  his  intention 
borrowed  large  sums  of  money,  with  which  they  purchased 
estates ;  and  Solon  himself  would  have  sufiered  in  public  esti- 
mation, if  it  had  not  been  found  that  he  was  a  loser  by  his  own 
measure,  having  lent  as  much  as  five  talents. 

§  13.  Tlie  success  attending  these  measures  was  so  great,  that 
Solon  was  now  called  upon  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  draw  up  a 
new  constitution  and  a  new  code  of  laws.  As  a  preliminary  step 
he  repealed  all  the  laws  of  Draco,  except  those  relating  to  murder. 
He  then  proceeded  to  make  a  new  classification  of  the  citizens, 
according  to  the  amount  of  their  property,  thus  changing  the 
government  from  an  Oligarchy  to  a  Timocracy.f 

The  title  of  the  citizens  to  the  honours  and  offices  of  the  state 
was  henceforward  regulated  by  their  wealth,  and  not  by  their 
birth.  This  was  the  distinjjuishinj?  feature  of  Solon's  constitu- 
tion,  and  produced  eventually  most  important  consequences ; 
though  the  change  was  probably  not  great  at  first,  since  there 
were  then  few  wealthy  persons  in  Attica,  except  the  Eupatrids. 
Solon  then  distributed  all  the  citizens  into  four  classes,  accord- 
ing to  their  property,  wliich  he  caused  to  be  assessed.  The  first 
class  consisted  of  those  whose  annual  income  was  equal  to  500 
medimni  of  corn  and  upwards,  and  were  called  Pcntacosiome' 
dimni.X  The  second  class  consisted  of  those  whose  incomes 
ranged  between  300  and  500  medimni,  and  were  called  Kmghts,h 
from  their  being  able  to  furnish  a  war-horse.  The  third  class 
consisted  of  those  who  received  between  200  and  300  medimni, 
and  were  called  ZeugitcR.W  from  their  being  able  to  keep  a  yoke 
of  oxen  for  the  plough.  T  he  fourth  class,  called  TJictes,  If  included 
all  whose  property  fell  short  of  200  medimni.  The  members  of 
the  first  three  classes  had  to  pay  an  income-tax  according  to  the 
amount  of  their  property ;  but  the  fourth  class  were  exempt 
from  direct  taxation  altogether.  The  first  class  were  alone 
eHgible  to  the  archonship  and  the  higher  offices  of  the  state. 
The  second  and  third  classes  filled  inferior  posts,  and  were  liable 

*  Solon  is  said  to  have  made  the  mina  contain  100  drachmas  instead 
of  73;  that  is,  73  old  draelimas  contained  the  same  quantity  of  silver 
as  100  of  the  new  standard. 


t  Ti/^o/c()ar/a  from  TLfirj  assessment,  and  KQariu  rule. 


I  t' 


TievraKoaiofiidifivot.     The  medimnus  contained  nearly  12  imperiaJ 
gallons,  or  1^  bushel:  it  was  reckoned  equal  to  a  drachma. 
^  'Imrjj^  or  '{nirel^. 
\  Zevyirai,  from  Cevyoc,  a  yoke  of  beasts.  ^  Gf/rec. 


't#t> 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


€haf.  X 


to  military  service,  the  fonner  as  horsemen,  and  the  latter  m 
heavy-armed  soldiers  on  foot.  The  fourth  class  were  excluded 
from  all  puhUc  offices,  and  served  in  the  army  only  as  hght- 
armed  troops.  Solon,  however,  admitted  them  to  a  share  m  the 
political  power  by  allowing  them  to  vote  in  the  pubhc  assem- 
blv  *  where  they  must  have  constituted  by  far  the  largest  num- 
ber He  gave  the  assembly  the  right  of  electing  the  archons  and 
the  other  officers  of  the  state ;  and  he  also  made  the  archons 
accountable  to  the  assembly  at  the  expiration  of  their  year  ot 
office.  Solon  thus  greatly  enlarged  the  functions  ot  the  public 
assembly,  which,  under  the  government  of  the  Eupatrids  proba- 
bly possessed  little  more  power  than  the  agora,  descnbed  m  the 

poems  of  Homer.  i.i    i  j 

§  14.  This  extension  of  the  duties  of  the  public  assembly  led 
to  the  institution  of  a  new  body.  Solon  created  the  Senate,  or 
Council  of  Four  Hundred,  with  the  special  object  of  preparmg 
aU  matters  for  the  discussion  of  the  public  assembly,  of  presiding 
at  its  meetings,  and  of  carrying  its  resolutions  into  effect.  JNo 
subject  could  be  introduced  before  the  people,  except  by  a  pre- 
vious resolution  of  the  Senate.!  The  members  ot  the  Senate 
were  elected  by  the  public  assembly,  one  hundred  from  each  ot 
the  four  ancient  tribes,  wliich  were  left  untouched  by  Solon. 
They  held  their  office  for  a  year,  and  were  accountable  at  its  ex- 
piration to  the  public  assembly  for  the  manner  in  which  they  had 
discharged  their  duties. 

Solon,  however,  did  not  deprive  the  ancient  Senate  ot  the  Are- 
opagus of  any  of  its  functions.l  On  the  contrary,  he  enlarged 
its  powers,  and  entrusted  it  with  the  general  supervision  ot  the 
institutions  and  laws  of  the  state,  and  imposed  upon  it  the  duty 
of  inspecting  the  hves  and  occupations  of  the  citizens. 

These  are  the  only  pohtical  institutions  which  can  be  safely 
ascribed  to  Solon.  At  a  later  period  it  became  the  fashion  among 
the  Athenians  to  regard  Solon  as  the  author  of  all  their  demo- 
cratical  institutions,  just  as  some  of  the  orators  referred  them 
even  to  Theseus.  Thus  the  creation  of  jury-courts  and  ot  the 
periodical  revision  of  the  laws  by  the  Nomothet»  belongs  to  a 
later  age,  although  frequently  attributed  to  Solon.  This  legis- 
lator oidy  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Athenian  democracy  by 
giving  the  poorer  classes  a  vote  in  the  popular  assembly,  and 
by  enlarging  the  power  of  the  latter ;  but  he  left  the  govern- 
inent  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  wealthy.  For  many  years 
after  his  time  the  government  continued  to  be  an  oligarchy,  but 
•  Called  Beliaea  ('HAmm)  in  the  time  of  Solon,  but  subsequ^jutly 
Meelesia  {eKK'^Tjala).  *  o  m 

j  Called  ProhouUuma  {vpoftovXewc^  +  °^®  P*  ^^ 


aC.  594. 


LEGISLATION  OF  SOLON. 


99 


was  exercised  with  more  moderation  and  justice  than  formerly. 
The  establishment  of  the  Athenian  democracy  was  the  work  of 
Clisthenes,  and  not  of  Solon. 

§  15.  The  laws  of  Solon  were  inscribed  on  wooden  rollers  and 
triangular  tablets,*  and  were  preserved  first  in  the  Acropolis,  and 
afterwards  in  the  Prytaneum,  or  Town-hall.  They  were  very 
numerous,  and  contained  regulations  on  almost  all  subjects  con- 
nected with  the  public  and  private  life  of  the  citizens.  But  they 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  arranged  in  any  systematic  manner ; 
and  such  small  fragments  have  come  down  to  us,  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  give  any  general  view  of  them. 

The  most  important  of  all  these  laws  were  those  relating  to 
debtor  and  creditor,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken.  Several 
of  Solon's  enactments  had  for  their  object  the  encouragement  of 
trade  and  manufactures.  He  invited  foreigners  to  settle  in 
Athens  by  the  promise  of  protection  and  valuable  privileges. 
The  Council  of  the  Areopagus  was,  as  we  have  seen,  intrusted  by 
him  with  the  duty  of  examining  into  every  man's  mode  of  life, 
and  of  punisliing  the  idle  and  profligate.  To  discourage  idleness 
a  son  was  not  obliged  to  support  his  father  in  old  age,  if  the  lat- 
ter had  neglected  to  teach  him  some  trade  or  occupation. 

Solon  punished  theft  by  compelling  the  guilty  party  to  restore 
double  the  value  of  the  property  stolen.  He  forbade  speaking 
evil  either  of  the  dead  or  of  the  living.  He  either  established  or 
regulated  the  public  dinners  in  the  Prytaneum,  of  which  the 
archons  and  a  few  others  partook. 

The  rewards  which  he  bestowed  upon  the  victors  in  the  Olym- 
pic and  Isthmian  games  were  very  large  for  that  age :  to  the 
former  he  gave  500  drachmas,  and  to  the  latter  100. 

One  of  the  most  singular  of  Solon's  regulations  was  that  which 
declared  a  man  dishonoured  and  disfranchised  who,  in  a  civil 
sedition,  stood  aloof  and  took  part  with  neither  side.  The 
object  of  this  celebrated  law  was  to  create  a  public  spirit  in  the 
citizens,  and  a  lively  interest  in  the  afikirs  of  the  state.  The 
ancient  governments,  unlike  those  of  modern  times,  could  not 
summon  to  their  assistance  any  regular  police  or  military  force ; 
and  unless  individual  citizens  came  forward  in  civil  commotions, 
any  ambitious  man,  supported  by  a  powerful  party,  might  easily 
make  himself  master  of  the  state. 

sW6.  Solon  is  said  to  have  been  aware  that  he  had  left  many 
imperfections  in  his  laws.  He  described  them  not  as  the  best 
laws  wliich  he  could  devise,  but  as  the  best  which  the  Athe- 
nians could  receive.      Ho  bound  the  government  and  people 


Called  "A^oveg  and  KvpjSeig. 


100 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  X 


E.C.  560. 


USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUa 


101 


ll» 


of  Athens  by  a  solemn  oath  to  observe  his  institutions  for  at 
least  ten  years.  But  as  soon  as  they  came  into  operation  he 
was  constantly  besieged  by  a  number  of  applicants,  who  came 
to  ask  his  advice  respecting  the  meaning  of  his  enactments,  or 
to  suggest  improvements  and  alterations  in  them.  Seeing  that 
if  he  remained  in  Athens,  he  should  be  obliged  to  introduce 
changes  into  his  code,  he  resolved  to  leave  his  native  city  lor  the 
period  of  ten  years,  during  which  the  Athenians  were  bound  to 
maintain  his  laws  inviolate.  He  first  visited  Egj'pt,  and  then 
proceeded  to  Cyprus,  where  he  was  received  with  great  distinc- 
tion by  Philocyprus,  king  of  the  small  town  of  iEpia.  He  per- 
suaded this  prince  to  remove  his  city  from  the  old  site,  and  found 
a  new  one  on  the  plain,  which  Philocyprus  called  Soh,  in  honour 
of  his  illustrious  visitor. 

Solon  is  also  related  to  have  remained  some  time  at  Sardis, 
the  capital  of  Lydia.  His  interview  with  Chesus,  the  Lydian 
king,  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  events  in  his  lite.  The  Ly- 
dian monarchy  was  then  at  the  height  of  its  prosperity  and  glory. 
CroBSUS,  after  exhibiting  to  the  Grecian  sage  all  his  treasures, 
asked  him  who  was  the  happiest  man  he  had  ever  known, 
nothing  doubting  of  the  reply.  But  Solon,  without  flattering 
his  royal  guest,  named  two  obscure  Greeks;  and  when  the  king 
expressed  his  surprise  and  mortification  that  his  visitor  took  no 
Accomit  of  his  great  glory  and  wealth,  Solon  replied  that  he  es- 
teemed no  man  happy  till  he  knew  how  he  ended  his  life,  since 
the  highest  prosperity  was  frequently  followed  by  the  darkest 
adversity.  Croesus  at  the  time  treated  the  admonition  of  the 
sage  with  contempt ;  but  when  the  Lydian  monarchy  was  after- 
wards overthrown  by  Cyrus,  and  Croesus  was  condemned  by  his 
savage  conqueror  to  be  burnt  to  death,  the  warnings  of  the  Greek 
philosopher  came  to  his  mind,  and  he  called  in  a  loud  voice  upon 
the  name  of  Solon.  Cyrus  inquired  the  cause  of  this  strange  in- 
vocation, and  upon  hearing  it,  was  stnick  with  the  vicissitudes 
of  fortune,  set  the  Lydian  monarch  free,  and  made  him  his  con- 
fidential friend. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  regret  that  the  stern  laws  of  chronology 
compel  us  to  reject  this  beautiful  tale.  Cra»sus  did  not  ascend 
the  throne  till  b.c.  560,  and  Solon  had  returned  to  Athens  before 
that  date.  The  story  has  been  evidently  invented  to  convey  an 
important  moral  lesson,  and  to  draw  a  striking  contrast  between 
Grecian  republican  simplicity  and  Oriental  splendour  and  pomp. 

H7.  During  the  absence  of  Solon,  the  old  dissensions  between 
the  Plain,  the  Shore,  and  the  Mountain  had  broken  out  afresh 
with  more  violence  than  ever.  The  first  was  headed  by  Lycurgus, 
the  second  by  Megacles,  the  Alcmaionid,  and  the  grandson  of  the 


I 

I 


archon  who  had  suppressed  the  conspiracy  of  Cylon,  and  the 
third  by  Pisistratus,  the  cousin  of  Solon.  Of  these  leaders,  Pisi& 
tratus  was  the  ablest  and  the  most  dangerous.  He  had  gained 
renown  in  war ;  he  possessed  remarkable  fluency  of  speech  ;  and 
he  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Mountain,  which  was  ihe  poor- 
est of  the  three  classes,  in  order  to  gain  popularity  with  the  great 
mass  of  the  people.  Of  these  advantages  he  resolved  to  avail 
himself  in  order  to  become  master  of  Athens. 

Solon  returned  to  Athens  about  b.c.  562,  when  these  dissen- 
sions were  rapidly  approaching  a  crisis.  He  soon  detected  the 
ambitious  designs  of  his  kinsman,  and  attempted  to  dissuade 
him  from  them.  Finding  his  remonstrances  fruitless,  he  next 
denounced  his  projects  in  verses  addressed  to  the  people.  Few, 
however,  gave  any  heed  to  his  warnings ;  and  Pisistratus,  at 
length  finding  his  schemes  ripe  lor  action,  had  recourse  to  a 
memorable  stratagem  to  secure  his  object.  One  day  he  appeared 
in  the  market-place  in  a  chariot,  his  mules  and  his  own  person 
bleeding  with  wounds  inflicted  with  his  own  hands.  These  he 
exhibited  to  the  people,  telling  tliem  that  he  had  been  nearly 
murdered  in  consequence  of  defending  their  rights.  The  popu- 
lar indignation  was  excited  ;  an  assembly  was  forthwith  called, 
and  one  of  his  friends  proposed  that  a  guard  of  fifty  club-men 
should  be  granted  him  for  his  future  security.  It.  was  in  vain 
that  Solon  used  all  his  authority  to  oppose  so  dangerous  a  re- 
quest ;  his  resistance  was  overborne ;  and  the  guard  was  voted. 

Pisistratus  thus  gained  the  first  and  most  important  step.  He 
gradually  increased  the  number  of  his  guard,  and  soon  found 
himself  strong  enough  to  throw  off  the  mask  and  seize  the  Acro- 
polis, B.C.  560.  Megacles  and  the  Alcmaionidse  left  the  city. 
Solon  alone  had  the  courage  to  oppose  the  usurpation,  and  up- 
braided the  people  with  their  cowardice  and  their  treachery. 
*'  You  might,"  said  he,  "  with  ease  have  crushed  the  tyrant  in 
the  bud ;  but  nothing  now  remains  but  to  pluck  him  up  by  the 
roots."  But  no  one  responded  to  his  appeal.  He  refused  to  fly ; 
and  when  his  friends  asked  him  on  what  he  relied  for  protection, 
"On  my  old  age,"  was  his  reply.  It  is  creditable  to  Pisistratus 
that  he  left  his  aged  relative  unmolested,  and  even  asked  his 
advice  in  the  administration  of  the  government. 

Solon  did  not  long  survive  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution. 
He  died  a  year  or  two  afterwards  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty. 
His  ashes  are  said  to  have  been  scattered,  by  his  own  direction, 
round  the  island  of  Salamis,  which  he  had  won  for  the  Athenian 
people. 


Ruins  or  the  Temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove  at  Athens. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

HISTORY   OP  ATHENS    FROM    THE    USURPATION   OF    PISTSTRATUS    TO 
THE    ESTABLISHMENT  OF    THE    DEMOCRACY   BY  CLISTHENES. 

§  1.  Despotism  of  Pisistratus.  His  first  expulsion  and  restoration.  §2. 
His  second  expulsion  and  restoration.  §  3.  Government  of  Pisistratus 
after  liis  final  restoration  to  his  death,  b.c.  527.  §  4.  Government  of 
Hippias  and  Hipparchus.  Conspiracy  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton, 
and  assassination  of  Hipparchus,  b.c.  514.  §  5.  Sole  government  of 
Hippias.  His  expulsion  by  the  Alcma»onida3  and  the  Lacediemonians, 
1I.C.  510.  §  6.  Honours  paid  to  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton.  8  7.  Party 
etrnggles  at  Athens  between  Clisthenes  and  Isagoras.  Establishment 
of  tile  Athenian  democracy.  §8.  Reforms  of  Clisthenes.  Institution 
of  ten  new  tribes  and  of  the  demes.  §  9.  Increase  of  the  number  of 
the  Senate  to  Five  Hundred.  §  10.  Enlargement  of  the  functions  and 
authority  of  the  Senate  and  the  Ecclesia.  §  11.  Introduction  of  tho 
judicial  functions  of  the  people.  Institution  of  the  Ten  Strategi  or 
Generals.  §12.  Ostracism.  §13.  First  attempt  of  the  Lncedatmonians 
to  overthrow  the  Athenian  democracy.    Invasion  of  Attica  by  Cleo- 


B.C.  660. 


USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUa 


lOS 


menes,  followed  by  his  expulsion  with  that  of  Isagoras.  §  14.  Second 
attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  democracy. 
The  Lacedaemonians,  Thebaus,  and  Chalcidians  attack  Attica.  The 
Lacedffimonians  deserted  by  their  allies  and  compelled  to  retire.  Vic- 
tories of  the  Athenians  over  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians,  followed 
by  the  planting  of  4000  Athenian  colonists  on  the  lands  of  the  Chal- 
cidians. §  15.  Third  attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the 
Athenian  democracy,  again  frustrated  by  the  refusal  of  the  allies  to 
take  part  in  the  enterprise.  §  16.  Growth  of  Athenian  patriotism,  a 
conse<iuence  of  the  reforms  of  Clisthenes. 

§  1.  Pisistratus  became  despot  of  Athens,  as  already  stated, 
ill  the  year  5G0  B.C.  He  did  not  however  retain  his  power  long. 
The  two  leaders  of  the  other  factions,  Megacles  of  the  Shore, 
and  Lycurgus  of  the  Plain,  now  combined,  and  Pisistratus  was 
driven  into  exile.  But  the  two  rivals  afterwards  quarrelled,  and 
Megacles  invited  Pisistratus  to  return  to  Athens,  offering  him 
his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  promising  to  assist  him  in  regain- 
ing the  sovereignty.  These  conditions  being  accepted,  the  follow- 
ing stratagem  was  devised  for  carrying  the  plan  into  effect.  A  tall 
stately  woman,  named  Phya,  was  clothed  in  the  armour  and  cos- 
tume of  Athena  (Minerva),  and  placed  in  a  chariot  with  Pisistratus 
at  her  side.  In  this  guise  the  exiled  despot  approached  the  city, 
preceded  by  heralds,  who  announced  that  the  goddess  was  bring- 
ing back  Pisistratus  to  her  own  acropolis.  The  people  believed 
the  announcement,  worshipped  the  woman  as  their  tutelary 
goddess,  and  quietly  submitted  to  the  sway  of  their  former  ruler. 
§  2.  Pisistratus  married  the  daughter  of  Megacles  according 
to  the  compact ;  but  as  he  had  already  grown  up  children  by  a 
former  marriage,  and  did  not  choose  to  connect  his  blood  with  a 
family  which  was  considered  accursed  on  accomit  of  Cylon's 
sacrilege,  he  did  not  treat  her  as  his  wife.  Incensed  at  this 
affront,  Megacles  again  made  common  cause  with  Lycurgus,  and 
Pisistratus  was  compelled  a  second  time  to  quit  Athens.  He  re- 
tired to  Eretria  in  Euboea,  where  he  remained  no  fewer  than  ten 
years.  He  did  not  however  spend  his  time  in  inactivity.  He  pos- 
sessed considerable  influence  in  various  parts  of  Greece,  and  many 
cities  furnished  him  with  large  sums  of  money.  He  was  thus 
able  to  procure  mercenaries  from  Argos ;  and  Lygdamis,  a  pow- 
erful citizen  of  Naxos,  came  himself  both  with  money  and  with 
troops.  With  these  Pisistratus  sailed  from  Eretria,  and  landed  at 
Marathon.  Here  he  was  speedily  joined  by  his  friends  and  parti- 
sans, who  flocked  to  his  camp  in  large  numbers.  His  antagonists 
allowed  him  to  remain  undisturbed  at  Marathon ;  and  it  was  uot 
till  he  began  his  march  towards  the  city  that  they  hastily  col- 
lected their  forces  and  went  out  to  meet  him.  But  their  conduct 
was  extremely  negligent  or  corrupt ;  for  Pisistratus  fell  suddenly 


104 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XL 


upon  their  forces  at  iioon,  when  the  men  were  unprepared  for 
battle,  and  put  them  to  flight  almost  without  resistance.  Instead 
of  following  up  his  victory  by  slaughtering  the  fugitives,  he  pro- 
claimed a  general  pardon  on  condition  of  their  returning  quietly 
to  their  homes.  His  orders  were  generally  obeyed  ;  and  the 
leaders  of  the  opposite  factions,  finding  themselves  abandoned 
by  their  partisans,  quitted  the  countr}\  In  this  manner  Pisis- 
tratus  became  undisputed  master  of  Athens  for  the  third  time. 
,  §  3.  Pisistratus  now  adopted  vigorous  measures  to  secure  his 
power  and  render  it  permanent.  He  took  into  his  pay  a  body 
of  Thracian  mercenaries,  and  seized  as  hostages  the  children  of 
those  citizens  whom  he  suspected,  placing  them  in  Naxos  under 
the  care  of  Lygdamis.  But  as  soon  as  he  was  firmly  established 
in  the  government,  his  administration  was  marked  by  mildness 
and  equity.  An  income-tax  of  five  per  cent,  was  all  that  he 
levied  from  the  people.  He  maintained  the  institutions  of  Solon, 
taking  care,  however,  that  the  highest  offices  should  always  be 
held  by  some  members  of  his  own  family.  He  not  only  eiil'orced 
strict  obedience  to  the  laws,  but  himself  set  the  example  of  sub- 
mitting to  them.  Being  accused  of  murder,  he  disdained  to 
take  advantage  of  his  authority,  and  went  in  person  to  plead 
his  cause  before  the  Areopagus,  where  his  accuser  did  not  ven- 
ture to  appear.  He  courted  popularity  by  largesses  to  the 
citizens,  and  by  throwing  open  his  gardens  to  the  poor.  He 
adorned  Athens  with  many  public  buildings,  thus  giving  em- 
ployment to  the  poorer  citizens,  and  at  the  same  time  gratifying 
his  own  taste.  He  commenced  on  a  stupendous  scale  a  temple 
to  the  Olympian  Jove,  which  remained  unfinished  ibr  centuries, 
and  was  at  length  completed  by  the  emperor  Hadrian.  He 
covered  with  a  building  the  fountain  Callirrhoe,  which  supplied 
the  greater  part  of  Athens  with  water,  and  conducted  the  water 
through  nine  pipes,  whence  the  fountain  was  called  Ennca- 
crunus.*  Moreover,  Pisistratus  was  a  patron  of  literature,  as 
well  as  of  the  arts.  He  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  person  in 
Greece  who  collected  a  library,  which  he  threw  open  to  the 
public ;  and  to  him  jwsterity  is  indebted  for  the  collection  of 
the  Homeric  poems.f  On  the  whole,  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
he  made  a  wise  and  noble  use  of  his  power ;  and  it  was  for  thia 
reason  that  Julius  CaBsar  was  called  the  Pisistratus  of  Rome. 

§  4.  Pisistratus  died  at  an  advanced  age  in  527  B.C.,  thirty- 
three  years  afler  his  first  usurpation.  He  transmitted  tlie  so- 
vereign power  to  his  sons,  Hippias  and  Hipparchus,  who  con- 
ducted the  government  on  llie  same  principles  as  their  father, 

*  'KweuKQovvo^  from  twta  nine,  and  /cpowof  a  pipe.        \  See  p.  43. 


B.C.  614. 


ASSASSINATION  OF  HIPPARCHDs. 


log 


Hipparchus  inherited  his  father's  literary  tastes.  He  invited 
several  distinguished  poets,  such  as  Anacreon  and  Simonides,  to 
his  court,  and  he  set  up  along  the  highways  statues  of  Hermes 
(Mercur}'),  with  moral  sentences  written  upon  them.  Thucy- 
dides  states  that  the  sons  of  Pisistratus  cultivated  virtue  and  wis- 
dom  ;  the  people  appear  to  have  been  contented  with  their  rule  ; 
and  it  was  only  an  accidental  circumstance  which  led  to  their 
overthrow  and  to  a  change  in  the  government. 

Their  fall  was  occasioned  by  the  memorable  conspiracy  cf 
Harmed ius  and  Aristogiton.     These   citizens   belonged   to   an 
ancient  family  of  Athens,  and  were  attached  to  each  other  by  a 
most  intimate  friendship.     Harmodius  having  given  ofience  to 
Hippias,  the  despot  revenged  himself  by  puttuig  a  pubhc  afiront 
upon  his  sister.     This  indignity  excited  the  resentment  of  the 
two  friends,  and  they  now  resolved  to  slay  the  despots,  or  perish 
in  the  attempt.     They  communicated  the  plot  to  a  few  asso- 
ciates, and  determined  to  carry  it  into  execution  on  the  festival 
of  the  Great  Panathenaea,  when  all  the  citizens  were  required  to 
attend  in  arms,  and  to  march  in  procession  from  the  Ceramicus, 
a  suburb  of  the  city,  to  the  temple  of  Athena  (Minerva)  on  the 
Acropolis.     When  the  appointed  time  arrived,  the  conspirators 
appeared  armed  like  the  rest  of  the  citizens,  but  carrying  con- 
cealed daggers  besides.    Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  had  planned 
to  kill  Hippias  first,  as  he  was  arranging  the  order  of  the  proces- 
sion in  the  Ceramicus ;  but  upon  approaching  the  spot  where  he 
was  standing,  they  were  thunderstruck  at  beholding  one  of  the 
conspirators  in  close  conversation  with  the  despot.     Believing 
that  they  were  betrayed,  and  resolving  before  they  died  to  wreak 
their  vengeance  upon  Hipparchus,  they  rushed  back  into  the 
city  with  their  daggers  hid  in  the  m}Ttle  boughs  which  they 
were  to  have  carried  in  the  procession.     They  tbund  him  near 
the  chapel  called  Leocorium,  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.     Har- 
modius was  immediately  cut  down  by  the  guards.     Aristogiton 
escaped  for  the  time,  but  was  afterwards  taken,  and  died  under 
the  tortures  to  which  he  was  subjected  in  order  to  compel  him 
to  disclose  his  accomphces.     The  news  of  his  brother's  death 
reached  Hippias  before  it  became  generally  known.     With  ex- 
traordinary presence  of  mind  he  called  upon  the  citizens  to  drop 
their  arms,  and  meet  him  in  an  adjoining  ground.     They  obeyed 
without  suspicion.     He  then  apprehended  those  on  whose  per- 
sons daggers  were  discovered,  and  all  besides  whom  he  had  any 
reason  to  suspect. 

k  5.  Hipparchus  was  assassinated  in  u.c.  514,  the  fourteenth 
year  after  the  death  of  Pisistratus.  From  this  time  the  char- 
acter of  the  government  became  entirely  changed.     His  bro- 


106 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


ClIAF.  XL 


! 


ther's  murder  converted  Hippias  into  a  cruel  and  suspicious 
tyrant.  He  put  to  death  numbers  of  the  citizens,  and  raised 
large  sums  of  money  by  extraordinary  taxes.  Feeling  himself 
unsafe  at  homo,  he  began  to  look  abroad  ibr  some  place  of  re- 
treat, in  case  he  should  be  expelled  from  Athens.  With  this 
view,  he  gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  JEantides,  son  of  Hij)- 
poclus,  despot  of  Lampsacus,  because  the  latter  was  in  great 
favour  with  Darius,  king  of  Persia. 

Moantime  the  growing  unpopularity  of  Hippias  raised  the 
hopes  of  the  powerful  lamily  of  the  Alcmajonid®,  who  had  lived 
in  exile  ever  since  the  third  and  final  restoration  of  Pisistratus 
to  Athens.  Believing  the  favourable  moment  to  be  come,  they 
even  ventured  to  invade  Attica,  and  established  themselves  in  a 
fortified  town  upon  the  frontier.  They  were,  however,  defeated 
by  Hippias  with  loss,  and  compelled  to  quit  the  country.  Un- 
able to  effect  their  restoration  by  force,  they  now  had  recourse 
to  a  manoeuvre  which  proved  successful. 

The  AlcmajonidsB  had  taken  the  contract  for  rebuilding  the 
temple  at  Delphi,  which  had  been  accidentally  destroyed  by  fire 
many  years  previously.  They  not  only  executed  the  work  in 
the  best  possible  manner,  but  even  exceeded  what  had  been 
required  of  them,  employing  Parian  marble  for  the  front  of  the 
temple,  instead  of  the  coarse  stone  specified  in  the  contract. 
This  liberaUty  gained  for  them  the  favour  of  the  Delphians ;  and 
Chsthenes,  the  son  of  Megacles,  who  was  now  the  head  of  the 
family,  secured  the  oracle  still  further  by  pecuniary  presents  to 
the  Pythia,  or  priestess.  Henceforth,  whenever  the  Spartans  came 
to  consult  the  oracle,  the  answer  of  the  priestess  was  always  the 
same, — "  Athens  must  be  liberated."  This  order  was  so  often 
repeated,  that  the  Spartans  at  last  resolved  to  obey,  although 
they  had  hitherto  maintained  a  friendly  comiexion  with  the 
family  of  Pisistratus.  Their  first  attempt  failed ;  the  ibrce  which 
they  sent  into  Attica  was  defeated  by  Hippias,  and  its  leader 
slain.  A  second  effort  succeeded.  Cleomenes,  king  of  Sparta, 
defeated  the  Thessalian  alhes  of  Hippias ;  and  the  latter,  unable 
to  meet  his  enemies  in  the  field,  took  refuge  in  the  Acropolis. 
Here  he  might  have  maintained  himself  in  safety,  had  not  his 
children  been  made  prisoners  as  they  were  being  secretly  carried 
out  of  the  country.  To  procure  their  restoration,  he  consented 
to  quit  Attica  in  the  space  of  five  days.  He  sailed  to  Asia,  and 
took  up  his  residence  at  Sigeum  in  the  Troad,  which  his  father 
had  wrested  from  the  Mytilena;ans  in  war. 

I  6.  Hippias  was  expelled  in  B.C.  510,  four  years  after  the 
assassination  of  Hipparchus.  These  four  years  had  been  a  time 
of  suffering  and  oppression  for  the  Athenians,  and  had  efiaced 


B.C.  610. 


EXPULSION  OF  HIPPIA>S. 


lOV 


from  their  minds  all  recollection  of  the  former  mild  rule  of 
Pisistratus  and  his  sons.  Hence  the  expulsion  of  the  family 
was  hailed  with  delight,  and  their  names  were  handed  down 
to  posterity,  with  execration  and  hatred.  For  the  same  reason 
the  memory  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  was  cherished  with 
the  fondest  reverence ;  and  the  Athenians  of  subsequent  genera- 
tions, overlooking  the  four  years  which  elapsed  from  their  death 
to  the  overthrow  of  the  despotism,  represented  them  as  the  hbe- 
rators  of  their  country  and  the  first  martyrs  for  its  liberty.  Their 
statues  were  erected  in  the  market-place  soon  after  the  expulsion 
of  Hippias  ;  their  descendants  enjoyed  immunity  from  all  taxes 
and  public  burdens ;  and  their  deed  of  vengeance  formed  the 
favourite  subject  of  drinking  songs.  Of  these  the  most  famous 
and  popular  has  come  down  to  us,  and  may  be  thus  translated : 

"  I'll  wreath  my  sword  in  myrtle  bough, 
The  sword  that  laid  the  tyrant  low, 
When  patriots,  burning  to  be  free, 
To  Athens  gave  equality. 

"  Harmodius,  hail !  though  reft  of  breath, 
Thou  ne'er  shalt  feel  the  stroke  of  death  I 
The  heroes'  happy  isles  shall  be 
The -bright  abode  allotted  thee. 

"  I'll  wreath  my  sword  in  myrtle  bough, 
The  sword  that  laid  Hipparchus  low, 
When  at  Athena's  adverse  fane 
He  knelt,  and  never  rose  again. 

"While  Freedom's  name  is  understood, 
You  shall  delight  the  wise  and  good  ; 
You  dared  to  set  your  country  free, 
And  gave  her  laws  equality."* 

^  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  quitted  Athens  soon  after  Hippias 
had  sailed  away,  leaving  the  Athenians  to  settle  their  own  affairs. 
The  Solonian  constitution,  which  had  continued  to  exist  nomi- 
nally under  the  administration  of  the  family  of  Pisistratus,  was 
now  revived  in  its  full  force  and  vigour.  Clisthenes,  to  whom 
Athens  was  mainly  indebted  for  its  liberation  from  the  despotism, 
aspired  to  be  the  political  leader  of  the  state,  but  was  opposed 
by  Isagoras,  who  was  supported  by  the  great  body  of  the  nobles. 
By  the  Solonian  constitution,  the  whole  political  power  was 
vested  in  the  hands  of  the  latter  ;  and  Clisthenes  soon  found  that 
it  was  hopeless  to  contend  against  his  rival  under  the  existing 
order  of  things.     For  this  reason  he  resolved  to  introduce  an 

*  Wellesley's  Anthologia  Polyglotta,  p.  445. 


lOS 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XI. 


important  change  in  the  constitution,  and  to  p^ive  to  the  people 
an  equal  share  in  the  government.  This  is  the  account  of  He- 
rodotus, who  says  that  "  he  took  the  people  into  partnersliip, 
who  had  been  before  excluded  from  everything."  It  is  probable 
however  that  these  reforms  were  not  suggested  simply  by  a  love 
of  selfish  aggrandizement;  but  that  he  had  seen  the  necessity  of 
placing  the  constitution  on  a  more  popular  basis,  and  of  giving  a 
larger  number  of  citizens  a  personal  interest  in  the  welfare  and 
preservation  of  the  state.  However  this  may  be,  tJie  reforms  of 
Clisthenes  gave  birth  to  the  Athenian  democracy,  which  can 
hardly  be  said  to  have  existed  before  this  time. 

§  8.  The  first  and  most  important  reform  of  Clisthenes,  and 
that  on  which  all  the  rest  depended,  was  a  redistribution  of 
the  whole  population  of  Attica  into  ten  new  tribes.  Up  to  this 
time  the  Athenian  citizenship  had  been  confined  to  the  members 
of  the  four  Ionic  tribes,  into  which  no  one  could  gain  admission 
except  through  means  of  the  close  corporations  called  gentes 
and  phratriaj.*  But  there  was  a  large  body  of  residents  in  At- 
tica who  did  not  belong  to  these  coriM>rations,  and  who  conse- 
quently had  no  share  in  the  political  Iranchise.  Clisthenes 
accordingly  abolished  these  four  tribes,  and  established  ten  new 
ones  in  their  stead,  in  which  he  enrolled  all  the  free  inhabitants 
of  Attica,  including  both  resident  aliens  and  even  emancipated 
slaves.  Thes3  ten  tribes  were  purely  local,  and  were  divided 
into  a  certain  number  of  cantons  or  townships,  called  demes.f 
At  a  later  time  we  find  174  of  these  demes  ;  but  it  is  not 
known  whether  this  was  the  original  number  instituted  by 
Clisthenes. 

There  is  one  point  connected  with  the  arrangement  of  the 
demes  which  deserves  mention,  since  it  indicates  singular  fore- 
eight  and  sagacity  on  the  part  of  Clisthenes.  The  demes  which 
he  assigned  to  each  tribe  were  never  all  of  them  contiguous  to 
each  other,  but  were  scattered  over  difii3rent  parts  of  Attica. 
The  object  of  this  arrangement  was  evidently  to  prevent  any 
tribe  from  acquiring  a  local  interest  independent  of  the  entire 
community,  and  to  remove  the  temptation  of  forming  itself  into 
a  political  faction  from  the  proximity  of  its  members  to  each 
other.  This  was  the  more  necessary  when  we  recollect  that  the 
parties  of  the  Plain,  the  Shore,  and  the  Mountain  had  all  arisen 
from  local  feuds. 

Every  Athenian  citizen  was  obliged  to  be  enrolled  in  a  deme, 
and  in  all  public  documents  was  designated  by  the  name  of  the 
one  to  which  he  belonged.  Each  deme,  hke  a  parish  in  Eng- 
land, administered  its  own  affairs.     It  had  its  public  meethigs,  it 

•  See  p.  m-  f  fJ^juo*. 


? 


i 


B.a  510. 


REFORMS  OF  CLISTHENES. 


109 


levied  taxes,  and  was  under  the  superintendence  of  an  oflScei 
called  Demarchus.* 

§  9.  The  establishment  of  the  ten  new  tribes  led  to  a  change 
in  the  nmnber  of  the  Senate.     It  had  previously  consisted  of  400 
members,  taken  in  equal  proportions  from  each  of  the  four  old 
tribes.     It  was  now  eidarged  to  500,  50  being  selected  from  each 
of  the  ten  new  tribes.     At  the  same  time  its  duties  and  functions 
were  greatly  increased.     By  the  constitution  of  Solon  its  prin- 
cipal business  was  to  prepare  matters  for  discussion  in  the  Ec- 
clesia  ;  but  Clisthenes  gave  it  a  great  share  hi  the  administration 
of  the  state.     Its  sittings  became  constant,  and  the  year  was  di- 
vided into  ten  portions,  called  Pnjta?iics,i  corresponding  to  a 
simdar  division  in  the  senate.     The  fifty  senators  of  each  tribe 
took  by  turns  the  duty  of  presiding  in  the  senate  and  in  the  ec- 
clesia  dunng  one  Prytany,  and  received  during  that  time  the 
title  of  Frytanes.t     The  ordinary  Attic  year  consisted  of  12 
lunar  months,  or  354  days,  so  that  six  of  the  Prytanies  lasted  35 
days,  and  four  of  them  30  days.     But  for  the  more  convenient 
despatch  of  business,  every  fifty  members  were  divided  into  five 
bodies  of  ten  each,  who  presided  for  seven  days,  and  were  hence 
called  ProcdH.k     Moreover,  out  of  these  proedri  a  chairman, 
called  EpistatesM  was  chosen  by  lot  everyday  to  preside  both  in 
the  senate  and  in  the  ecclesia,  when  necessary,  and  to  him  were 
entrusted  during  his  day  of  office  the  keys  of  the  AcropoHs  and 
the  treasury,  and  the  public  seal. 

HO.  The  Ecclesia,  or  formal  assembly  of  the  citizens,  was 
accustomed  at  a  later  period  to  meet  regularly  four  times  in  every 
1  rj^tany.     It  is  not  stated  that  this  number  was  fixed  by  Chs- 
thenes,  and  it  is  more  probable  that  he  did  not  institute  such 
irequent  meetings  ;  but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  it  was  a  part 
ot  his  system  to  summon  the  Ecclesia  at  certain  fixed  periods 
iiy  the  constitution  of  Solon  the  government  of  the  state  seems  to 
have  been  chiefly  vested  in  the  archons  ;  and  it  was  one  of  the 
principal  reforms  of  Clisthenes  to  transfer  the  political  power 
Irom  their  hands  to  the  senate  and  the  ecclesia.     He  accustomed 
the  people  to  the  discussion  and  management  of  their  own  af- 
lairs,  and  thus  prepared  them  for  the  still  more  democratical 
re  orms  of  Aristides  and  Pericles.     At  a  later  time  we  find  that 
all  citizens  were  ehgible  to  the  office  of  archon,  and  that  these 
magistrates  were  chosen  by  lot,  and  not  elected  by  the  body  of 
citizens.     They  were  deprived,  moreover,  of  most  of  their  judi- 
cial duties  by  the  extension  of  the  powers  of  the  popular  courts 
01  justice. 


Aijfiapxo^. 


§  TlQoedQOL 


f  TlQfVTavetai. 


\  'ETTfffrarjyf, 


X  HgvTavitC, 


i 


no 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XI 


These  reforms,  however,  were  not  introduced  by  Clisthenes. 
He  continued  to  exclude  the  fourth  of  those  classes  into  which 
Solon  had  divided  the  citizens,  from  the  post  of  archon  and  from 
all  other  offices  of  state  ;  he  made  no  change  in  the  manner  of 
appointing  the  archons,  and  left  them  in  the  exercise  of  im- 
portant judicial  duties.  Hence  the  constitution  of  Clisthenes, 
notwithstanding  the  increase  of  piower  which  it  gave  to  the 
people,  came  to  be  regarded  as  aristocratical  in  the  times  of 
Pericles  and  Demosthenes. 

§  11.  Of  the  other  reforms  of  Clisthenes  we  are  imperfectly 
informed.  He  increased  the  judicial  as  well  as  the  political 
power  of  the  people.  It  is  in  fact  doubtful  whether  Solon  gave 
the  people  any  judicial  functions  at  all ;  and  it  was  probably 
Clisthenes  who  enacted  that  s^\  public  crimes  should  be  tried  by 
the  whole  body  of  citizens  above  thirty  years  of  age,  specially  con- 
voked and  swoni  for  the  purpose.  The  assembly  thus  convened 
was  called  HeU(m,  and  its  members  Heliasts*  With  the  in- 
crease of  the  judicial  functions  of  the  people,  it  became  necessary 
to  divide  the  Helia?a  into  ten  distinct  courts  ;  and  this  change 
was  probably  introduced  soon  after  the  time  of  Clisthenes. 

The  new  constitution  of  the  tribes  introduced  a  change  in  the 
military  arrangements  of  the  state.  The  citizens,  who  were  re- 
quired to  serve,  were  now  marshalled  according  to  tribes,  each 
of  which  was  subject  to  a  Strategtis,i  or  general  of  its  own: 
These  ten  generals  were  elected  annually  by  the  whole  body  of 
citizens,  and  became  at  a  later  time  the  most  important  officers 
in  the  state,  since  they  possessed  the  direction  not  only  of  naval 
and  military  aliairs,  but  also  of  the  relations  of  the  city  with 
foreign  states.  Down  to  the  time  of  Clisthenes,  the  command  cf 
the  military  force  had  been  vested  exclusively  in  the  third  ar- 
chon, or  Polemarch  ;  and  even  after  the  institution  of  the  Stra- 
tegi  by  Clisthenes,  the  Polemarch  still  continued  to  possess  a 
joint  right  of  command  along  with  them,  as  will  be  seen  when 
we  come  to  relate  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

H2.  There  was  another  remarkable  institution  expressly 
ascribed  to  Clisthenes — ^the  Ostracism  ;  the  real  object  of  which 
has  been  explained  for  the  first  time  by  Mr.  Grote.  By  the  Os- 
tracism, a  citizen  was  banished  without  special  accusation,  trial, 
or  defence  for  ten  years,  which  term  was  subsequently  reduced 
to  iive  :  he  was  not  deprived  of  his  property  ;  and  at  the  end  of 
his  period  of  exile  was  allowed  to  return  to  Athens,  and  to  resume 
all  the  political  rights  and  privileges  which  he  had  previously 
enjoyed.     It  must  be  recollected  that  the  force  which  a  Greek 


♦•HXm/a,  'Wliaarai. 


f  SrpariTyoc. 


■■■■I 


B.C.  510. 


REFORMS  OF  CLISTHENES. 


Ill 


government  had  at  its  disposal  was  very  small ;  and  that  it  was 
comparatively  easy  for  an  ambitious  citizen,  sup|X)rted  by  a  nu- 
merous body  of  partisans,  to  overtlirow  the  constitution  and  make 
himself  despot.  The  past  history  of  the  Athenians  had  shown 
the  dangers  to  which  they  were  exposed  from  this  cause  ;  and 
the  Ostracism  was  the  means  devised  by  Clisthenes  for  removin"- 
quietly  from  the  state  a  powerful  party  leader  before  he  could 
carry  into  execution  any  violent  schemes  for  the  subversion  of 
the  government.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to  guard  this  in- 
stitution from  abuse.  The  senate  and  the  ecclesia  had  first  to 
determine  by  a  special  vote  whether  the  safety  of  the  state  re- 
quired such  a  step  to  be  taken.  If  they  decided  in  the  affirma- 
tive, a  day  was  fixed  for  voting,  and  each  citizen  wrote  upon 
a  tile  or  oyster  shell*  the  name  of  the  person  whom  he  wished 
to  banish.  The  votes  were  then  collected,  and  if  it  was  found 
that  6000  had  been  recorded  against  any  one  person,  he  was 
obliged  to  withdraw  from  the  city  within  ten  days  ;  if  the  num- 
ber of  votes  did  not  amount  to  6000,  nothing  was  done.  The 
large  number  of  votes  required  for  the  ostracism  of  a  person 
(one-fourth  of  the  entire  citizen  population)  was  a  sufficient 
guarantee  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  citizens  considered 
him  dangerous  to  the  state.  It  is  a  proof  of  the.  utility  of  this 
institution  that  from  the  time  of  its  establishment  no  further 
attempt  was  made  by  any  Athenian  citizen  to  overthrow  the 
democracy  by  force. 

H3.  The  reforms  of  Clisthenes  were  received  with  such  popu- 
lar favor,  and  so  greatly  increased  the  influence  of  their  author, 
that  Isagoras  saw  no  hope  for  him  and  his  party  except  by  calling 
in  the  interference  of  Cleomenes  and  the  LacedaBmonians.  This 
was  readily  promised,  and  heralds  were  sent  from  Sparta  to 
Athens,  demanding  the  expulsion  of  Clisthenes  and  the  rest  of 
the  Alcmaeonidae,  as  the  accursed  family  on  whom  rested  the 
pollution  of  Cylon's  murder.  Clisthenes,  not  daring  to  disobey 
the  LacedaBmonian  government,  retired  voluntarily ;  and  thus 
Cleomenes,  arriving  at  Athens  shortly  afterwards  with  a  smali 
force,  found  himself  undisputed  master  of  the  city.  He  first 
expelled  700  families  pointed  out  by  Isagoras,  and  then  at- 
tempted to  dissolve  the  Senate  of  Five  Hundred,  and  place  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  three  hundred  of  his  friends  and 
partisans.  This  proceeding  excited  general  indignation;  the 
people  rose  in  arms ;  and  Cleomenes  and  Isagoras  took  refuge 
in  the  Acropolis.  At  the  end  of  two  days  their  provisions  were 
exhausted,  and  they  were  obliged  to  capitulate.     Cleomenes  and 


•  Osiracon  (oarQaKov),  wlience  the  name  of  Ostracism  {ocTQaKiafxoc). 


112 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XI 


the  Lacedaemonian  troops,  as  well  as  Isagoras,  were  allowed  to 
retire  in  safety ;  but  all  their  adherents  who  were  captured 
with  them  were  put  to  death  by  the  Athenian  people.  Clis- 
thenes  and  the  700  exiled  families  were  immediately  recalled, 
and  the  new  constitution  was  materially  strengthened  by  the 
failure  of  this  attempt  to  overthrow  it. 

§  14.  The  Athenians  had  now  openly  broken  with  Sparta. 
Fearing  the  vengeance  of  this  formidable  state,  Clisthenes  sent 
envoys  to  Artaphemes,  the  Persian  satrap  at  Sardis,  to  solicit 
the  Persian  alliance,  which  was  ofi'ered  on  condition  of  the 
Athenians'  sending  earth  and  water  to  the  King  of  Persia  as  a 
token  of  their  submission.  The  envoys  promised  compliance ; 
but  on  their  return  to  Athens,  their  countiymen  repudiated 
their  proceeding  with  indignation.  Meantime,  Cleomenes  was 
preparing  to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Atlienians,  and  to  establish 
Isagoras  as  a  despot  over  them.  He  summoned  the  Peloponne- 
Bian  allies  to  the  field,  but  without  informing  them  of  the  object 
of  the  expedition ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  concerted  measures 
with  the  Thebans  and  the  Chalcidians  of  Euboia  for  a  simulta- 
neous attack  upon  Attica.  The  Peloponnesian  army,  commanded 
by  the  two  kings,  Cleomenes  and  Demaratus,  entered  Attica,  and 
advanced  as  far  as  Eleusis ;  but  when  the  allies  became  aware  of 
the  object  for  which  they  had  been  summoned,  they  refused  to 
march  farther.  The  power  of  Athens  was  not  yet  sufficiently 
great  to  inspire  jealousy  among  the  other  Greek  states  ;  and  the 
Corinthians,  who  still  smarted  under  the  recollection  of  the  suf- 
ferings inflicted  upon  them  by  their  own  despots,  took  the  lead 
in  denouncing  the  attempt  of  Cleomenes  to  crush  the  libeilies 
of  Athens.  Their  remonstrances  were  seconded  by  Demaratus, 
the  other  Spartan  king ;  so  that  Cleomenes  found  it  necessarj' 
to  abandon  the  expedition  and  return  home.  The  dissension  of 
the  two  kings  on  this  occasion  is  said  to  have  led  to  the  enact- 
ment of  the  law  at  Sparta,  that  both  kings  should  never  have 
the  command  of  the  army  at  the  same  time. 

The  unexpected  retreat  of  the  Peloponnesian  army  delivered 
the  Athenians  from  their  most  formidable  enemy,  and  they  lost 
no  time  in  turning  their  arms  against  their  other  foes.  March- 
ing into  BoBOtia,  they  defeated  the  Thebans,  and  then  crossed  over 
into  Euboea,  where  they  gained  a  decisive  victorj^over  the  Chal- 
cidians. In  order  to  secure  their  dominion  in  Eubaa,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  provide  for  their  poorer  citizens,  the  Athenians 
distributed  the  estates  of  the  wealthy  Chalcidian  landowners 
among  4000  of  their  citizens,  who  settled  in  the  comitrj^  imder 
the  name  of  Clemchi.^ 

•  KXjypoiJ;^ ot,  that  is,  **  lot-holders." 


B.C.  608. 


SUCCESSES  OF  THE  ATHENIANS. 


113 


k  15.  The  successes  of  Athens  had  excited  the  jealousy  of  the 
Spartans,  and  they  now  resolved  to  make  a  third  attempt  to  over- 
throw the  Athenian  democracy.    They  had  meantime  discovered 
the   deception  which   had  been  practised  upon  them  by  the 
Delphic  oracle ;  and  they  invited  Hippias  to  come  from  Sigeum 
to  Sparta,  in  order  to  restore  him  to  Athens.    The  experience  of 
the  last  campaign  had  taught  them  that  they  could  not  calculate 
upon  the  co-operation  of  their  allies  without  first  obtaining  their 
approval  of  the  project;  and  they  therefore  summoned  deputies 
from  all  their  allies  to  meet  at  Sparta,  in  order  to  determine  re- 
specting the  restoration  of  Hippias.     The  despot  was  present  at 
the  congress  ;  and  the  Spartans  urged  the  necessity  of  crushing 
the  growing  insolence  of  the  Athenians  by  placing  over  them 
their  former  master.     But  their  proposal  was  received  with  uni- 
versal repugnance  ;    and  the  Corinthians  again  expressed  the 
general  indignation  at  the  design.     "  Surely  heaven  and  earth 
are  about  to  change  places,  when  you  Spartans  propose  to  set 
up  ni  the  cities  that  wicked  and  bloody  thing  called  a  Despot. 
First  try  what  it  is  for  yourselves  at  Sparta,  and  then  force  it 
upon  others.     If  you  persist  in  a  scheme  so  wicked,  know  that 
the  Corinthians  will  not  second  you."     These  vehement  remon- 
strances  were   received  with  such  approbation  by  the   other 
allies,  that  the  Spartans  found  it  necessary  to  abandon  their 
project.    Hippias  returned  to  Sigeum,  and  afterwards  proceeded 
to  the  court  of  Darius. 

§  IG.  Athens  had  now  entered  upon  her  glorious  career.  The 
nistitutions  of  Clisthenes  had  given  her  citizens  a  personal  in- 
terest m  the  welfare  and  the  grandeur  of  their  country.  A  spirit 
of  the  warmest  patriotism  rapidly  sprang  up  among  them  ;  and 
the  history  of  the  Persian  wars,  which  followed  almost  imme- 
diately,  exhibits  a  striking  proof  of  the  heroic  sacrifices  which 
they  were  prepared  to  make  fbr  the  hberty  and  independence  of 
their  state. 


Coin  of  Athens. 


Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

HISTORY   OF   THE   GREEK   COLONIES. 

I  1.  Connexion  of  the  subject  with  the  general  history  of  Greece.  §  2. 
Origin  of  the  Greek  colonies  and  their  relation  to  the  mother-coun- 
try. §  3.  Characteristics  common  to  most  of  the  Greek  colonies. 
P  4.  The  iEolic,  Ionic,  and  Doric  colonies  in  Asia.  Miletus  the  most 
important,  and  the  parent  of  numerous  colonics.  Ephesus.  Phocsea. 
§  5.  Colonies  in  the  south  of  Italy  and  Sicily.  History  of  Cumse. 
§  6.  Colonies  in  Sicily.  Syracuse  and  Agrigentum  the  most  impor- 
tant Phalaris,  despot  of  Agrigentum.  §  7.  Colonies  in  Magna  Gra?- 
eia  (the  south  of  Italy).  Sybaris  and  Croton.  War  between  these 
cities,  and  destruction  of  Sybaris.  §  8.  Epizephyrian  Locri :  its  law- 
giver, Zaleueus.  Rhegium.  §  9.  Tarentum.  Decline  of  the  cities 
m  Magna  Graecia.  1 10.  Colonies  in  Gaul  and  Spain.  Massalia. 
8  11.  Colonies  in  Africa,  Cyrene.  §  12.  Colonies  in  Epirus,  Mace- 
donia, and  Thrace.  §  13.  Importance  of  a  knowledge  of  the  history 
of  the  Greek  colonies. 

1 1.  An  account  of  the  Greek  colonies  forms  an  important  part 
of  the  History  of  Greece.  It  has  been  already  observed  that 
Hellas  did  not  indicate  a  country  marked  by  certain  geographical 
limits,  but  included  the  whole  body  of  Hellenes,  in  whatever 
part  of  the  world  they  might  be  settled.  Thus,  the  inhabitants 
of  Trapezus  on  the  farthest  shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  of  Cyrene 
in  Africa,  and  of  Massalia  in  the  south  of  Gaul,  were  as  essential- 
ly members  of  Hellas  as  the  citizens  of  Athens  and  Sparta.  They 
all  gloried  in  the  name  of  Hellenes ;  they  all  boa.sted  of  their 
descent  from  the  common  ancestor  Hellen ;  and  they  all  pos- 


Chap.  XXL 


THE  GREEK  COLONIES. 


115 


sessed  and  frequently  exercised  the  right  of  contending  in  the 
Olympic  games,  and  the  other  national  festivals  of  Greece. 

The  vast  number  of  Greek  Colonies,  their  wide-spread  diffusion 
over  all  parts  of  the  Mediterranean,  which  thus  became  a  kind 
of  Grecian  lake,  their  rapid  growth  in  wealth,  power,  and  intel- 
ligence afford  the  most  striking  proofs  of  the  greatness  of  this 
wonderful  people.  It  would  carry  us  too  far  to  give  an  account 
of  the  origin  of  all  these  colonies,  or  to  narrate  their  history  at  any 
length.  We  must  content  ourselves  with  briefly  mentioning  the 
more  important  of  them,  after  stating  the  causes  to  which°they 
owed  their  origin,  the  relation  in  which  they  stood  to  the 
mother  country,  and  certain  characteristics  which  were  common 
to  them  all. 

§  2.  Civil  dissensions  and  a  redundant  population  w«re  the 
two  chief  causes  of  the  origin  of  most  of  the  Greek  colonies.* 
They  were  usually  undertaken  with  the  approbation  of  the  cities 
from  which  they  issued,  and  under  the  management  of  leaders 
appointed  by  them.     In  most  cases  the  Delphic  oracle  had  pre- 
viously given  its  divine  sanction  to  the  enterprise,  which  was 
also  undertaken  under  the  encouragement  of  the  gods  of  the  mo- 
ther-city.    But  a  Greek  colony  was  always  considered  politically 
independent  of  the  latter  and  emancipated  from  its  control.    The 
only  connexion  between  them  was  one  of  filial  affection  and  of 
common  religious  ties.     The  colonists  worshipped  in  their  new 
settlement  the  deities  whom  they  had  been  accustomed  to  ho- 
nour in  their  native  country ;  and  the  sacred  fire,  which  was  con- 
stantly  kept  burning  on  their  public  hearth,  was  taken  by  them 
from  the  Prytaneum  of  the  city  from  which  they  sprung.    They 
usually  cherished  a  feeling  of  reverential  respect  for  the  mother- 
city  which  they  displayed  by  sending  deputations  U)  the  prin- 
cipal festivals  of  the  latter,  and  also  by  bestowing  places  of 
honour  and  other  marks  of  respect  upon  the  ambassadors  and 
other  members  of  the  mother-city,  when  they  visited  the  colony 
In  the  same  spirit,  they  paid  divine  worship  to  the  founder  of 
the  colony  after  his  death,  as  the  representative  of  the  mother- 
city  ,•  and  when  the  colony  in  its  turn  became  a  parent,  it  usually 
sought  a  leader  from  the  state  from  which  it  had  itself  sprung 
It  was  accordingly  considered  a  violation  of  sacred  ties  for  a 
mother-country  and  a  colony  to  make  war  upon  one  another, 
ihese  bonds,  however,  were  often  insufficient  to  maintain  a 
astmg  union  ;  and  the  memorable  quarrel  between  Corinth  and 
her  colony  Corcyra  will  show  how  easily  they  might  be  severed 
by  the  ambition  or  the  interest  of  either  state. 

*  A  colony  was  called  drroiKia ;  a  colonist,  liiroLKog ;  the  mother  citv 
iinrgoTToM^,  and  the  leader  of  a  colony  oIkiotijc. 


116 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  Xlt 


§  3.  The  Greek  colonies,  unlike  most  which  have  been  founded 
in  modem  times,  did  not  consist  of  a  few  straggling  bands  of  ad 
venturers,  scattered  over  the  country  in  which  they  settled,  and 
only  coalescing  into  a  city  at  a  later  period.     On  the  contrarj', 
the  Greek  colonists  formed  from  the  beginning  an  organized  po- 
litical body.     Their  first  care  upon  settling  in  their  adopted 
country  was  to  found  a  city,  and  to  erect  in  it  those  public 
buildings  which  were  essential  to  the  rehgious  and  social  life  of 
a  Greek.     Hence  it  was  quickly  adorned  with  temples  for  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  with  an  agora  or  place  of  public  meeting  Ibr 
the  citizens,  with  a  gymnasium  for  the  exercise  of  the  youth, 
and  at  a  later  time  with  a  theatre  for  dramatic  representations. 
Almost  every  colonial  Greek  city  was  built  upon  the  sea-coast, 
and  the  site  usually  selected  contained  a  hill  sufficiently  lofty 
to  form   an  acropolis.     The  spot  chosen  for  the  purpose  was 
for  the  most  part  seized  by  force  from  the  original  inhabitants 
of  the  country.     The  relation  in  which  the  colonists  stood  to  the 
latter  naturally  varied  in  cUfierent  localities.     In  some  places 
they  were  reduced  to  slavery  or  expelled  iVom  the  district ;  in 
others  they  became  the  subjects  of  the  conquerors,  or  were  ad- 
mitted to  a  share  of  their  pohtical  rights.     In  many  cases  inter- 
marriages took  place  between  the  colonists  and  the  native  popu- 
lation, and  thus  a  foreign  element  was  introduced  among  them 
— a  circumstance  which  must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  especially  in 
tracing  the  history  of  the  Ionic  colonies. 

It  has  frequently  been  observed  that  colonies  are  favourable  to 
the  development  of  democracy.  Ancient  customs  and  usages 
camiot  be  preserved  in  a  colony  as  at  home.  Men  are  of  neces- 
sity placed  on  a  greater  equality,  since  they  have  to  share  the 
same  hardships,  to  overcome  the  same  difficulties,  and  to  face 
the  same  dangers.  Hence  it  is  difficult  for  a  single  man  or  for 
a  class  to  maintain  peculiar  privileges,  or  to  exercise  a  pennanent 
authority  over  the  other  colonists.  Accordingly,  we  find  that  a 
democratical  form  of  government  was  established  in  most  of  the 
Greek  colonies  at  an  earher  period  than  in  the  mother-country, 
and  that  an  aristocracy  could  rarely  maintain  its  ground  lor  any 
length  of  time.  Owing  to  the  freedom  of  their  institutions,  and 
to  their  favourable  position  for  commercial  enterprise,  many  of 
the  Greek  colonies  became  the  most  flourishing  cities  in  the 
Hellenic  world ;  and  in  the  earlier  period  of  Grecian  history 
several  of  them,  such  as  Miletus  and  Ephesus  in  Asia,  Syracuse 
and  Agrigentum  in  Sicily,  and  Croton  and  Sybaris  in  Italy,  sur- 
passed all  the  cities  of  the  mother-country  in  power,  population, 
and  wealth. 

The  Grecian  colonics  may  be  arranged  in  four  groups :  1 .  Those 


Chap.  Xlt 


COLONIES  IN  ASIA  MINOR. 


117 


founded  in  Asia  Minor  and  the  adjoining  islands  ;  2.  Those  in 
the  western  parts  of  the  Mediterranean,  in  Italy,  Sicily,  Gaul,  and 
Spain  ;  3,  Those  in  Africa  ;  4.  Those  in  Epirus,  Macedonia,'  and 
Thrace. 

^  4.  The  earliest  Greek  colonies  were  those  founded  on  the  west- 
ern shores  of  Asia  Minor.     They  were  divided  into  three  great 
masses,  each  bearing  the  name  of  that  section  of  the  Greek  race 
with  which  they  claimed  affinity.     The  JEolic  cities  covered  the 
northern  part  of  this  coast ;  the  lonians  occupied  the  centre, 
and  the  Dorians  the  southern  portion.     The  origin  of  these 
colonies  is  lost  in  the  mythical  age  ;  and  the  legends  of  the 
Greeks  respecting  them  have  been  given  in  a  previous  part  of  the 
present  work.*     Their  political  history  will  claim  our  attention 
when  we  come  to  relate  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire ;  and  their  successful  cultivation  of  literature  and  the  arts 
will  form  the  chief  subject  of  our  next  chapter.     It  is  sufficient 
to  state  on  the  present  occasion  that  the  Ionic  cities  were  early 
distinguished  by  a  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise,  and  soon  rose 
superior  in  wealth  and  in  power  to  their  iEolian  and  Dorian 
neighbors.     Among  the  Ionic  cities  themselves  Miletus  was  the 
most  flourishing,  and  during  the  eighth  and  seventh  centuries 
before  Christ  was  the  first  commercial  city  in  Hellas.     In  search 
of  gain  its  adventurous  mariners  penetrated  to  the  farthest  parts 
of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  adjacent  seas  ;  and  for  the  sake  of 
protecting  and  enlarging  its  conunerce,  it  planted  numerous  co- 
lonies, which  are  said  to  have  been  no  fewer  than  eighty.    Most 
of  them  were  founded  on  the  Propontis  and  the  Euxfne  ;  and  of 
these,  Cyzicus  on  the  former,  and  Sinope  on  the  latter  sea,  be- 
came the  most  celebrated.     Sinope  was  the  emporium  of  the 
Milesian  commerce  in  the  Euxine,  and  became  in  its  turn  the 
parent  of  many  prosperous  colonies. 

Ephesus,  which  became  at  a  later  time  the  first  of  the  Ionic 
cities,  was  at  this  period  inferior  to  Miletus  in  population  and  in 
wealth.  It  was  never  distinguished  for  its  enterprise  at  sea,  and 
It  planted  lew  maritime  colonies  ;  it  owed  its  greatness  to  its 
trade  with  the  interior,  and  to  its  large  territory,  which  it  gra- 
dually obtained  at  the  expense  of  the  Lydians.  Other  Ionic 
cities  of  less  importance  than  Ephesus  possessed  a  more  power- 
iul  navy  ;  and  the  adventurous  voyages  of  the  Phocsans  deserve 
to  be  particularly  mentioned,  in  which  they  not  only  visited  the 
coasts  of  Gaul  and  Spain,  but  even  planted  in  those  countries 
several  colonies,  of  which  Massalia  became  the  most  prosperous 
anrl  celebrated. 

^  5.  The  colonies  of  whose  origin  we  have  an  historical  ac- 

*  See  p.  35. 


118 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  Xil 


count  ben-an  to  be  founded  soon  after  the  first  Olympiad.    Those 
established  in  Sicily  and  the  south  of  Italy  claim  our  first  atten- 
tion as  well  on  account  of  their  importance  as  of  the  priority  ol 
theii  foundation.     Like  the  Asiatic  colonies,  they  were  of  various 
oricnn  :  and  the  inhabitants  of  Chalcis  in  Euboja.  of  Corinth, 
Megara  and  Sparta,  and  the  Achaaus  and  Locrians  were  all  con- 
cerned in  them.  ,         »  •  u 
One  of  the  Grecian  settlements  in  Italy  lays  clami  to  a  much 
earlier  date  than  any  other  in  the  country.  This  is  the  Campaman 
CumsB,  situated  near  Cape  Misenum.  on  the  Tyrrhenian  sea     it 
is  said  to  have  been  a  joint  colony  from  the  ^olic  Cyme  in  Asia, 
and  from  Chalcis  in  Euboja,  and  to  have  been  founded,  according 
to  common  chronology,  in  B.C.  1050.     This  date  is  of  course 
micertain  :  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  was  the  most  ancient 
Grecian  establishment  in  Italy,  and  that  a  long  period  elapsed 
before  any  other  Greek  colonists  were  bold  enough  to  toUow  in 
the  same  track.     Cum®  was  for  a  long  time  the  most  flourishnig 
city  in  Campania  :  and  it  was  not  tiU  its  decline  m  the  tittli  cen- 
tury before  the  Christian  era  that  Capua  rose  into  importance. 
(g.  The  earliest  Grecian  settlement  in  Sicily  was  lounded  m 
B  c  735       The  greater  part  of  Sicily  was  then  inhabited  by  the 
rude  tribes  of  Sicels  and  Sicanians.     The  Cartliagiman  settle- 
ments  mostly  lay  on  the  western  side  ot  the  island ;  but  the 
eastern  and  the  southern  coasts  were  occupied  only  by  the  bicels 
and  Sicanians,  who  were  easUy  driven  by  the  Greeks  into  the 
interior  of  the  countr)^     The  extraordinary  fertihty  ot  the  land, 
united  with  the  facility  of  its  acquisition,  soon  attracted  nume- 
rous colonists  from  various  parts  of  Greece ;  and  there  arose  on 
the  coasts  of  Sicily  a  succession  of  flourishing  cities,  ot  which  a 
Hst  is  given  below.*     Of  these,  Syracuse  and  Agrigentum,  both 
Dorian  colonies,  became  the  most  powerf'ul.     The  former  was 
founded  by  the  Corinthians  in  B.C.  734,  and  at  the  time  of  its 
greatest  prosperity  contained  a  population  of  500,000  souls,  and 
was  surrounded  by  walls  twenty-two  miles  in  circuit.     Its  great- 
ness, however,  belongs  to  a  later  period  of  Grecian  history  ;  and 

*  1.  Kaxos,  the  earliest,  founded  by  the  Chaleidians,  b.c.  735.  2.  Syra- 
cuse, founded  by  the  Corinthmns,  b.c.  734.  3.  Leontini  and  Catana 
founded  by  Naxos  in  Sicily,  b.c.  730  4.  Hvbl«ean  Megam,  founded  by 
Meeara,  bIc.  728.  5.  Gela,  founded  by  the  Lmdians  in  Rhodes  and  by 
the  Cretans,  b.c.  690.  6.  Zancle,  afterwards  called  Messana.  founded 
by  the  Curaceans  and  Chaleidians:  its  date  is  uncertain.  7.  Acraj, 
founded  by  Syracuse,  b.c.  664.  8.  Casmena>,  founded,  by  ^yracuse, 
B.C.  644.  9.  Selinus,  founded  by  Ilyblajan  IV  egara,  b*^-  63^-  JJ^^ 
Camarina,  founded  by  Syracuse.  b.c.  599.  11.  Acra,xas,  better  known 
by  the  Roman  name  of  Agrigentum,  founded  by  Gela,  b.c.  68i.  lA 
Himtra,  founded  by  Zancle:  its  date  is  uncertam. 


B.C.  735. 


COLONIES  m  SICILY 


119 


we  know  scarcely  anything  of  its  affairs  till  the  usurpation  of 
Gelon  in  b.c.  485.     Agrigentum  was  of  later  origin,  lor  it  was 
not  founded  till  B.C.  582,  by  the  Dorians  of  Gela,  which  had  itself 
been  colonized  by  Ehodians  and  Cretans.     But  its  growth  was 
most  rapid,  and  it  soon  rose  to  an  extraordinary  degree  of  pros- 
perity and  power.     It  was  celebrated  in  the  ancient  world  for 
the  magnificence  of  its  public  buildings,  and  within  a  century  after 
its  foundation  was  called  by  Pindar  "  the  fairest  of  mortal  cities." 
Its  early  history  only  claims  our  attention  on  account  of  the 
despotism  of  Phalaris,  who  has  obtained  a  proverbial  celebrity 
as  a  cruel  and  inhuman  tyrant      His  exact  date  is  uncertain ; 
but  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Pisistratus  and  Crcesus  ;  and  the 
commencement  of  his  reign  may  perhaps  be  placed  in  B.C.  570. 
He  is  said  to  have  burnt  alive  the  victims  of  his  cruelty  in  a 
brazen  bull ;  and  this  celebrated  instrument  of  torture  is  not 
only  noticed  by  Pindar,  but  was  in  existence  at  Agrigentum  in 
later  times.     He  was  engaged  in  frequent  wars  with  his  neigh- 
bours, and  extended  his  power  and  dominion  on  all  sides  ;  but 
his  cruelties  rendered  him  so  abhorred  by  the  people,  that  they 
suddenly  rose  against  him,  and  put  him  to  death.* 


f 


HIMEB  \. 


M.JETNA.    m 


ZANCLE. 
(mksbanaJ 


NAXOS. 


OSELINU8 

OATANA.  ^ 

^^i 

-^ 

|o  AORTGENTUM. 

LEONTINI.  O 

^^^^ 

MEGARA. 

^^^..^W. 

XCRJE.  o 
^^S-?  OEI.A- 

^gO  CAMARINA 

^^^               OCAtMCM 

LHTBLiEA. 


aYRACUSiC. 


Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Sicily 

♦  TJiere  are  extant  certain  Greek  letters  attributed  to  Phalaris  cele- 
brated on  account  of  the  literary  controversy  to  which  thev  cave  ri^e 
m  modern  times.    Tii..,v ««..,. :„..„^„„ f_.  •      ,,     ^  J^,^      ,".*' 


sertation 

yond  question  that  they  were  the  production  of  ^  sophist  of  a  lateTagl 


120 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XU 


The  prosperity  of  the  Greek  cities  in  Sicily  afterwards  re- 
ceived a  severe  check  from  the  hostihties  ol'  the  Carthaginians  ; 
but  for  two  centuries  and  a  half  after  the  first  Greek  settlement 
in  the  island  they  did  not  come  into  contact  with  the  latter 
people,  and  were  thus  left  at  liberty  to  develop  their  resources 
without  any  opposition  from  a  foreign  power. 

§  7.  The  Grecian  colonies  in  Italy  began  to  be  planted  at 
nearly  the  same  time  as  in  Sicily.  They  eventually  lined  the 
whole  southern  coast  as  far  as  Cuma?  on  the  one  sea,  and  Ta- 
rentum  on  the  other.  They  even  surpassed  those  in  Sicily  in 
number  and  importance ;  and  so  numerous  and  flourishing  did 
they  become,  that  the  south  of  Italy  received  the  name  of  Magna 
GrsBcia.  Of  these,  two  of  the  earhest  and  most  prosperous  were 
Sybaris  and  Croton,  both  situated  upon  the  gulf  of  Tarentum, 
and  both  of  Achsean  origin.  Sybaris  was  planted  in  B.C.  720, 
and  Croton  in  b.c.  710.  For  two  centuries  they  seem  to  have 
lived  in  harmony,  and  we  know  scarcely  anything  of  their  history 
till  their  fatal  contest  in  b.c.  510,  which  ended  in  the  ruin  of 
Sybaris.  During  the  whole  of  this  period  they  were  two  of  the 
most  flourishing  cities  in  all  Hellas.  The  walls  of  Sybaris  em- 
braced a  circuit  of  six  miles,  and  those  of  Croton  were  not  less 
than  twelve  miles  in  circumference ;  but  the  former,  though 
smaller,  was  the  more  powerful,  since  it  possessed  a  larger  extent 
of  territory  and  a  greater  number  of  colonies,  among  which  w  as 
the  distant  town  of  Posidonia  (Pajstum),  whose  magnificent  ruins 
still  attest  its  former  greatness.  Several  native  tribes  became 
the  subjects  of  Sybaris  and  Croton,  and  their  dominions  extended 
across  the  Calabrian  peninsula  from  sea  to  sea. 

Sybaris  in  particular  attained  to  an  extraordinary  degree  of 
wealth ;  and  its  inhabitants  were  so  notorious  lor  their  luxury, 
efieminacy,  and  debauchery,  that  their  name  has  become  proverbial 
for  a  voluptuary  in  ancient  and  in  modem  times.  Many  of  the 
anecdotes  recorded  of  them  bear  on  their  face  the  exaggerations 
of  a  later  age ;  but  their  great  wealth  is  attested  by  the  fact,  that 
5000  horsemen,  clothed  in  magnificent  attire,  foimed  a  part  of 
the  procession  in  certain  festivals  of  the  city,  whereas  Athens  in 
her  best  days  could  not  number  more  than  1200  knights. 

Croton  was  distinguished  for  the  excellence  of  its  physicians 
or  surgeons,  and  for  the  number  of  its  citizens  who  gained  prizes 
at  the  Olympic  games.  Its  government  was  an  aristocracy,  and 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  senate  of  One  Thousand  persons.  It  was 
in  this  city  that  Pythagoras  settled,  and  founded  a  fraternity,  of 
which  an  account  is  given  in  the  following  chapter. 

The  w^ar  between  these  two  powerful  cities  is  the  most  im- 
portant event  recorded  in  the  history  of  Magna  Graecia.    It  aros» 


RC.  664 


COLONIES  IN  ITALY. 


121 


firom  the  civil  dissensions  of  Sybaris.     The  oligarchical  govern- 
ment was  overthrown  by  a  popiUar  insurrection,  headed  by  a 
citizen  of  the  name  of  Telys,  who  succeeded  in  making  himself 
despot  of  the  city.     The  leading  members  of  the  oligarchical 
party,  500  in  number,  were  driven  into  exile ;  and  when  they 
took  refuge  at  Croton,  their  surrender  was  demanded  by  Telys 
and  war  threatened  in  case  of  refusal.     This  demand  excited 
the  greatest  alarm  at  Croton,  since  the  military  strength  of  Sy- 
baris was  decidedly  superior;  and  it  was  only  owing  to  the 
urgent  persuasions  of  Pythagoras  that  the  Crotoniates  resolved 
to  brave  the  vengeance  of  their  neighbours  rather  than  incur 
the  disgrace  of  betraying  suppliants.     In  the  war  which  fol- 
lowed, Sybaris  is  said  to  have  taken  the  field  with  300  000  men 
and  Croton  with  100,000— numbers  which  seem  to  have  been 
^ossly  exaggerated.      The    Crotoniates  were   commanded  by 
Milo,  a  disciple  of  Pythagoras,  and  the  most  celebrated  athlete 
ot  his  time,  and  they  were  further  reinforced  by  a  body  of 
bpartans  mider  the  command  of  Dorieus,  younger  brother  of 
king  Cieomenes,  who  was  sailing  along  the  gulf  of  Tarentum,  in 
order  to  found  a  settlement  in  Sicily.     The  two  armies  met  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Tra3is  or  Trionto,  and  a  bloody  battle 
was  tought,  in  which  the  Sybarites  were  defeated  with  prodi- 
gious slaughter.     The  Crotoniates  followed  up  their  victory  bv 
the  capture  of  the  city  of  Sybaris,  which  they  razed  to  the 
ground ;  and  in  order  to  obliterate  all  traces  of  it,  they  turned 
the  course  of  the  river  Crathis  through  its  ruins  (b.c.  510)     The 
destruction  of  this  wealthy  and  powerful  city  excited  stronjr 
sympathy  through  the  Hellenic  world ;  and  the  Milesians,  with 
whom  the  Sybarites  had  always  maintained  the  most  fViendlv 
connexions,  shaved  their  heads  in  token  of  mourning  * 

I  8  Of  the  numerous  other  Greek  settlements  in  the  south 
ot  Italy,  those  of  Locri,  Rhegium,  and  Tarentum  were  the  most 
important. 

Locri,  called  Epizephyrian,  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Cape 
Zephyrmm,  was  founded  by  a  body  of  Locriaii  freebooters  from 
the  mother  country,  in  b.  c.  G83.  Their  early  history  is  memo- 
rable on  account  of  their  being  the  first  Hellenic  people  who 
possessed  a-  body  of  written  laws.  They  are  said  to  have  sufier- 
0(1  so  greatly  from  lawlessness  and  disorder  as  to  apply  to  the 
Uelphic  oracle  for  advice,  and  were  thus  led  to  accept  the  ordi- 
nances of  Zaleucus,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  oricrinally 
a  Shepherd.  His  laws  were  promulgated  in  b.  c.  664,  forty  years 
earlier  than  those  of  Draco  at  Athens.  They  resembled  the 
latter  in  the  severity  of  their  punishments ;  but  they  were  ob- 

In  B.  c.  443  the  Athenians  founded  Thurii,  near  the  site  of  Sybaria. 


I! 


I  i 


im 


mSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XII. 


served  for  a  long  period  by  the  Locrians,  who  were  so  averse  to 
any  change  in  them,  that  whoever  proposed  a  new  law  had  to 
appear  in  the  pubhc  assembly  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  which 
was  immediately  tightened,  if  he  failed  to  convince  his  fellow- 
citizens  of  the  necessity  of  his  propositions.  Two  anecdotes  are 
related  of  Zaleucus,  which  deserve  mention,  though  their  au- 
thenticity camiot  be  guaranteed.  His  son  had  been  guilty  of  an 
olFence,  the  penalty  of  which  was  the  loss  of  both  eyes :  the 
father,  in  order  to  maintain  the  law,  and  yet  save  his  son  from 
total  blindness,  submitted  to  the  loss  of  one  of  his  own  eyes. 
Another  ordinance  of  Zaleucus  forbade  any  citizen  to  enter  the 
senate-house  in  arms  under  penalty  of  death.  On  a  war  suddenly 
breaking  out,  Zaleucus  transgressed  his  own  law ;  and  when 
his  attention  was  called  to  it  by  one  present,  he  replied  that  lie 
would  vindicate  the  law,  and  straightway  fell  upon  liis  sword. 


TAKCNTUM. 


15.0.  600. 


COLOIS^IES  m  GAUL  AND  SPAIN. 


123 


M»p  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Southern  Italy. 


Ehegium,  situated  on  the  straits  of  Messina,  opix)site  Sicily, 
was  colonized  by  the  Chalcidians,  but  received  a  large  number 
of  Messeiiiaiis,  who  settled  here  at  the  close  both  of  the  first  and 
second  Messenian  wars.  Anaxilas,  who  made  himself  despot  of 
the  city  about  B.C.  500,  was  of  Messenian  descent ;  and  it  was 
he  who  changed  the  name  of  the  Sicilian  Zancle  into  Messana, 
when  he  seized  the  latter  city  in  u.c.  494. 

s^  9.  Tarentum,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  gulf  which  bears  its 
name,  was  a  colony  from  Sparta,  and  was  founded  al  out  b.  c.  708. 
During  the  long  absence  of  the  Spartans  in  the  l.st  Messenian 
war,  an  illegitimate  race  of  citizens  had  been  born,  to  whom  the 
name  of  Tartheniaj  (sons  of  maidens)  was  given.  Being  not  only 
treated  with  contempt  by  the  other  Spartans,  but  excluded  from 
the  citizenship,  they  formed  a  conspiracy  under  Phalanthus,  one 
of  their  number,  against  the  government ;  and  when  their  plot 
was  detected,  they  were  allowed  to  quit  the  country  and  plant  a 
colony  mider  his  guidance.  It  was  to  these  circumstances  that 
Tarentum  owed  its  origin.  It  was  admirably  situated  for  com- 
merce, and  was  the  only  town  in  the  gulf  which  possessed  a  per- 
fectly safe  harbour.  After  the  destruction  of  Sybaris,  it  became 
the  most  powerful  and  flourisliing  city  in  Magna  Grsecia,  and 
continued  to  enjoy  great  prosperity  till  its  subjugation  by  the 
Romans.  Although  of  Spartan  origin,  it  did  not  maintain  Spar- 
tan habits ;  and  its  citizens  were  noted  at  a  later  time  for  their 
love  of  luxury  and  pleasure. 

The  cities  of  Magna  Grrocia  rapidly  declined  in  power  after 
the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century  before  the  Christian  era. 
This  was  mainly  owing  to  two  causes.  First,  the  destruction  of 
Sybaris  deprived  the  Greeks  of  one  of  their  most  powerful  cities, 
and  of  a  territory  and  an  influence  over  the  native  population, 
to  which  no  other  Greek  town  could  succeed ;  and,  secondly, 
they  were  now  for  the  first  time  brought  into  contact  with  the 
warlike  Samnites  and  Lucanians,  who  began  to  spread  from 
Middle  Italy  towards  the  south.  Cuma)  was  taken  by  the  Sam- 
nites, and  Posidonia  (Paistum)  by  the  Lucanians  ;  and  the  latter 
peojjle  in  course  of  time  deprived  the  Greek  cities  of  the  whole 
of  their  inland  territory. 

^  10.  The  Grecian  settlements  in  the  distant  countries  of  Gaul 
and  Spain  were  not  numerous.  The  most  celebrated  was  Mas- 
saha,  the  modem  Marseilles,  founded  by  tlie  Ionic  Phocaeans 
m  B.C.  GOO.  It  planted  five  colonies  along  the  eastern  coast  of 
Spain,  and  was  the  chief  Grecian  city  in  the  sea  west  of  Italy. 
The  commerce  of  the  Massaliots  was  extensive,  and  their  navy 
sufl[iciently  powerful  to  repel  the  aggressions  of  Carthage.  They 
possessed  considerable  influence  over  the  Celtic  tribes  in  their 


124 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Ciup.  XII 


neighbourhood,  among  whom  they  diffused  the  arts  of  civUized 
life,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  Greek  alphabet  and  literature. 

ill.  The  northern  coast  of  Airica  between  the  territories  of 
Carthage  and  Egypt  was  also  occupied  by  Greek  colonists. 
About  the  year  G50  B.C.  the  Greeks  were  for  the  first  time 
allowed  to  settle  in  Egypt  and  to  carry  on  commerce  with  the 
country.  This  privilege  they  owed  to  Psammetichus,  who  had 
raised  himself  to  the  throne  of  Egypt  by  the  aid  of  Ionian  and 
Carian  mercenaries.  The  Greek  traders  were  not  slow  in  avail- 
ing themselves  of  the  opening  of  this  new  and  important  market, 
and  thus  became  acquainted  with  the  neighbouring  coast  of 
Africa.  Here  they  founded  the  city  of  Cyrcne  about  B.C.  630. 
It  was  a  colony  from  the  Island  of  Thera  in  the  JEgean,  which 
was  itself  a  colony  from  Sparta.  The  situation  of  Cyrene  was 
well  chosen.  It  stood  on  the  edge  of  a  range  of  hills,  at  the 
distance  of  ten  miles  from  the  Mediterranean,  of  which  it  com- 
manded a  fine  view.  These  hills  descended  by  a  succession  of 
terraces  to  the  port  of  the  town,  called  Apollonia.  The  climate 
was  most  salubrious,  and  the  soil  was  distinguished  by  extraor- 
dinary fertility.  With  these  advantages  Cyrene  rapidly  grew  in 
wealth  and  power ;  and  its  greatness  is  attested  by  the  immense 
remains  which  still  mark  its  desolate  site.  Unlike  most  Grecian 
colonies,  Cyrene  was  governed  by  kings  for  eight  generations. 
Battus,  the  founder  of  the  colony,  was  the  first  king ;  and  his 
successors  bore  alternately  the  names  of  Arccsilaiis  and  Battus. 
On  the  death  of  Arccsilaiis  IV.,  which  must  have  happened 
after  B.C.  460,  royalty  was  abohshed  and  a  democratical  form  of 
government  established. 

Cyrene  planted  several  colonies  in  the  adjoining  district,  of 
which  Barca,  founded  about  b.c.  560,  was  the  most  important. 

§  12.  The  Grecian  settlements  in  Epirus,  Macedonia,  and 
Thrace  claim  a  few  words. 

There  were  several  Grecian  colonies  situated  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Ionian  sea  in  Epirus  and  its  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. Of  these  the  island  of  Corcyra,  now  called  Corfu,  was  the 
most  wealthy  and  jDowerful.  It  was  founded  by  the  Corinthians, 
about  B.C.  700  ;  and  in  consequence  of  its  commercial  activity 
it  soon  became  a  formidable  rival  to  the  mother-city.  Hence 
a  war  broke  out  between  these  two  states  at  an  early  period  ; 
and  the  most  ancient  naval  battle  on  record  was  the  one  fought 
between  their  fleets  in  B.C.  664.  The  dissensions  between  the 
mother-city  and  her  colony  are  frequently  mentioned  in  Grecian 
history,  and  were  one  of  the  inunediate  causes  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war.  Notwithstanding  their  quarrels,  they  joined  in 
planting  four  Grecian  colonies  upon  the  same  line  cf  coast— 


B.O.  667.     COLONIES  IN  MACEDONIA  AND  THRACR 


125 


Leucas,  Anactorium,  Apollonia,  and  Epidamnus :  in  the  settle- 
ment of  the  two  former  the  Corinthians  were  the  principals,  and 
in  that  of  the  two  latter  the  Corcyrfcans  took  the  leading  part. 

The  colonies  in  Macedonia  and  Thrace  were  very  numerous, 
and  extended  all  along  the  coast  of  the  ^Egean,  of  the  Hellespont, 
of  the  Propontis,  and  of  the  Euxine,  from  the  borders  of  Thes- 
saly  to  the  mouth  of  the  Danube.  Of  these  we  can  only  glance 
at  the  most  important.  The  colonies  on  the  coast  of  Macedonia 
were  chiefly  founded  by  Chalcis  and  Eretria  in  Euboea  ;  and  the 
peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  with  its  three  projecting  headlands,  was 
covered  with  their  settlements,  and  derived  its  name  from  the 
former  city.  The  Corinthians  likewise  planted  a  few  colonies  on 
this  coast,  of  which  Potidaja,  on  the  narrow  isthmus  of  Pallene, 
most  deserves  mention. 

Of  the  colonies  in  Thrace,  the  most  flourishing  were  Selymbria 
and  Byzantium,*  both  founded  by  the  Megarians,  who  appear  as 
an  enterprising  maritime  people  at  an  early  period.  The  far- 
thest Grecian  settlement  on  the  western  shores  of  the  Euxine 
was  the  Milesian  colony  of  Istria,  near  the  southern  mouth  of 
the  Danube. 

H3.  The  preceding  survey  of  the  Grecian  colonies  shows  the 
wide  diffusion  of  the  Hellenic  race  in  the  sixth  century  before 
the  Christian  era.  Their  history  has  come  down  to  us  in  such 
a  fragmentary  and  unconnected  state,  that  it  has  been  impos- 
sible to  render  it  interesting  to  the  reader ;  but  it  could  not  be 
passed  over  entirely,  smce  some  knowledge  of  the  origin  and 
progress  of  the  more  important  of  these  cities  is  absolutely 
necessary,  in  order  to  understand  aright  many  subsequent  events 
in  Grecian  history. 

*  Tlie  foundation  of  Byzantium  is  placed  in  b.c.  657. 


Coia  of  Cyrene,  representing  on  the  reverse  the  SUphium,  which  was  the  chief  article 

in  the  export  trade  of  the  city. 


Chap.  XHL 


EPIC  POETRY.    HESIOD. 


la*/ 


i' 


Alcseus  and  Sappho.    From  a  Painting  on  a  Vase. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

HISTORY   OF    LITERATURE. 

§  1.  Perfection  of  tlie  Greeks  in  literature.  |  2.  Greek  epic  Y'-'^^^y  ^i* 
Tided  into  two  classes,  Homeric  and  Hesiodic.  §  3.  Poems  of  llesiod. 
§4.  Origin  of  Greek  lyric  poetry.  §  5.  Archiloehiis.  §  6.  SimonidoB 
of  Amorgos.  §  7.  Tyrtajus  and  Alcman.  §  8.  Arion  and  Stesichorus. 
§9.  Alcseus  and  Sappho.  §  10.  Anacreon.  811.  Tlie  Seven  Sages  of 
Greece.  §  12.  The  Ionic  school  of  philosophy.  Thales,  Anaximan- 
der,  andAnaximenes.  §13.  The  Eleatic  school  of  philosophy.  Xeno- 
phanes.  §  14.  The  Pythagorean  school  of  philosophy.  Life  of 
Pythagoras.  Foundation  and  suppression  of  his  society  in  the  cities 
ot  Magna  Grajcia. 

k  1.  The  perfection  which  the  Greeks  attained  in  literature  and 
art  is  one  of  the  most  striking  features  in  the  history  of  the 
people.  Their  intellectual  activity  and  their  keen  appreciation 
of  the  beautiful  constantly  gave  birth  to  new  forms  of  creative 
genius.  There  was  an  uninterrupted  progress  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Grecian  mind  from  the  earhest  dawn  of  the  history 
of  the  people  to  the  dovnifall  of  their  political  independence ; 
and  each  succeeding  age  saw  the  production  of  some  of  those 
master  w^orks  of  genius  which  have  been  the  models  and  the 
admiration  of  all  subsequent  time.  It  is  one  of  the  objects  of 
the  present  work  to  trace  the  different  phases  of  this  intellectual 
growth.  During  the  two  centuries  and  a  half  comprised  in  this 
book  many  species  of  composition,  in  which  the  Greeks  after* 


wards  became  pre-eminent,  were  either  unknown  or  little  prac- 
tised. The  drama  was  still  in  its  infancy,  and  prose  writing,  as 
a  branch  of  popular  literature,  was  only  beginning  to  be  culti- 
vated ;  but  epic  poetry  had  reached  its  culminating  point  at  the 
commencement  of  this  epoch,  and  throughout  the  whole  period 
the  lyric  muse  shone  with  undiminished  lustre.  It  is  therefore 
to  these  two  species  of  composition  that  our  attention  will  be 
more  particularly  directed  on  the  present  occasion. 

§  2.  There  were  in  antiquity  two  large  collections  of  epic 
poetry.  The  one  comprised  poems  relating  to  the  great  events 
and  enterprises  of  the  Heroic  age,  and  characterised  by  a  certain 
poetical  unity ;  the  other  included  works  tamer  in  character 
and  more  desultory  in  their  mode  of  treatment,  containing  the 
genealogies  of  men  and  gods,  narratives  of  the  exploits  of  sepa- 
rate heroes,  and  descriptions  of  the  ordinary  pursuits  of  life. 
The  poems  of  the  former  class  passed  under  the  name  of  Homer  ; 
while  those  of  the  latter  were  in  the  same  general  way  ascribed 
to  Hesiod.  The  former  were  the  productions  of  the  Ionic  and 
iEolic  minstrels  in  Asia  Minor,  among  whom  Homer  stood  pre- 
eminent and  eclipsed  the  brightness  of  the  rest :  the  latter  were 
the  compositions  of  a  school  of  bards  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Mount  Helicon  in  BoBotia,  among  whom  in  hke  mamier  Hesiod 
enjoyed  the  greatest  celebrity.  The  poems  of  both  schools  were 
composed  in  the  hexameter  metre  aud  in  a  similar  dialect ;  but 
they  diliered  widely  in  ahnost  every  other  feature.  Of  the 
Homeric  poems,  and  of  the  celebrated  controversy  to  which  they 
have  given  rise  in  modern  times,  we  have  already  spoken  at 
length :  *  it  therefore  only  remains  to  say  a  few  words  Upon 
those  ascribed  to  Hesiod. 

§  3.  Three  works  have  come  down  to  us  bearing  the  name  of 
Hesiod — the  "  Works  and  Days,"  the  "  Theogony,"  and  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  "  Shield  of  Hercules."  The  first  two  were  generally 
considered  in  antiquity  as  the  genuine  productions  of  Hesiod ; 
but  the  "  Shield  of  Hercules"  and  the  other  Hesiodic  poems 
were  admitted  to  be  the  compositions  of  other  poets  of  hi» 
school.  Many  ancient  critics  indeed  believed  the  "  Works  and 
Days"  to  be  the  only  genuine  work  of  Hesiod,  and  their  opinion 
has  been  adopted  by  most  modern  scholars.  Of  Hesiod  himself 
there  are  various  legends  related  by  later  writers ;  but  we 
learn  from  his  own  poem  that  he  was  a  native  of  Ascra,  a 
village  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Helicon,  to  which  his  father  had 
migrated  from  the  ^olian  Cyme  in  Asia  Mmor.  He  further  tells 
us  that  he  gained  the  prize  at  Chalcis  in  a  poetical  contest ;  and 
that  ho  was  robbed  of  a  fair  share  of  his  heritage  by  the  uu- 

*  See  Chap.  V. 


4 


128 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CUAF.  XHX 


righteous  decision  of  judges  who  had  been  bribed  by  his  brother 
Perses.  The  latter  became  afterwards  reduced  in  circumstances, 
and  applied  to  his  brother  for  relief;  and  it  is  to  him  that 
Hesiod  addresses  his  didactic  poem  of  the  '•  Works  and  Days,"  in 
which  he  lays  down  various  moral  and  social  maxims  lor  the 
regulation  of  his  conduct  and  his  life.  It  contains  an  interesting 
representation  of  the  leehngs,  habits,  and  superstitions  of  the 
rural  population  of  Greece  in  the  earlier  ages,  and  hence  enjoyed 
at  all  periods  great  popularity  among  tliis  class.  At  Sparta,  vi 
the  contrary,  where  war  was  deemed  the  only  occupation  worthy 
of  a  freeman,  the  poems  of  Hesiod  were  held  in  contempt. 
Cleomenes  called  him  the  bard  of  the  Helots,  in  contrast  with 
Homer,  the  delight  of  the  warrior.  Respecting  the  date  of  Hesiod 
nothing  certain  can  be  affirmed.  Most  ancient  authorities  make 
him  a  contemporary  of  Homer ;  but  modern  writers  usually  sup- 
pose him  to  have  ilourished  two  or  three  generations  later  than 
the  poet  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey. 

§  4.  The  commencement  of  Greek  lyric  poetry  as  a  cultivated 
species  of  composition  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
century  before  the  Christian  era.  In  the  Ionic  and  yEolic  colo- 
nies of  Asia  Minor,  and  in  the  Doric  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  an 
advancing  civilization  and  an  enlarged  experience  had  called  into 
existence  new  thoughts  and  feelings,  and  supplied  new  subjects 
for  the  muse.  At  the  same  time  epic  poetry,  after  reaching  its 
climax  of  excellence  in  the  Iliad  and  in  the  Odyssey,  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  inferior  bards.  The  national  genius,  however, 
was  still  in  all  the  bloom  and  vigour  of  its  youth  ;  and  the  decay 
of  epic  minstrelsy  only  stimulated  it  more  vigorously  to  present 
in  a  new  style  of  poetry  the  new  circumstances  and  feelings  of 
the  age.  The  same  desire  of  change,  and  of  adapting  the  sub- 
jects of  poetry  to  the  altered  condition  of  society,  was  of  itself 
sufficient  to  induce  poets  to  vary  the  metre ;  but  the  more  im- 
mediate cause  of  this  alteration  was  the  improvement  of  the  art 
of  music  by  the  Lesbian  Terpander  and  others  in  the  beginning 
of  the  seventh  century  u.  c.  The  lyric  poems  of  the  Greeks  were 
composed,  not  ibr  a  solitary  reader  in  his  chamber,  but  to  be 
sung  on  festive  occasions,  cither  public  or  private,  with  the 
accompaniment  of  a  musical  instrument.  Hence  there  was  a 
necessary  connexion  between  the  arts  of  music  and  of  poetry ; 
and  an  improvement  in  the  one  led  to  a  corresponding  improve- 
ment in  the  other. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  pass  under  review  the  numerous 
varieties  of  Grecian  lyric  song,  and  to  point  out  all  the  occasions 
which  called  into  requisition  the  aid  of  the  poet.  It  is  sufficient 
to  state  in  general  that  no  important  event  either  in  the  pubho 


B.C.  TOO. 


ARCHILOCHUa 


129 


or  private  life  of  a  Greek  could  dispense  with  this  accompani- 
ment;  and  that  the  song  was  equaDy  needed  to  solemnize  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  to  cheer  the  march  to  battle,  or  to  enliven 
the  festive  board.  The  lyric  poetry  belonging  to  the  brilliant 
period  of  Greek  hterature  treated  in  this  book  has  almost  en- 
tirely perished,  and  all  that  we  possess  of  it  consists  of  a  few 
songs  and  isolated  fragments.  Sufficient,  however,  remains  to 
enable  us  to  form  an  opinion  of  its  surpassing  exceUence,  and 
to  regret  the  more  bitterly  the  irreparable  loss  we  have  sus- 
tained. It  IS  only  necessary  in  this  work  to  call  attention  to 
the  most  distinguished  masters  of  lyric  song,  and  to  iUustrate 
their  genius  by  a  few  specimens  of  their  remains. 

^  5.  The  great  satirist  Archilochus  was  one  of  the  earliest  and 
most  celebrated  of  all  the  lyric  poets.     He  flourished  about  the 
year  700  b.c.     His  extraordinary  poetical  genius  is  attested  by 
the  unanimous  voice  of  antiquity,  which  placed  him  on  a  level 
with  Homer.     He  was  the  first  Greek  poet  who  composed  Iambic 
verses  according  to  fixed  rules ;  the  invention  of  the  elecry  is 
ascribed  to  him  as  well  as  to  Callhius ;  and  he  also  struck  out 
many  other  new  paths  in  poetry.      His  fame,  however,  rests 
chieily  on  his  terrible  satires,  composed  in  the  Iambic  metre  * 
in  which  he  gave  vent  to  the  bitterness  of  a  disappointed  mak. 
He  was  poor,  the  son  of  a  slave-mother,  and  therefore  held  in 
contempt  m  his  native  land.     He  had  been  suitor  to  Neobule 
one  of  the  daughters  of  Lycambes,  who  first  promised  and  after- 
wards refused  to  give  his  daughter  to  the  poet.     Enraged  at  this 
treatment  he  held  up  the  family  to  public  scorn,  in  an  iambic 
poem,  accusing  Lycambes  of  perjury  and  his  daughters  of  the 
most  abandoned  profligacy.      His  lampoons  produced  such  an 
eilect  that  the  daughters  of  Lycambes  are  said  to  have  hancred 
themselves  through  shame.      Discontented  at  home,  the  p'oet 
accompanied  a  colony  to  Thasos ;  but  he  was  not  more  happy 
m  his  adopted  country,  which  he  frequently  attacks  in  his  satires 
He  passed  a  great  part  of  his  life  in  wandering  m  other  countries 
and  at  length  fell  in  a  battle  between  the  Parians  and  Naxians! 
1  he  following  lines  of  Archilochus,  addressed  to  his  own  soul, 
cxliibit  at  the  same  time  the  higher  attributes  of  his  style,  and 
nis  own  morbid  philosophy  : — 

"Uy  soul,  my  soul,  care-worn,  bereft  of  rest, 
Arise!  and  front  the  foe  with  dauntless  breast ; 
Take  thy  firm  stand  amidst  his  fierce  alarms; 
Secure,  with  inborn  valour  meet  liis  arms, 


Archilochum  proprio  rabies  armavit  iambo."— Hor.  Ars  Poet  19. 

G* 


IM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XIIL 


M> 


Nor,  conqiierinc^,  monnt  vain-glory'8  glittering  steep ; 
Nor,  conqiier'd,  3ield,  fall  down  at  home,  and  weep. 
Await  the  turns  of  life  with  duteous  awe; 
Know,  Revolution  is  great  Nature's  law."* 

$  6.  Simonides  of  Amorgos,  who  must  not  be  confounded  with 
his  more  celebrated  namesake  of  Ceos,  was  a  contenijwrary  of 
Archilochus,  with  whom  he  shares  the  honour  of  inventing  the 
iambic  metre.  He  was  born  in  Samos,  but  led  a  colony  to  the 
neighbouring  island  of  Amorgos,  where  he  spent  the  greater  part 
of  his  life.  He  is  the  earliest  of  tlie  gnomic  poets,  or  moralists 
in  verse.  The  most  important  of  his  extant  works  is  a  satirical 
poem  "  On  Women,"  in  which  he  describes  their  various  cha- 
racters. In  order  to  give  a  livcHer  image  of  the  female  cha- 
racter, he  derives  their  difierent  qualities  from  the  variety  of 
their  origin ;  the  cuiming  woman  being  fonned  from  the  fox, 
the  talkative  woman  from  the  dog,  the  uncleanly  woman  from 
the  swine,  and  so  on.  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  tho 
poem  : — 

**  Next  in  the  lot  a  gallant  dame  wo  see, 
Sprung  from  a  marc  of  noble  pedigree. 
No  servile  work  her  spirit  proud  can  brook ; 
Her  hands  were  never  taught  to  bake  or  cook ; 
Tlie  vapour  of  the  oven  makes  her  ill ; 
She  scorns  to  empt^  slops  or  turn  the  mill. 
No  household  washings  her  fair  skin  deface, 
Her  own  ablutions  are  her  chief  solace. 
Three  baths  a  day,  with  balms  and  perfumes  rare. 
Refresh  her  tender  limbs:  her  long  rich  hair 
Each  time  she  combs,  and  decks  with  blooming  flowers, 
jSo  spouse  more  fit  than  she  the  idle  hours 
(:f  wealthy  lords  or  kings  to  recreate. 
And  grace  the  splendour  of  their  courtly  state. 
For  men  of  humbler  sort,  no  better  guide 
Heaven^in  itsjvrath,  to  ruin  can provide."f 

§  7.  TyrtsBus  and  Alcman  were  the  two  great  lyric  poets  of 
Sparta,  though  neither  of  them  was  a  native  of  Lacedaemon. 
The  personal  history  of  Tyrtasus,  and  his  warlike  songs,  which 
roused  the  fainting  courage  of  the  Spartans  during  the  second 
Messenian  war,  have  already  occupied  our  attention.^  Alcman 
was  originally  a  Lydian  slave  in  a  Spartan  family,  and  was  eman- 
cipated by  his  master.  He  lived  from  about  b.c.  (>70  to  Gil  ; 
and  most  of  his  poems  were  composed  in  the  period  which  fol- 
lowed the  conclusion  of  the  second  Messenian  war.     They  par- 


B.C.  625. 


SIMONmEa    ALCMAN.    ARION. 


]31 


•  Translated  by  the  Marquis  Wellesley. 
f  Translated  by  Colonel  Mure. 


X  See  above,  p.  ^5. 


take  of  the  character  of  this  period,  which  was  one  of  repose 
and  enjoyment  after  the  fatigues  and  perils  of  war.  Many  ol  his 
songs  celebrate  the  pleasures  of  good  eating  and  drinking  •  but 
the  more  important  were  intended  to  be  sung  by  a  chorus  at  the 
public  festivals  of  Sparta.  His  description  of  Night  is  one  of  tht» 
most  striking  remains  of  his  genius  : 

"Now  o'er  the  drowsy  earth  still  Night  prevails. 
Calm  sleep  the  mountain  tops  and  shady  vales 
The  rugged  cliffs  and  hollow  glens;  * 

The  wild  beasts  slumber  in  their  dens; 
The  cattle  on  the  hill.     Deep  in  the  sea 
The  countless  finny  race  and  monster  brood 
Tranquil  repose.     Even  the  busy  bee 
Forgets  her  daily  toih     The  silent  wood 
No  more  with  noisy  hum  of  insect  rinijs ; 
And  all  the  feather'd  tribes,  by  gentle^  sleep  subdued 
Roost  in  the  glade,  and  hang  their  drooping  wings."  * 

§  8.  Although  choral  poetry  was  successfully  cultivated  by 
Alcman,  it  received  its  chief  improvements  from  Arion  and 
Stesichorus.  Both  of  these  poets  composed  for  a  trained  body 
of  men ;  while  the  poems  of  Alcman  were  sung  by  the  popular 
chorus.  ^  '^ 

Arion  was  a  native  of  Methymna  in  Lesbos,  and  spent  a  great 
part  ol  his  life  at  the  court  of  Periaiider,  tyrant  of  Corinth   who 
began  to  reign  b.c.  625.     Nothing  is  known  of  his  life  beyond 
the  beautiful  story  of  his  escape  from  the  sailors  with  whom  he 
sailed  from  Sicily  to  Corinth.     On  one  occasion,  thus  runs  the 
^ory,  Anon  went  to  Sicily  to  take  part  in  a  musical  contest. 
He  won  the  prize,  and,  laden  with  presents,  he  embarked  in  a 
Corinthian  ship  to  return  to  his  friend  Periander.     The  rude 
sailors  coveted  his  treasures,  and  meditated  his  murder      After 
imploring  them  in  vain  to  spare  his  life,  he  obtained  permission 
to  play  for  the  last  time  on  his  beloved  lyre.     In  festal  attire  he 
placed  himseli  on  the  prow  of  the  vessel,  invoked  the  gods  in 
inspired  strains,  and  then  threw  himself  into  the  sea.    But  many 
song-lovnig  dolphins  had  assembled  round  the  vessel,  and  one 
ot  them  now  took  the  bard  on  its  back,  and  carried  him  to 
Isenarum,  from  whence  he  returned  to  Corinth  in  safety,  and 
related  his  adventure  to  Periander.     Upon  the  arrival  of  tho 
Oorinthian  vessel,  Periander  inquired  of  the  sailors  after  Arion 
who  replied  that  he  had  remained  behind  at  Tarentum  •  but 
when  Anon,  at  the  bidding  of  Periander,  came  forward',  the 
sailors  owned  their  guilt,  and  were  punished  according  to  thei* 

*  Translated  by  Colonel  Mure. 


132 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


CiiAP.  XIIL 


III 


m 


desert.  In  later  times  there  existed  at  Ta?narum  a  bronze  monu- 
ment representing  Arion  riding  on  a  dolphin.  The  great  im- 
provement in  lyric  |>oetry  ascribed  to  Arion  is  the  invention  of 
the  Dithyramb.  This  wjis  a  choral  song  and  dance  in  honour 
of  the  god  Dionysus,  and  existed  in  a  rude  form  even  at  an 
earlier  time.  Arion,  however,  converted  it  into  an  elaborate 
composition,  sung  and  danced  by  a  chorus  of  fifty  persons  spe- 
cially trained  for  the  purpose.  The  Dithyramb  is  of  great  in- 
terest in  the  history  of  poetry,  since  it  was  the  germ  from  which 
sprung  at  a  later  time  the  magnificent  productions  of  the  tragic 
Muse  at  Athens. 

Stesichorus  was  a  native  of  Himera  in  Sicily.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  born  in  u.c.  G32,  to  have  flourished  about  b.c.  G08, 
and  to  have  died  in  u.c.  5G0.  He  travelled  in  many  parts  of 
Greece,  and  was  buried  in  Catana,  where  his  grave  was  shown 
near  a  gate  of  the  city  in  later  times.  He  introduced  such  great 
improvements  into  the  Greek  chorus,  that  he  is  frequently  de- 
scribed as  the  inventor  of  choral  poetry.  He  was  the  first  to 
break  the  monotony  of  the  choral  song,  which  had  consisted  pre- 
viously of  nothing  more  than  one  uniform  stanza,  by  dividing  it 
into  the  Strophe,  the  Antistrophc,  and  the  Epodus — the  turn, 
the  return,  and  the  rest. 

§  9.  Alcseus  and  Sappho  were  both  natives  of  Mytilenc,  in  the 
island  of  Lesbos,  and  flourished  about  b.c.  610 — 580.  Their 
songs  were  composed  for  a  single  voice,  and  not  for  the  chorus, 
and  they  were  each  the  inventor  of  a  new  metre,  which  bears 
their  name,  and  is  familiar  to  us  by  the  well  known  odes  of  Ho- 
race. Their  poetry  was  the  warm  outpouring  of  the  writers' 
inmost  feelings,  and  presents  the  lyric  poetry  of  the  iEolians  at 
its  highest  point. 

Of  the  life  of  Alcajus  we  have  several  interesting  particulars.  He 
fought  in  the  war  between  the  Athenians  and  Mytilcnaians  for 
the  possession  of  Sigeum  (b.c.  GOG),  and  incurred  the  disgrace 
of  leaving  his  arms  behind  him  on  the  field  of  battle.  He  en- 
joyed, notwithstanding,  the  reputation  of  a  brave  and  skilful 
warrior,  and  his  house  is  described  by  himself  as  furnished  with 
the  weapons  of  war  rather  than  with  the  instruments  of  his  art.  He 
took  an  active  part  in  the  civil  dissensions  of  his  native  state, 
and  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  aristocratical  party,  to 
which  he  belonged  by  birth.  When  the  nobles  were  driven  into 
exile,  he  endeavoured  to  cheer  their  spirits  by  a  number  of  most 
animated  odes,  full  of  invectives  against  the  popular  party  and 
its  leaders.  In  order  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  the  exiled  nobles, 
Pittacus  was  unanimously  chosen  by  the  people  as  ^symnetes 
or  Dictator.     Ho  held  his  office  for  ten  years  (n.c.  589 — 579), 


B.C.  600.         STESICHORUS.    ALGOUS.    SAPPHO.  isj 

and  during  that  time  he  defeated  all  the  efTorts  of  the  exiles 
and  estabhshed  the  constitution  on  a  popular  basis  When 
Alcaeus  perceived  that  aU  hope  of  restoration  to  his  native 
country  was  gone,  he  traveled  into  Egypt  and  other  lands. 
The  fragments  of  his  poems  which  remain,  and  the  excellent 
imitations  of  Horace,  enable  us  to  understand  something  of 
their  character.  Those  which  have  received  the  highest  praise 
are  his  warlike  odes.*  of  which  we  have  a  specimen  in  the  fol- 
lowing description  of  his  palace  halls  :— 

"From  floor  to  roof  the  spacious  palace  halls 

Glitter  with  war's  array ; 
With  biirnish'd  metal  clad,  the  lofty  v/alls 

Beam  like  the  bright  noon  day. 
There  white-plumed  helmets  hang  from  many  a  nail 

Above  in  threatening  row;  ' 

Steel-garnish'd  tunics,  and  broad  coats  of  mail 

bpread  o'er  the  space  below.  * 

Chalcidian  blades  enow,  and  belts  are  here 

Greaves  and  emblazon'd  shields ;  * 

Well-tried  protectors  from  the  hostile  spear 

On  other  battle-fields. 
With  these  good  helps  our  work  of  war's  besun- 
With  these  our  victory  must  be  won."  f 

In  some  of  his  poems  Alcaus  described  the  hardships  of  exile, 
and  the  perils  he  encountered  in  his  wanderings  by  land  and  by 
sea,1:  while  m  others  he  sang  of  the  pleasures  of  love  and  of 
wine. 

..  ft^^f"",'  ?"  T*''™^'"''y  "*■  ^''=*"''  ^'^°m  he  addresses  as 

greatest  of  all  the  Greek  poetesses.     The  ancient  writers  ain-ee  in 
expressing  the  most  unbounded  admiration  for  her  poetry  ■  Plato 

of  Sol„?*tJ!\'P'*'T"  "-^"^.Kthe  tenth  Muse ;  and  it  is  'related 
ot  bolon,  that,  on  heanng  for  the  first  time  the  recital  of  one  of 

cTJ^?",'  ^irP^^y*^**  that  he  might  not  see  death  until  he  had 

S  «  f  '"T'y-  ^  '^'  ""''"*^  °f  ^''  hfe  we  have 
scarcely  any  mformation  ;  and  the  common  story  that,  bein"  in 

iownZ  ^^?  ''"•I /"ding  her  love  unrequited,  she  leal^ 
of  w7^  ^A"f/'"-,"  "^^-  ^™«  *°  ^^^^  been  an  invention 
literarv  «  ™W  ^*  ^^^"'f "  ^"P^^"  ^"^  *e  centre  of  a  female 
iiterary  society,  the  members  of  which  were  her  pupils  in  poe- 

•  "  Alcmi  ininaees  Cotncna;."— Hok.  Carm.  iv.  9,  7. 
f  Translated  by  Colonel  Mure. 
"    .'/^  sonantpin  plcnius  aiii-eo, 
Alca)e,  pleetro  dura  navis. 
Dura  fugte  mala,  dura  belli."— Hor.  Cami.  il  13,  20. 


IM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CHAP.  XUI. 


try,  fashion,  and  gallantry.  Modern  writers  have  indeed  at- 
tempted to  prove  that  the  moral  character  of  Sappho  was  free 
from  aU  reproach,  and  that  her  tenderness  was  as  pure  as  it 
was  glowing ;  hut  it  is  impossible  to  read  the  extant  fragments 
of  her  poetry  without  heing  forced  to  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  a  female  who  could  write  such  verses  could  not  be  the 
pure  and  virtuous  woman  which  her  modem  apologists  pretend. 
Her  poems  were  chiefly  amatory,*  and  the  most  important  of 
the  fragments  which  have  heen  preserved  is  a  magnificent  odo 
to  the  Goddess  of  Love.  In  several  of  Sappho's  fragments  we 
perceive  the  exquisite  taste  with  which  she  employed  images 
drawn  from  nature,  of  which  we  have  an  example  in  the  beau- 
tiful hue  imitated  by  Byron — 

•*0  Hesperus  I  thou  hringest  all  things.** 

HO.  Anacreon  is  the  last  Lyric  poet  of  this  period  who  claims 
our  attention.  He  was  a  native  of  the  Ionian  city  of  Teos.  He 
spent  part  of  his  life  at  Samos,  under  the  patronage  of  Poly- 
crates,  in  whose  praise  he  wrote  many  songs.  After  the  death 
of  tliis  despot  (b.c.  522),  he  went  to  Athens,  at  the  invitation  of 
Hipparchus,  who  sent  a  galley  of  fifty  oars  to  fetch  liim.  He 
remained  at  Athens  till  the  assassination  of  Hipparchus  (b.c. 
514),  when  he  is  supposed  to  have  returned  to  Teos.  The  uni- 
versal tradition  of  antiquity  represents  Anacreon  as  a  consum- 
mate voluptuary ;  and  his  poems  prove  the  truth  of  the  tradition. 
He  sings  of  love  and  wine  with  hearty  good  will,  and  we  see  in 
hiin  the  luxury  of  the  Ionian  inflamed  by  the  fervour  of  the  |X)et. 
His  death  was  worthy  of  his  life,  if  we  may  believe  the  account 
ths,t  he  was  choked  hy  a  grape-stone.  Only  a  few  genuine  frag- 
ments of  his  poems  have  come  down  to  us,  for  the  odes  ascribed 
to  him  are  now  universally  admitted  to  be  spurious. 

§  11.  Down  to  the  end  of  the  sevenih  century  before  Christ 
literary  celebrity  in  Greece  was  exclusively  confined  to  the  poets ; 
but  at  the  commencement  of  the  following  century  there  sprang 
up  in  different  parts  of  Greece  a  number  of  men  who,  under  the 
name  of  the  Seven  Sages,  hecame  distinguished  for  their  practi- 
cal sagacity  and  wise  sayings  or  maxims.  Their  names  are 
difierently  given  in  the  various  popular  catalogues ;  but  those 
most  generally  admitted  to  the  honour  are  Solon,  Thalcs,  Pitta- 
cus,  Periander,  Cleobulus,  Chile,  and  Bias.  Most  of  these  per- 
ionages  were  actively  engaged  in  the  aflairs  of  pubhc  life,  and 

♦  "spirat  adlmc  amor 

Vivuntque  commissi  calores 
jEoliie  fidibus  puelloe."— Hor,  Carm.  iv.  9,  10. 


B.C.  600. 


THE  SEVEN  SAGES. 


135 


exercised  great  influence  upon  their  contemporaries.  Thev  were 
the  authors  of  tlie  celebrated  mottoes  inscribed  in  later  days  in 
the  Delphian  temple—"  Know  thyself,"—"  Nothing  too  much  " 
--   Know  thy  opix)rtunity,"— "  Suretyship  is  the  precursor  of 

Of  Solon^  the  legislator  of  Athens,   and  of  Periander,  the 

despot  of  Corinth,  we  have  already  spoken  at  length  :   and 

hiloS  h      ^''""^"'^y  "^"^  °'"  "°*''='^  ^«  the  founder  of  Grecian 

Pittacus  has  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  life  of 
Aicajus,  as  the  wise  and  virtuous  ruler  of  Mitylene,  who  re- 
signed the  sovereign  power  which  his  fellow-citizens  had  volun- 
tarily conferred  upon  him,  after  establishing  pohtical  order  in 
the  state.  The  maxims  attributed  to  him  illustrate  the  amiable 
Icatures  of  his  character.     He  pronounced  "  the  greatest  bless- 

♦T.^Vl.  '  "  T'"'  ""^  ''"■'"y  *"  ^  *''  Po^er  of  doing  good" 
that    the  most  sagacious  man  was  he  who  foresaw  the  approach 

k -'wf^fT'     "  '^?  ^V'^'  ™=^"  he  who  knew  how  to  C 
t ,     that     victory  should  never  be  stained  by  blood  :"  and  that 

ishmenT"'^'''  ^  """  "''^"^"''^  ''^'"'^  ""  '=™''  *''''■'  P"^- 

_  Cleobulus  was  despot  of  Lindus,  in  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and 
IS  only  known  by  his  pithy  sayings.  He  taught  that  "  a  man 
should  never  leave  his  dweUing  without  consfdering  well  what 
he  was  about  to  do,  or  re-enter  it  without  rellecting  on  what  he 
had  done ;  and  that  "  it  was  foUy  in  a  husband  either  to  fondle 
or  reprove  his  -vaia  m  company." 

.,*^''"°.'  u-  ^r^t'  ^^  ^^^""^  ^^^  "ffi^"  °f  Eph°r  in  his  native 
tn/'  wi,  '  daughter  was  married  to  the  Spartan  king  Deraara- 
tus.  When  asked  what  were  the  three  most  difficult  things  in 
a  man  s  hie,  he  replied  :  "  To  keep  a  secret,  to  forgive  injuries, 
and  to  make  a  prohtable  use  of  leisure  time." 

Bias  of  Prieno  in  Ionia,  appears  to  have  been  the  latest  of  the 
beven  Sages,  since  he  was  alive  at  the  Persian  conquest  of  the 
oman  cit.es  The  foUowing  are  specimens  of  his  maxims  :  he 
leciarcd  the  most  unfortunate  of  all  men  to  be  the  man  who 
knows  not  how  to  bear  misfortune  ;"  tliat  ■'  a  man  should  be 
Slow  in  making  up  his  mind,  but  swift  in  executing  his  de- 
c^ions ;    that  "  a  man  should  temper  his  love  for  his  friends  by 

in^rr^tf  r  I.  f  '}%  r  =**  ^™"  '^''^  hecome  his  enemies,  and 
moderate  his  hatred  of  his  enemies  by  the  reflection  that  thev 
might  some  day  become  his  friends."  When  overtaken  bv  a 
storm  on  a  voyage  with  a  dissolute  crew,  and  hearing  them  offer 
up  prayers  for  their  safety,  he  advised  them  rather  "tobe  silent, 
iest  the  gods  should  discover  that  they  were  at  sea  " 


, 


136 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIII. 


nS.  The  history  of  Greek  philosophy  hegins  \vitli  Thalcs 
of  Miletus,  who  was  bom  about  B.C.  640,  and  died  in  550,  at 
the  age  of  90.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  Ionic  school  of  phi- 
losophy, and  to  him  were  traced  the  first  beginnings  of  geometry 
and  astronomy.  The  main  doctrine  of  his  philosophical  sys- 
tem was,  that  water,  or  lluid  substance,  was  the  single  original 
element  from  which  every  thing  came  and  into  which  every 
thing  returned. 

Anaximander,  the  successor  of  Thalcs  in  the  Ionic  school, 
lived  from  B.C.  610  to  547.  He  was  distinguished  for  his  know- 
ledge of  astronomy  and  geography,  and  is  said  to  have  been  the 
first  to  introduce  the  use  of  the  sun-dial  into  Greece.  He  was  also 
one  of  the  earliest  Greek  writers  in  prose,  in  which  he  composed 
a  geographical  treatise.  He  is  further  said  to  have  constructed 
a  chart  or  map  to  accompany  this  work ;  and  to  this  account 
we  may  give  the  more  credence,  since  in  the  century  after  his 
death,  at  the  time  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  the  Ionian  Aristagoraa 
showed  to  the  Spartan  Cleomenes  *'  a  tablet  of  copper,  upon 
which  was  inscribed  every  known  part  of  the  habitable  world, 
the  seas,  and  the  rivers." 

Anaximenes,  the  third  in  the  series  of  the  Ionian  philosophers, 
lived  a  little  later  than  Anaximander.  He  endeavoured,  like 
Thales,  to  derive  the  origin  of  all  material  things  from  a  single 
element ;  and,  according  to  his  theor)%  air  was  the  source  of  life. 
In  like  manner,  Heraclitus  of  Ephesus,  who  flourished  about 
B.C.  513,  regarded  fire  or  heat  as  the  primary  form  of  all  mat- 
ter ;  and  theories  of  a  similar  nature  were  held  by  other  phi- 
losophers of  this  school. 

A  new  path  was  struck  out  by  Anaxagoras  of  Clazomenae,  the 
most  illustrious  of  the  Ionic  philosophers.  Anaxagoras  was  born 
in  B.C.  499,  and  consequently  his  life,  strictly  speaking,  belongs 
to  the  next  period  of  Grecian  history,  but  we  mention  him  here 
in  order  to  complete  our  account  of  the  Ionic  School.  He  came 
to  Athens  in  480  B.C.,  being  then  only  in  his  twentieth  year. 
Though  he  inherited  a  considerable  property  from  his  father, 
he  resigned  it  all  to  his  relatives,  in  order  to  devote  himself 
entirely  to  philosophy.  He  continued  to  teach  at  Athens  for 
thirty  years,  and  numbered  among  his  hearers  Pericles,  Socrates, 
and  Euripides.  He  abandoned  the  system  of  his  predecessors, 
and,  instead  of  regarding  some  elementary  form  of  matter  as  the 
origin  of  all  things,  he  conceived  a  supreme  mind  or  intelligence,* 
distinct  from  the  visible  world,  to  have  imparted  form  and  order 
to  the  chaos  of  nature.  These  innovations  afforded  the  Athe- 
nians a  pretext  for  indicting  Anaxagoras  of  impiety,  though  it  is 

*  Novf. 


B.C.  60a 


SCHOOLS  OF  PHILOSOPHY. 


137 


probable  that  his  connexion  with  Pericles  was  the  real  cause  of 
that  proceeding  It  was  only  through  the  influence  and  elo- 
quence of  Pericles  that  he  was  not  put  to  death  ;  but  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  pay  a  fine  of  five  talents  and  quit  Athens.  The  phi- 
losopher  retired  to  Lanipsacus,  where  he  died  at  the  age  of  72. 

V  1  :^  •  f  ^■'''''''^  ^""^'"^^  ""^  ^'^^^  philosophy  was  th^  Eleatic 
which  derived  its  name  from  Elea  or  Velia"^  a  Greek  colony  on 
the  western  coast  of  Southern  Italy.  It  was  founded  by  Xen<^ 
phanes  of  Colophon,  who  fled  to  Elea  on  the  conquest  of  h^ 
native  land  by  the  Persians.  He  conceived  the  whole  of  nature 
Hnnn.       ;i  .'^  not  hesitate  to  denounce  as  abominable  the 

Homeric  descriptions  of  the  gods.  His  philosophical  system 
was  developed  in  the  succeeding  century  by  his  successors^  Pa^ 
memdes  and  Zeno,  who  exercised  great  influence  upon  Gr^k 
speculation  by  the  acuteness  of  their  dialectics 

^  ^' J^'^i  ^^'"""^  ^^^"^^  ""^  philosophy  was  founded  by  Pytha- 
goras.   The  history  of  this  celebrated  man  has  been  obscured  by 

_f       V  ^^^u'  T'^""'"''  ^"*  ^^^'^  ^^«  ^  few  important  facts 
respecting  him  which  are  sufficiently  well  ascertained.    He  was 
a  native  ol  feamos,  and  was  born  about  b.c.  580.    His  father  was 
stel^t^f  ^^rchant   a,d  Pythagoras  himself  travelled  extend 
sively  in  the  East.     His  travels  were  gi-eatly  magnified  by  the 
credulity  of  a  later  age,  but  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
Uiat  he  visited  Egypt,  and  perhaps  also  Phoenicia  and  Babylon 
He  IS  said  to  have  received  instruction  from  Thales,  Anaxi- 
mander, and  other  of  the  early  Greek  philosophers.    Of  his  own 
SrtT   TJ"  '^'  knowledge  is  very  limited  ;  since  he  left 
noting  behmd  him  m  writing,  and  the  later  doctrines  of  the 
Pythagoreans  were  naturally  attributed  to  the  founder  of  the 

^S;    nf  '"  't         '  JT'^'''  *^^*  ^'^  ^^^^^^^d  ^^  the  transmi- 
thTvlff.  '  ''''^  ^'^  contemporary  Xenophanes  related 

^ir^    T''.^'"'^  a  dog  beaten  interceded  in  its  behalf. 

W  ?f7n-     "      Yr^  "^  ^  ^""'^^  ^^  ^^h^^'  ^h«"^  I  recognize 
by   ts  voice.        Later  writers  added  that  Pythagoras  asserted 

Eur  hn^^^^^  had  formerly  dwelt  in  the  body^of  the  Trojan 

the  '  1  T  ?T^  f  ^^  ^/^^^^^  ^«  '^^  d«^'  at  first  sight 
the  shield  of  Euphorbus  from  the  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at 
Argos,  where  it  had  been  dedicated  by  Menelaus.*    Pythagoras 

"habentque 
lartai'a  Panthoiden,  iterum  Oreo 
Demissuni,  quamvis  clipeo  Trojana  refixo 

Ten)pora  testatus,  nihil  ultra 
Nervos  atque  cutem  morti  coucesserat  atrse." 

HoR.  Carm.  i.  28,  la 


; 


1S8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIII 


was  distinguished  by  his  knowledge  of  geometry  and  arithmetic ; 
and  it  was  probably  from  his  teaching  that  the  Pythagoreans 
were  led  to  regard  numbers  in  gome  mysterious  mamicr  as  the 
basis  and  essence  of  all  things.  We  shall,  however,  form  an  er- 
roneous opinion  of  the  character  of  Pythagoras,  if  we  regard  him 
simply  as  a  philosopher,  attaching  to  the  word  the  same  mean- 
ing which  it  bore  among  the  Athenians  of  a  later  age.  He  was  in 
fact  more  of  the  religious  teacher  than  of  the  philosopher ;  and  he 
looked  upon  himself  as  a  being  destined  by  the  gods  to  reveal  to 
his  disciples  a  new  and  a  purer  mode  of  life.  The  religious 
element  in  his  character  made  a  profound  impression  upon  his 
contemporaries,  and  they  believed  him  to  stand  in  a  close  con- 
nexion with  the  gods. 

Pythagoras  is  said  to  have  returned  to  Samos  about  the  age  cf 
forty,  with  a  mind  deeply  impressed  with  his  divine  mission. 
Finding  the  condition  of  liis  native  country,  which  was  then 
under  the  despotism  of  Polycrates,  unfavourable  to  the  dis- 
semination of  his  doctrines,  he  migrated  to  Croton  in  Italy. 
Here  he  met  with  the  most  wonderful  success.  His  public 
exhortations  induced  numbers  to  enrol  tliemselves  as  mem- 
bers of  the  new  society  which  he  sought  to  estabUsh.  This 
society  was  a  kind  of  religious  brotherhood,  the  members  of 
which  were  bound  together  by  peculiar  rites  and  observances. 
There  were  various  gradations  among  the  members,  and  no  can- 
didates were  admitted  without  passuig  through  a  period  of  pro- 
bation, in  which  their  intellectual  faculties  and  general  character 
were  tested.  Everything  done  and  taught  in  the  iiateniity  was 
kept  a  profound  secret  from  all  without  its  pale.  It  appears 
that  the  members  had  some  private  signs,  like  Freemasons,  by 
which  they  could  recognize  each  other,  even  if  they  had  never 
met  before.  From  the  secrecy  in  which  their  proceedings  were 
enveloped,  we  do  not  know  the  nature  of  their  religious  rites, 
nor  the  peculiar  diet  to  which  they  are  said  to  have  been  sub- 
jected. Some  writers  represent  Pythagoras  as  forbidding  all 
animal  food ;  but  aH  the  members  cannot  heve  been  subjected  to 
this  prohibition,  since  we  know  that  the  celebrated  athlete  Milo 
was  a  Pythagorean,  and  it  would  not  have  been  possible  for  him 
to  have  dispensed  with  animal  food.  But  temperance  was  strictly 
enjoined ;  and  their  whole  training  tended  to  produce  great  self- 
possession  and  mastery  over  the  passions.  Most  of  the  converts 
of  Pythagoras  belonged  to  the  noble  and  wealthy  classes.  Three 
hundred  of  them,  most  attached  to  their  teacher,  formed  the 
nucleus  of  the  society,  and  were  closely  united  to  Pythagoras 
and  each  other  by  a  sacred  vow.  His  doctrines  spread  rapidly 
over  Magna  Gracia,  and  clubs  of  a  similar  character  were 


B.C.  630. 


PYTHAGORAS. 


139 


estabUshed    at    Sybaris,    Metapontum,    Tarentum,    and    other 
cities. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Pythagoras  had  originally  any  political 
designs  m  the  Ibundation  of  the  brotherhood  ;  but  it  was  only 
natural  that  a  club  like  that  of  the  Three  Hundred  at  Croton 
should  speedily  acquire  great  influence  in  the  conduct  of  public 
affairs,  which  it  uniformly  exerted  in  favor  of  the  oligarchical 
party.     Pythagoras  himself  also  obtained  great  political  power. 
He  did  not,  it  is  true,  hold  any  public  office,  either  at  Croton 
or  elsewhere ;  but  he  was  the  general  of  a  powerful  and  well- 
discipUned  order,  which  appears  to  have  paid  implicit  obedience 
to  his  commands,  and  which  bore  in  many  respects  a  striking 
resemblance  to  the  one  founded  in  modem  times  by  Ignatius 
Loyola.     The  influence,  however,  exercised  by  the  brotherhood 
upon  public  affairs  proved  its  ruin.     The  support  which  it  lent 
to  the  oligarchical  party  in  the  various  cities,  the  secrecy  of  its 
proceedings,  and  the  exclusiveness  of  its  spirit  produced  against 
the  whole  system  a  wide-spread  feeling  of  hatred. 

The  conquest  of  Sybaris  by  Croton  (b.  c.  510),  of  which  an 
account  has  been  already  given,  seems  to  have  elated  the  Pytha- 
goreans   beyond   measure.      The   war   had   been   undertaken 
through  the  advice  of  Pythagoras  himself;  and  the  forces  of 
Croton  had  been  commanded  by  Milo,  a  member  of  the  brother- 
hood.    Accordingly,  on  the  termination  of  the  war,  the  Pytha- 
goreans opposed  more  actively  than  ever  the  attempts  of  the 
popular  party  to  obtain  a  share  in  the  government  of  Croton, 
and  refused  to  divide   among  the  people  the  territory  of  the 
conquered  city.     A  revolution  was  the  consequence.     A  demo- 
cratical  form  of  govenunent  was  established  at  Croton ;  and  the 
people  now  took  revenge  upon  their  powerful  opponents.     In  an 
outbreak  of  popular  fury  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  house  in 
which  the  leading  Pythagoreans  were  assembled;  the  house  was 
set  on  fire ;  and  many  of  the  members  perished.     Similar  riots 
took  place  in  the  other  cities  of  Magna  Gracia,  in  which  Pytha- 
gorean clubs  had  been  formed;    and  civil  dissensions  ensued 
which,  after  lasting  many  years,  were  at  length  pacified  by  the 
friendly  mediation  of  the  Achajans  of  the  mother-country.     The 
Pythagorean  order,  as  an  active  and  organised  brotherhood,  was 
thus  suppressed ;  but  the  Pythagoreans  continued  to  exist  as  a 
philosophical  sect,  and  after  some  interval  were  again  admitted 
into  the  cities  from  which  they  had  been  expelled.     There  were 
different  accounts  of  the  fate  of  Pythagoras  himself;  but  he  is 
generally  stated  to  have  died  at  Metapontum,  where  his  tomb 
was  shown  in  the  time  of  Cicero. 


Temple  of  ^gina,  restored. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


HISTORY    OF    ART. 


§  1.  Perfection  of  Grecian  art.  §  2.  Origin  of  architecture.  §  3.  Cyclopean 
walls.  Treasury  of  A treus.  §  4.  Architecture  of  temples.  §'.5.  Three 
orders  of  architecture,  the  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corintliian.  §  6.  Temples 
of  Artemis  (Diana)  at  Ephesus,  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  tSamos,  of  Apollo  at 
Delphi,  and  of  Jove  at  Athens.  Remains  of  temples  at  Posidonia  (Paes- 
tum),  Selinus,  and  JEgina.  §  7.  Origin  of  Sculpture.  Wooden  images 
of  the  gods.  Sculptured  figures  on  architectural  monuments.  Lions 
over  the  gate  at  Mjcenaj.  §  8.  Improvements  in  sculpture  in  the  sixth 
and  fifth  centuries  b.c.  §  9.  Extant  specimens  of  Grecian  sculpture. 
The  Selinuntine,  jEginetan,  and  Lycian  marbles.  §  10.  History  of 
painting. 

U.  The  perfection  of  Greek  art  is  still  more  wonderful  than 
the  perfection  of  Greek  literature.  In  poetry,  history,  and 
oratory,  other  languages  have  produced  works  which  may  stand 
comparison  with  the  master-pieces  of  Greek  literature  ;  hut  in 
architecture  and  sculpture  the  pre-eminence  of  the  Hellenic  race 
is  acknowledged  hy  the  whole  civilized  world,  and  the  most  suc- 
cessful artist  of  modem  times  only  hopes  to  approach,  and 
dreams  not  of  surpassing  the  glorious  creations  of  Grecian  art. 
The  art  of  a  people  is  not  only  a  most  interesting  branch  of  its 
antiquities,  but  also  an  important  part  of  its  history.     It  forma 


Chap.  XIV. 


ARCHITECTURK 


141 


one  of  the  most  durable  evidences  of  a  nation's  growth  in  civi- 
lization and  socia  progress.  The  remains  of  the  Parthenon 
alone  would  have  borne  the  most  unerring  testimony  to  the  in- 
tellectual and  social  greatness  of  Athens,  if  the  histcry  of  Greece 

known^^"  ""  ^"""^  *^^  ''^™^'  ""^  ■^^'''^^^'  "^^  ^^^^^^«  ^- 

^  2  Architecture  first  claims  our  attention  in  tracing  the  his- 
tory of  Grecian  art,  since  it  attained  a  high  degiee  of  excellence 
at  a  much  earlier  period  than  either  sculpture  or  painting 
Architecture  has  Its  origin  m  nature  and  in  religion.  The  neces- 
sity ol  a  habitation  for  man,  and  the  attempt  to  erect  habita- 
tions suitable  for  the  gods,  are  the  two  causes  from  which  the 
art  derives  its  existence.  In  Greece,  however,  as  in  most  other 
countries,  architecture  was  chiefly  indebted  to  religion  for  its 
development ;  and  hence  its  history,  as  a  fine  art,  is  closely  con! 
nected  with  that  of  the  temple.  But  before  speaking  IfZ 
Grecian  temples,  it  is  necessary  to  say  a  few  words  respectin.^ 
the  earher  buildings  of  the  Greeks.  ° 

§  3    The  oldest  works  erected  by  Grecian  hands  are  those 

SCr  .?t  f  P  ^''^  ^'%l''^^  ^^"^^^  ^'  Tiiyns  and  Mycen^,  and 
o  her  cities  of  Greece.  They  consist  of  enormous  blocks  of  ;tone 
put  together  without  cement  of  any  kind,  though  they  differ 
from  one  another  m  the  mode  of  their  construction  In  the  most 
ancient  specimens,  the  stones  are  of  irregular  polygonal  shapes 

being  filled  up  with  smaller  stones :  of  this  we  have  aA  example 
m  the  walls  of  the  citadel  of  Tirjus.  ^^^yi& 


Wall  at  Tiryns. 

In  other  cases  the  stones,  though  they  are  still  of  irre-mlar 
polygonal  shapes,  are  skihuUy  hewn  and  fitted  to  one  anoUie" 
and  their  faces  are  cut  so  as  to  give  the  whole  wall  a  smooth 


142 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIV. 


appearance.     A  specimen  of  this  kind  is  seen  in  the  walls  of 
Larissa,  the  citadel  of  Argos.     In  the  third  species  the  stones 


Wall  of  the  Citadel  of  Argos. 

aie  more  or  less  regular,  and  are  laid  in  horizontal  courses. 
The  walls  of  MycensB  present  one  of  the  best  examples  of  tin's 
structure.  (See  drawing  on  p.  25.)  These  gigantic  walls  are 
generally  known  by  the  name  of  Cyclopean,  because  posterity 
could  not  believe  them  to  be  the  works  of  man.  Modern 
writers  assign  them  to  the  Pelasgians ;  but  we  know  nothing 
of  their  origin,  though  we  may  salely  believe  them  to  belong 
to  the  earliest  periods  of  Greek  history.  In  the  Homeric 
poems  we  find  the  cities  of  Greece  surrounded  with  massive 
walls ;  and  the  poet  speaks  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  Argive 
kingdom  as  "  the  walled  Tiryns,"  and  *'  Mycenae,  the  well-built 
city." 

The  only  other  remains  which  can  be  regarded  as  con- 
temporary with  these  massive  walls  are  those  subterraneous 
dome-shaped  edifices  usually  supposed  to  have  been  the  trea- 
suries of  the  heroic  kings.  This,  however,  seems  doubtful,  and 
many  modem  writers  maintain  them  to  have  been  the  family- 
vaults  of  the  ancient  heroes  by  whom  they  were  erected.  The 
best  preserved  monument  of  this  kind  is  the  one  at  Mycena), 
where  we  find  so  many  remains  of  the  earhest  Grecian  art.  This 
building,  generally  called  the  Treasury  of  Atreus,  is  entirely  under 
ground.  It  contains  two  chambers,  the  one  upon  entrance  be- 
ing a  large  vault  about  fifty  feet  in  width,  and  forty  in  height, 
giving  access  to  a  small  chamber  excavated  in  the  solid  rock. 
The  .building  is  constructed  of  horizontal  courses  of  masonry, 
which  gradually  approach  and  unite  in  the  top  in  a  closing  stone. 
Its  principle  is  that  of  a  wall  resisting  a  superincumbent  weight, 
and  deriving  strength  and  coherence  from  the  weight  itself, 
which  is  in  reality  the  principle  of  the  arch.  The  doorway  of 
the  monument  was  formerly  adorned  with  pilasters  and  other 
ornaments  in  marble  of  different  colours.  It  appears  to  have 
been  lined  in  the  interior  with  bronze  plates,  the  holes  for  the 
nailfi  of  which  are  still  visible  in  horizontal  rows. 


Chap.  XIV. 


TEMPLES. 


143 


^  4.  The  temples  of  the  gods  were  originally  small  in  size  and 
mean  in  appearance.    The  most  ancient  were  nothing  but  hollow 
trees  m  which  the  images  of  the  gods  were  placed,  since  the 
temple  in  early  times  was  simply  the  habitation  of  the  deity  and 
not  a  place  for  the  worshippers.     As  the  nation  grew  in  know- 
ledge and  m  civilisation,  the  desire  naturally  arose  of  improving 
and  embellishing  the  habitations  of  their  deities.     The  tree  w^ 
first  exchanged  for  a  wooden  house.     The  form  of  the  temple 
was  undoubtedly  borrowed  from  the  common  dwellings  of  men 
Among  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  we  still  find  an  exact  con^ 
lormity  ol  style  and  arrangement  between  the  wooden  huts  now 
/>ccupied  by  the  peasantry,  and  the  splendid  temples  of  antiquity. 


^O^imyiTTrmm 


->') 


Wooden  hut  in  Asia  Minor. 

The  wotKien  habitation  of  the  god  gave  way  in  turn  to  a  temple 
ot  stone.     In  the  erection  of  these  sacred  edifices,  architecture 
made  great  and  rapid  progress ;  and  even  as  early  as  the  sixth 
century  there  were  many  magnificent  temples  erected  in  va- 
rious parts  of  Hellas.     Most  of  the  larger  temples  received  their 
light  from  an  openmg  in  the  centre  of  the  building,  and  were 
tor  this  reason  caUed  hypwthral*  or  under  the  sky.    They  usually 
consisted  of  three  parts,  the  j^oncwsA  or  vestibule  ;  the  naos  1  or 
ccUa,  which  contained  the  statue  of  the  deity,  and  the  opistho- 
domusk  or  back-bmldmg,  in  which  the  treasures  of  the  temple 
were  frequently  kept.     The  form  of  the  temples  was  very  simple 
being  either  oblong  or  round  ;  and  their  grandeur  was  owing  to 
the  beautiful  combmation  of  columns  which  adorned  the  interior 
as  well  as  the  outside.     These  columns  either  surrounded  the 
building  entirely,  or  were  arranged  in  porticoes  on  one  or  more 
Ol  Its  Ironts;  and  according  to  their  number  and  distribution 
temples  have  been  classified  both  by  ancient  and  modern  writers 
on  architecture.     Columns  were  originally  used  simply  to  sup- 
port the  roof  of  the  building ;  and,  amidst  all  the  elaborations  of 
vnaiO^^.       f  rrgovao^,      |  vaog,  also  called  avKo^.       §  dmaOodoiiog. 


144 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIV. 


a  later  age,  this  object  was  always  kept  in  view.    Hence  we  find 
the  column  supporting  a  horizontal  mass,  technically  called  the 


Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Columns. 

entablature.  Both  the  column  and  the  entablature  arc  again 
divided  into  three  distinct  parts.  The  former  consists  of  the 
base,  the  shaft,  and  the  capital ;  the  latter  of  the  architrave,  the 
frieze,  and  the  cornice.  The  architrave  is  the  chief  beam,*  rest- 
ing on  the  summit  of  the  row  of  columns  ;  the  frieze  rises  above 
the  architrave,  and  is  frequently  adorned  by  figures  in  relief, 
whence  its  Greek  name  ;t  and  above  the  frieze  projects  the  cor- 
nice,! forming  a  handsome  finish  to  the  entablature.  According 
to  certain  differences  in  the  proportions  and  embellishments  of 
the  columns  and  entablature  Grecian  architecture  was  divided 
into  three  orders,  called  respectively  the  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corin- 
thian. 

§  5.  The  Doric  order  is  the  most  ancient,  and  is  marked  by 
the  characteristics  of  the  people  from  whom  it  derives  its  name. 
It  IS  simple,  massive,  and  majestic.  The  column  is  characterised 
by  the  absence  of  a  base,  by  the  thickness  and  rapid  diminution 
of  the  shaft,  and  by  the  simplicity  and  massiveness  of  the 
capital.  In  the  entablature,  the  architrave  is  in  one  surface  and 
quite  plain.  The  frieze  is  ornamented  by  triglyphs,  so  called 
from  the  three  flat  bands  into  which  they  are  divided  by  the 
mtervening  channels ;  while  the  metopes,  or  the  vacant  spaces 
between  the  triglyphs,  are  also  adorned  with  sculptures  in  high 

*  Called  by  the  Greeks  'EmarvXtov  eputylium.     f  Zw^opof,  zophorut. 

I  Kopuy/f,  eoronis. 


Chap.  XIV. 


TEMPLES. 


146 


rehef     The  cornice  projects  far,  and  on  its  under  side  are  cut 
several  sets  of  drops,  called  mutules. 

The  Ionic  order  is  distinguished  by  simple  gracefulness,  and 
by  a  much  richer  style  of  ornament  than  the  Doric  The  shaft 
of  the  column  is  much  more  slender,  and  rests  upon  a  base  • 
while  the  capital  is  adorned  by  spiral  volutes.  The  architrave 
IS  in  three  faces,  the  one  slightly  projecting  beyond  the  other  • 
there  is  a  small  cornice  between  the  architrave  and  the  frieze' 
and  all  three  members  of  the  entablature  are  more  or  less  orna- 
mented with  mouldinjTS. 


X 


aiPiasms^yiS^ 


EZZzaBsas^s&ziiSiSJSBsis&a^ 


X  J  U  U  U  U  (J 


u  u  u 


Doric  Architecture. 
From  Temple  at  Phigalia. 


Ionic  Architecture. 
From  the  Erechtheum. 


The  Corinthian  order  is  only  a  later  form  of  the  Ionic,  and  be- 
longs to  a  period  subsequent  to  the  one  treated  in  the  present 
book.  It  IS  especially  characterized  by  its  beautiful  capital,  which 
IS  said  to  have  been  suggested  to  the  mind  of  the  celebrated  sculp- 
tor Lallimachus  by  the  sight  of  a  basket,  covered  by  a  tile  and 
overgrown  by  the  leaves  of  an  acanthus,  on  which  it  had  accident- 
ally been  placed.    The  earliest  known  example  of  its  use  throujih- 

H  "" 


H6 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XIV. 


out  a  building  is  in  the  monument  of  Lysicrates,  commonly  called 
the  Lantern  of  Demosthenes,  wliich  was  built  in  B.C.  335. 


Corinthian  Architecture.    From  Monument  of  Lysicrates. 


f  6.  Passing  over  the  earlier  Greek  temples,  we  find  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  several  magnificent  buildings 
of  this  kind  mentioned  by  the  ancient  writers.  Of  these  two  of 
the  most  celebrated  were  the  temple  of  Artemis  (Diana)  at 
Ephesus,  and  the  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos.  The  former 
was  erected  on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  from  its  size  and  magni- 
ficence was  regarded  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world.  It 
was  commenced  about  B.C.  600,  under  the  superintendence  of 
the  architects  Chersiphron  and  his  son  Metagenes,  of  Cnossus 
in  Crete,  but  it  occupied  many  years  in  building.  The  material 
employed  was  white  marble, 'and  the  order  of  architecture 
adopted  was  the  Ionic.     Its  length  was  425  feet,  its  breadth 


OIIAP.  XIV. 


TEMPLEa 


147 


220  feet ;  the  columns  were  60  feet  in  height,  and  127  in 
number ;  and  the  blocks  of  marble  composing  the  architrave 
were  30  leet  in  length.  This  wonder  of  the  world  was  burnt 
down  by  Herostratus,  in  order  to  immortalise  himself,  on  the 
same  night  that  Alexander  the  Great  was  born  (b.c.  356)  •  but 
It  was  afterwards  rebuilt  with  still  greater  magnificence  by  the 
contributions  of  all  the  states  of  Asia  Minor. 

The  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos  was  begun  about  the 
same  time  as  the  one  at  Ephesus ;  but  it  appears  to  have  been 
finished  much  earlier,  since  it  was  the  largest  tem^ie  with  which 
Herodotus  was  acquainted.  It  was  346  Ibet  in  length,  and  189 
m  breadth,  and  was  originally  built  in  the  Doric  style,  but  the 
existing  remains  belong  to  the  Ionic  order.  The  architects  were 
Rhojcus,  and  his  son  Theodorus,  both  natives  of  Samos. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  same  century  the  temple  of  Delphi 
was  rebuilt  after  its  destruction  by  fire  in  b.c.  548.  The  sum 
required  for  the  erection  of  this  temple  was  300  talents,  or  about 
115,000/.,  which  had  to  be  coUected  from  the  various  cities  in 
tne  Hellenic  world.  The  contract  for  the  building  was  taken 
by  the  Alcmaeonidaj,  and  the  magnificent  manner  in  which  they 
executed  the  work  has  been  already  mentioned.  It  was  in  the 
Doric  style,  and  the  Iront  was  cased  with  Parian  marble. 

About  the  same  time  Pisistratus  and  his  sons  commenced  the 
temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove  at  Athens.  It  was  a  colossal  fabric  in 
the  Doric  style,  359  feet  in  length  by  173  in  breadth,  and  was  only 
completed  by  the  emperor  Hadrian,  650  years  after  its  foundation. 
The  teraples  mentioned  above  have  entirely  disappeared,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  columns ;  but  others  erected  in  the  sixth 
and  fifth  centuries  b.c.  have  withstood  more  successfully  the 
ravages  of  time.    Of  these  the  most  perfect  and  the  most  striking 
are  the  two  temples  at  Posidonia,  or  Psstum,  the  colony  of  Sy- 
baris  m  southern  Italy,  the  remains  of  which  still  fill  the  beholder 
with  admiration  and  astonishment.   Tlie  larger  of  the  two,  which 
IS  the  more  ancient,  is  characterised  by  the  massive  simphcity 
ot  the  ancient  Doric  style.     It  is  195  feet  long  by  75  feet  wide. 
Ihere  are  hkewise  considerable  remains  of  three  ancient  temples 
at  feehnus  m  Sicily,  built  in  the  Doric  style.    The  temple  of  Jove 
1  anhellemus,  m  the  island  of  iEgina,  of  which  many  columns 
are  still  standmg,  was  probably  erected  in  the  sixth  century 
B.C.,   and  not  after  the  Persian  wars,  as  is  stated  by  many 
modem  writers.     It  stands  in  a  sequestered  and  lonely  spot  in 
the  north-east  corner  of  the  island,  overlooking  the  sea  and  com- 
manding a  view  of  the  opposite  coa^t  of  Attica.     It  is  in  the 
Done  style  ;  and  the  iront  elevation,  as  restored,  is  exhibited  in 
the  engraving  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 


IlLSTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XIV. 


Chap.  XIV. 


STATUARY. 


I  ft 


$  7.  Sculpture,  or  to  use  a  more  correct  expression,  Statuary, 
owed  its  origin,  like  architecture,  to  religion.  The  only  statues 
in  Greece  were  for  a  long  time  those  of  the  gods ;  and  it  was  not 
till  about  B.C.  550  that  statues  began  to  be  erected  in  honour  of 
men.  The  most  ancient  representations  of  the  gods  did  not  even 
pretend  to  be  images,  but  were  only  symboUcal  signs  of  their 
presence,  and  were  often  nothing  more  than  unhewn  blocks  of 
stone  or  simple  pieces  of  wood.  Sometimes  there  was  a  real  statue 
of  the  god,  carved  in  wood,  of  which  material  the  most  ancient 
statues  were  exclusively  made.*  The  art  of  carving  in  wood  was 
confined  to  certain  families,  and  was  handed  down  from  father 
to  son.  Such  famihes  are  represented  in  Attica  by  the  mythical 
name  of  Daedalus,  and  in  jEgina  by  the  equally  mythical  name 
of  SmiUs,  from  both  of  whom  many  artists  of  a  later  age  traced 
their  descent.  The  hereditary  cultivation  of  the  art  tended  to 
repress  its  improvement  and  development;  and  the  carvers  long 
continued  to  copy  from  generation  to  generation  the  exact  type 
of  each  particular  god.  These  wooden  figures  were  frequently 
painted  and  clothed,  and  were  decorated  with  diadems,  car-rings, 
and  necklaces,  and  in  course  of  time  were  partly  covered  with 
gold  or  ivory.  Statues  in  marble  or  metal  did  not  begin  to  be 
made  till  the  sixth  century  b.c. 

Though  statuary  pro^.  or  the  construction  of  a  round 
%ure  standinj?  by  itself,  continued  in  a  rude  state  for  a  long 
tiLe  in  Greece,  /et  sculptured  figures  on  architectural  inonu- 
ments  were  executed  at  an  early  period  in  a  superior  style  of  art. 
One  of  the  earliest  specimens  of  sculpture  still  extant  is  the 
work  in  relief  above  the  ancient  gate  at  Mycciut',  representing 
two  lions  standing  on  their  hind  legs  with  a  kind  of  pillar  be- 
tween them.     They  are  figured  on  p.  25. 

§  8.  About  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  a  fresh 
impulse  was  given  to  statuary,  as  well  as  to  the  other  arts,  by 
the  discovery  of  certain  mechanical  processes  in  the  use  and 
application  of  the  metals.  Glaucus  of  Chios  is  mentioned  as 
the  inventor  of  the  art  of  solderuig  metal  ;t  and  Rhcecus  and 
Theodorus  of  Samos,  who  have  been  already  spoken  of  as  archi- 
tects, invented  the  art  of  casting  figures  of  bronze  in  a  mould. 
The  magnificent  temples,  which  began  to  be  built  about  the  same 
period,  called  into  exercise  the  art  of  the  sculptor,  since  the 
friezes  and  pediments  were  usually  adorned  with  figures  in  rehef 
DipGcnus  and  Scyllis  of  Crete,  who  practised  their  art  at  Sicyon 
about  B.C.  580,  were  the  first  sculptors  who  obtained  renown  for 
their  statues  in  marble.    They  founded  a  school  of  art  in  Sicyon, 

•  A  wooden  statue  was  called  ^oavov,  from  ^€«,  "polish"  or  "  carve." 
f  atdrJQov  KoAAjyoff,  Ilcrod.  i.  25. 


149 


which  long  enjoyed  great  celebrity.     The  other  most  distin- 
guished schools  of  art  were  at  Samos,  Chios,  iEgina,  and  Argos. 
The  practice  of  erecting  statues  of  the  victors  in  the  great  public 
games,  which  commenced  about  b.c.  550,  was  like\vise  of  great 
service  in  the  development  of  the  art.     In  forming  these  statues 
the  sculptor  was  not  tied  down  by  a  fixed  type,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  images  of  the  gods,  and  consequently  gave  greater  play  to 
his  inventive  powers.     The  improvement  thus  produced  in  the 
statues  of  men  was  gradually  extended  to  the  images  of  the 
gods ;  and  the  artist  was  emboldened  to  depart  from  the  ancient 
models,  and  to  represent  the  gods  under  new  forms  of  beauty 
and  grandeur.     Nevertheless  even  the  sculptures  which  belong 
to  the  close  of  the  present  period  still  bear  traces  of  the  religious 
restraints  of  an  earlier  age,  and  form  a  transition  from  the 
hardness  and  stiffness  of  the  archaic  style  to  that  ideal  beauty 
which  was  shortly  afterwards  developed  in  the  sublime  works 
of  Phidias 

^  9.  Among  the  remams  of  the  sculpture  of  this  period  still 
extant,  those  most  worthy  of  notice  are  the  reliefs  in  the 
metopes  of  the  temple  of  SeUnus,  the  statues  on  the  pediments 
of  the  temple  of  iEgina,  and  the  reliefs  on  the  great  monument 
recently  discovered  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia.  The  two  reliefs  given 
on  p.  114  are  taken  from  the  metopes  of  two  temples  at  Sehnus. 
The  first,  belonging  to  the  more  ancient  of  the  temples,  which 
was  probably  built  about  b.c.  600,  represents  Perseus  cutting  off 
the  head  of  Medusa,  with  the  assistance  of  Pallas.  The  wo°rk  is 
very  rude  and  very  inferior,  both  in  style  and  execution,  to  the 
hons  over  the  gate  at  Mycenaj.  The  second,  belonging  to  the 
more  recent  of  the  temples,  probably  erected  in  the  latter  half 
of  the  fifth  century,  exhibits  a  marked  improvement.  It  repre- 
sents Action  metamorphosed  into  a  stag  by  Artemis  (Diana), 
and  torn  to  pieces  by  his  own  dogs. 

Two  of  the  statues  on  one  of  the  pediments  of  the  temple  at 
^gma  are  represented  on  pp.  16,  17.  These  statues  were  dis- 
covered HI  1812,  and  are  at  present  in  the  collection  at  Munich. 
They  have  been  restored  by  Thorwaldsen.  The  subject  is  Athena 
(Mmerva)  leading  the  ^acids  or  ^ginetan  heroes  in  the  war 
against  the  Trojans.  There  are  traces  of  colour  on  the  clothes, 
arms,  eye-balls,  and  lips,  but  not  on  the  flesh ;  and  it  appears, 
from  the  many  small  holes  found  in  the  marble,  that  bronze 
armour  was  fixed  to  the  statues  by  means  of  nails.  There  is 
great  animation  in  the  figures,  but  their  gestures  are  too  violent 
and  abrupt ;  and  one  may  still  perceive  evident  traces  of  the 
archaic  style.  The  close  imitation  of  nature  is  very  striking. 
The  reliefs  on  the  monument  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia  were  evi- 


160 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIV. 


dently  executed  by  Greek  artists,  and  probably  about  the  same 
time  as  the  ^ginetan  statues.  The  monument  consists  of  a 
quadran^lar  tower  of  limestone  on  a  base,  and  was  surrounded 
on  four  sides  by  marble  friezes  at  the  height  of  20  feet  from  the 
ground.  On  these  Inezes,  which  are  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
there  are  sculptures  representing  various  mythological  subjects ; 
and,  from  the  ends  of  the  narrower  sides  containing  four  beau- 
tiful Harpies  carrying  off  maidens,  the  building  is  frequently 
called  the  Harpy  Monument.  The  general  character  of  these 
'Bculptures  is  an  antique  simplicity  of  style,  united  with  grace 
and  elegance  of  execution. 

§10.  Painting  is  not  mentioned  as  an  imitative  art  in  the 
earliest  records  of  Grecian  literature.  Homer  does  not  speak 
of  any  kind  of  pauiting,  although  he  frequently  describes  gar- 
ments inwoven  with  figures.  The  fine  arts  in  all  countries 
appear  to  have  been  indebted  to  religion  for  their  development ; 
and  since  painting  was  not  connected  in  early  times  with  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  it  long  remained  beliind  the  sister  arts  of 
architecture  and  sculpture.  For  a  considerable  period  all  paint- 
ing consisted  in  coloring  statues  and  architectural  monuments, 
of  which  we  find  traces  in  the  ruins  of  the  temples  already 
described.  The  first  improvements  in  painting  were  made  in 
the  schools  of  Corinth  and  Sicyon ;  and  the  most  ancient  speci- 
mens of  the  art  wliich  have  come  down  to  us  are  found  cii  the 
oldest  Corinthian  vases,  which  may  be  assigned  to  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth  century  b.c.  About  the  same  time  painting  began 
to  be  cultivated  in  Asia  Minor,  along  with  architecture  and 
sculpture.  The  paintings  of  the  town  of  Phocsea  are  mentioned 
on  the  capture  of  that  city  by  Harpagus  in  b.c.  544 ;  and  a  few 
yeai-s  afterguards  (b.c.  508)  Mandrocles,  who  constructed  for 
Darius  the  bridge  of  boats  across  the  Bosporus,  had  a  picture 
painted  representing  the  passage  of  the  army  and  the  king  him- 
self seated  on  a  throne  reviewing  the  troops  as  they  passed. 
The  only  great  painter,  however,  of  this  period,  whose  name  has 
been  preserved,  is  Cimoii  of  Cleonas,  whose  date  is  uncertain, 
but  who  probably  must  not  be  placed  later  than  the  time  of 
Pisistratus  and  his  sons  (b.c.  560-510).  He  introduced  great 
improvements  into  the  art,  and  thus  prepared  the  way  for  the 
perfection  in  which  it  appears  at  the  beginning  of  the  following 
period.  His  works  probably  held  the  same  place  in  the  history 
of  painting  which  the  jEginetan  marbles  occupy  in  the  history 
of  sculpture,  forming  a  transition  from  the  archaic  stifihess  of 
the  old  school  to  the  ideal  beauty  of  the  paintings  of  Polygnotu* 
of  Tliasos. 


Cyrus,  from  a  bas-relief  at  Pasargadasf . 


BOOK  III. 

THE  PEESIAN  WARS. 


B.C.  500 — 478. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE   RISE    AND    GROWTH   OF    THE    PERSIAN   EMPIRE. 

§  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  §  3.  The  Median  Empire. 
I  4.  The  Babylonian  Empire.  §  5.  The  Lydian  Monarchy,  and  its  in- 
fluence upon  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  §  6.  Conquest  of  tlie  Asiatic  Greeks 
by  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia.  §  7.  Foundation  of  the  Persian  Empire  by 
Cyrus,  and  overthrow  of  the  Median  Empire  by  the  latter.  §  8.  Coiu 
quest  of  the  Lydian  Monarchy  by  Cvrus.  §  9.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic 
Greeks  by  Harpagus,  tlie  general  of  Cyrus.  Death  of  Cyrus.  §  10. 
Keigns  of  Cambyses  and  of  the  false  Smerdis.  §  1 1.  History  of  Poly- 
crates,  despot  of  Samoa    §  12.  Accession  of  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspea* 


152 


niSTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XV. 


B  lit 


His  organi2ation  of  the  Persian  Empire.     §  13.  Invasion  of  Scythia 

^7  ■l{»""^     8  14-  S5ubjection  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia  to  the  Per- 
sian Empire. 

I  1-  The  Friod  upon  wliich  we  are  now  enterinff  is  the  most 
briUiant  m  the  history  of  Greece.  The  subject  has  hitherto  been 
conhned  to  the  history  of  separate  and  isolated  cities,  which 
were  but  httle  afiected  by  each  other's  prosperity  or  adversity. 
-Kut  the  Persian  invasion  produced  an  important  change  in  the 
relations  of  the  Greek  cities.  A  common  danger  drew  them 
closer  together  and  compelled  them  to  act  in  concert.  Thus 
Grecian  history  obtains  a  degree  of  unity,  and  consequently  of 
interest.  The  rise  and  progress  of  the  Persian  empire,  which 
produced  such  imjwrtant  results  upon  the  Grecian  states,  there- 
lore  claim  our  attention  ;  but  in  order  to  understand  the  subject 
aright,  it  is  necessary  to  go  a  httle  further  back,  and  to  glance 
at  the  history  of  those  monarchies  which  were  overthrown  by 
the  Persians.  ^ 

$  2    From  the  first  dawn  of  history  to  the  present  day  the 
J.ast  has  been  the  seat  of  vast  and  mighty  empires.     Of  the«e 
the  earliest  and  the  most  extensive  was  founded  by  the  Assyrian 
kings,  who  resided  at  the  city  of  Nineveh  on  the  Tigris.    At  the 
time  of  its  greatest  prosperity  this  empire  appears  to  have  ex- 
tended over  the  south  of  Asia,  from  the  Indus  on  the  east  to 
the  Mediterranean  sea  on  the  west.     Of  its  history  we  have 
hardly  any  particulars  ;  but  its  greatness  is  attested  by  the  una- 
nimous voice  of  sacred  and  proiane  ^Titers ;  and  the  wonder- 
lul  discoveries  which  have  been  made  within  the  last  few  years 
in  the  earthen  mounds  which  entomb   the  ancient  Nineveh 
aiTord  unerring  testimony  of  the  progress  which  the  Assyrians 
had  made  m  architecture,  sculpture,  and  the  arts  of  civilized  life 
At  the  begnming  of  the  eighth  century  before  the  Christian  era 
the  power  of  this  vast  empire  was  broken  by  the  revolt  of  the 
Medes  and  Babylonians,  who  had  hitherto  been  its  subjects. 
Ihe  city  of  Nineveh  still  continued  to  exist  as  the  seat  of  an 
independent  kingdom,  but  the  greater  part  of  its  dominions  was 
divided  between  the  Medes  and  Babylonians. 

^  3.  The  Medes  belonged  to  that  branch  of  the  Indo-Germanic 
family  inhabiting  the  vast  space  of  country  knoA^n  by  the  general 
name  oi  Iran  or  Aria,  which  extends  south  of  the  Caspian  and 
the  Oxus,  from  the  Indus  on  the  east  to  Mount  Zagros  on  the 
west— a  range  of  mountains  running  parallel  to  the  Tigris  and 
eastward  of  that  river.  The  north-western  part  of  this  country 
was  occupied  by  the  Medes,  and  their  capital  Ecbatana  was 
Mtuated  in  a  mountainous  and  healthy  district,  which  was  cele- 
brated for  the  freshness  and  coolness  of  its  climate  in  the  sum- 


Chap.  XV.    THE  iVSSYRIAN  AND  MEDIAN  EMPIRES. 


158 


mer  heats.  Their  language  was  a  dialect  of  the  Zend  ;  and  their 
religion  was  the  one  which  had  been  founded  by  Zoroaster. 
They  worshipped  lire  as  the  symbol  of  the  Deity,  and  their 
priests  were  the  Magi,  who  formed  a  distinct  class  or  caste,  pos- 
sessing great  influence  and  power  in  the  state.  The  people  were 
brave  and  warlike,  and  under  their  successive  monarchs  they 
gradually  extended  their  dominion  from  the  Indus  on  the  east 
to  the  river  Halys  in  the  centre  of  Asia  Minor  on  the  west, 
Their  most  celebrated  conquest  was  the  capture  of  Nineveh' 
which  they  rased  to  the  ground  in  b.c.  606.* 

§  4.  The  Babylonians  were  a  Semitic  people.  Their  territory 
comprised  the  fertile  district  between  the  Tigris  and  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  their  capital,  Babylon,  situated  on  the  latter  river, 
was  one  of  the  greatest  cities  in  the  ancient  world.  Herodotus,' 
who  visited  it  in  its  decline,  describes  its  size  and  grandeur  in 
terras  which  would  exceed  belief,  if  the  truthfulness  of  the  his- 
torian was  not  above  all  suspicion.  It  was  built  in  the  form  of  a 
square,  of  which  each  side  was  15  miles  in  length,  and  it  was 
surrounded  by  walls  of  prodigious  size,  300  feet  high  and  75  feet 
thick.  Under  Nebuchadnezzar  the  Babylonian  empire  reached 
its  height.  This  monarch  extended  his  dominions  as  far  as  the 
confines  of  Egypt.  He  took  Jerusalem,  and  carried  away  its  in- 
habitants into  captivity,  and  he  annexed  to  his  dominions  both 
Judea  and  Phoenicia.  On  his  death,  in  b.c.  502,  he  bequeathed 
to  his  son  Labynetus  (the  Belshazzar  of  Scripture)  a  kingdom 
which  extended  from  the  Tigris  to  the  frontiers  of  Egj'pt  and  the 
south  of  Phoenicia. 

$5.  The  Median  and  Babylonian  empires  did  not  include  any 
countries  inhabited  by  the  Greeks,  and  exercised  only  a  remote 
influence  upon  Grecian  civilization.  There  was,  however,  a  third 
poAver,  which  rose  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  with 
which  the  Greeks  were  brought  into  immediate  contact.  This 
was  the  Lydian  monarchy,  whose  territory  was  originally  confined 
to  the  fertile  district  eastward  of  Ionia,  watered  by  the  Cayster 
and  the  Hermus.  The  capital  of  the  monarchy  was  Sardis,  which 
was  situated  on  a  precipitous  rock  belonging  to  the  ridge  of 
Mount  Tniolus.  Here  three  dynasties  of  Lydian  kings  are  said 
to  have  reigned.  Of  the  two  first  we  have  no  account,  and  it  is 
probable  that,  down  to  the  commencement  of  the  third  of  these 
dynasties,  Lydia  formed  a  province  of  the  Assyrian  empire. 
However  this  may  be,  the  history  of  Lydia  begins  only  with  the 
accession  of  Gyges,  the  founder  of  the  third  dynasty ;  and  it 

*  According  to  Herodotus,  there  were  four  Median  kings: — 1.  Deioces, 
the  founder  of  the  empire,  who  reigned  b.c.  710-657  ;  2.  Phraortes,  B.(i 
657-635 ;  3.  Cyaxares,  b.c.  635-595 ;  4.  Astyages,  b.c.  595-559. 

H* 


104 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XV. 


■^1  n 


ih 


cannot  be  a  mere  accident  that  the  beginning  of  his  reign  is 
nearly  coincident  with  the  decline  of  the  Assyrian  empire  and 
the  foundation  of  the  independent  monarchies  of  the  Babylonians 
and  Medes.* 

Under  Gyges  and  his  successors  Sardis  became  the  centre  of  a 
powerful  and  civilized  monarchy ;  and  the  existence  of  such  a 
state  in  close  proximity  to  the  Greek  cities  in  Ionia  exercised  an 
important  influence  upon  the  latter.  The  Lydians  were  a  wealthy 
and  industrious  people,  carrying  on  an  extensive  commerce,  prac- 
tising manufactures  and  acquainted  with  various  arts.  The 
Lydians  are  said  to  have  been  the  first  jMJople  to  coin  money  of 
gold  and  silver :  and  of  the  former  metal  they  obtained  large 
quantities  in  the  sands  of  the  river  Pactolus,  which  flowed  down 
from  Mount  Tmolus  towards  the  Hermus.  From  them  the  Ionic 
Greeks  derived  various  improvements  in  the  useful  and  the 
ornamental  arts,  especially  in  the  weaving  and  dyeing  of  fine 
fabrics,  in  the  processes  of  metallurgy,  and  in  the  style  of  their 
music.  The  growth  of  the  Lydian  monarchy  in  wealth  and 
civilization  was  attended  with  another  advantage  to  the  Grecian 
cities  on  the  coast.  As  the  territory  of  the  Lydians  did  not 
originally  extend  to  the  sea,  the  whole  of  their  commerce  with 
the  Mediterranean  passed  through  the  Grecian  cities,  and  was 
carried  on  in  Grecian  ships.  This  contributed  greatly  to  the 
prosperity  and  wealth  of  Miletus.  Phocsa,  and  the  other  Ionian 
cities. 

§  6.  But  while  the  Asiatic  Greeks  were  indebted  for  so  much 
of  their  grandeur  and  opulence  to  the  Lydian  monarchy,  the 
increasing  power  of  the  latter  eventually  deprived  them  of  their 
political  independence.  Even  Gyges  had  endeavoured  to  reduce 
them  to  subjection,  and  the  attempt  was  renewed  at  various 
times  by  his  successors  j  but  it  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Croesus, 
the  last  king  of  Lydia,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  in  b.c.  560, 
that  the  Asiatic  Greeks  became  the  subjects  of  a  barbarian 
power.  This  monarch  succeeded  in  the  enterprise  in  which  his 
predecessors  had  failed.  He  began  by  attacking  Ephesus,  and 
reduced  in  succession  all  the  other  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast. 
His  rule,  however,  was  not  oppressive ;  he  appears  to  have  been 
content  with  the  payment  of  a  moderate  tribute,  and  to  have 
permitted  the  cities  to  regulate  their  own  affairs.  He  next 
turned  his  arms  towards  the  east,  and  subdued  all  the  nations 
in  Asia  Minor  west  of  the  river  Halys,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Lycians  and  Cihcians.     Tlie  fame  of  Crccsus  and  of  his  countless 

*  According  to  Herodotus,  there  were  five  Lvdian  kings  :~1.  Gyges, 
who  reigned  b.c.  7H>-678;  2.  Ardys,  b.c.  678-629;  3.  t^adyattes,  B.a 
629-617;  4.  Alyattes,  b.c.  617-660;  6.  Croesus,  b.c.  560-540. 


Chap.  XV.     THE  BABYLONIAN  AND  LFDIAIS  EMPIRES.       155 

treasures  now  resounded  through  Greece.  He  spoke  the  Greek 
language,  welcomed  Greek  guests,  and  reverenced  the  Greek 
oracles,  which  he  enriched  with  the  most  munificent  offerings. 
The  wise  men  of  Greece  were  attracted  to  Sardis  by  the  fame 
of  his  power  and  of  his  wealth.  Among  his  other  visitors  he  is 
said  to  have  entertained  Solon ;  but  the  celebrated  story  of  the 
interview  between  the  Athenian  sage  and  the  Lydian  monarch, 
which  the  stern  laws  of  chronology  compel  us  to  reject,  has 
aheady  been  narrated  in  a  previous  part  of  this  work.* 

Croesus  deemed  himself  secure  from  the  reach  of  calamities, 
and  his  kingdom  appeared  to  be  placed  upon  a  firm  and  last^ 
ing  foundation.  His  own  subjects  were  submissive  and  obe- 
dient ;  and  he  was  closely  comiected  with  the  powerful  monarchs 
of  Media,  Babylon,  and  Egj^pt.  Astyages,  the  king  of  Media, 
whose  territories  adjoined  his  own,  was  his  brother-in-law ;  and 
he  had  formed  an  alliance  and  friendship  with  Labynetus,  king 
of  Babylon,  and  Amasis,  king  of  Egypt.  The  four  kings  seemed 
to  have  nothing  to  fear  either  from  internal  commotions  or  ex- 
ternal foes.  Yet  within  the  space  of  a  few  years  their  dynasties 
were  overthrown,  and  their  territories  absorbed  in  a  vast  empire, 
founded  by  an  adventurer  till  then  unknown  by  name. 

§  7.  The  rise  and  fall  of  the  great  Asiatic  monarchies  have  been 
characterized  by  the  same  features  in  ancient  and  modem  times. 
A  brave  and  hardy  race,  led  by  its  native  chief,  issues  either 
from  the   mountains  or   from  the   steppes   of  Asia,  overnms 
the  more  fertile  and  cultivated  parts  of  the  continent,  con- 
quers the  effeminate  subjects  of  the  existing  monarchies,  and 
places  its  leader  upon  the  throne  of  Asia.     But  the  descendants 
of  the  new  monarch  and  of  the  conquering  race  give  way  to 
sensuality  and  sloth,  and  fall  victims  in  their  turn  to  the  same 
bravery  in  another  people,  which  had  given  the  sovereignty  to 
their  ancestors.     The  history  of  Cyrus,  the  great  founder  of  the 
Persian  empire,  is  an  illustration  of  these  remarks.     It  is  true 
that  the  eariier  portion  of  his  life  is  buried  under  a  heap  of 
fables,  and  that  it  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  he  wa* 
the  grandson  of  the  Median  king,  Astyages,  as  is  commonly 
stated ;  bufit  does  not  admit  of  doubt,  that  he  led  the  warUke 
Persians  from  their  mountainous  homes  to  a  series  of  conquests, 
which  secured  him  an  empire  extending  from  the  ^gean  to  the 
Indus,  and  from  the  Caspian  and  the  Oxus,  to  the  Persian  Gulf 
and  the  Indian  Ocean. 

The  Persians  were  of  the  same  race  as  the  Modes,  spoke  a 
dialect  of  the  same  language,  and  were  adherents  of  the  same 
religion.    They  iidiabited  the  mountainous  region  south  of  Media, 

*  Page  100. 


■11 

if 


im 


HISTORY  OP  GREECK 


Chap.  XV. 


which  abounds  in  several  well-watered  valleys,  and  slopes  gra- 
dually down  to  the  low  grounds  on  the  coast  of  the  Persian  gulf. 
While  the  Modes  became  enervated  by  the  corrupting  influences 
to  which  they  were  exposed,  the  Persians  preserved  in  their 
native  mountains  their  simple  and  warlike  habits.  They  were 
divided  into  several  tribes,  partly  agricultural  and  partly  no- 
madic ;  but  they  were  all  brave,  rude,  and  hardy,  clothed  in 
skins,  drinking  only  water,  and  ignorant  of  the  commonest  lux- 
uries of  life.  Cyrus  led  these  fierce  warriors  from  their  moun- 
tain fastnesses,  defeated  the  Medes  in  battle,  took  Astyages 
prisoner,  and  deprived  him  of  the  throne.  The  other  nations, 
includetl  in  the  Median  empire,  submitted  to  the  conqueror; 
and  the  sovereignty  of  Upper  Asia  thus  passed  from  the  Medes 
to  the  Persians.  The  accession  of  Cyras  to  the  empire  is  placed 
in  B.C.  559. 

^  8.  This  important  revolution  excited  alike  the  anger,  the 
fears  and  the  hopes  of  Croesus.  Anxious  to  avenge  his  brother- 
in-law,  to  arrest  the  alarming  growth  of  the  Persian  power,  and 
to  enlarge  his  own  dominions,  he  resolved  to  attack  the  new 
monarch.  But  before  embarking  upon  so  perilous  an  enterprizc 
he  consulted  the  oracles  of  Amphiaraus,  and  of  Apollo  at  Delphi, 
in  whose  veracity  he  placed  the  most  unbounded  confidence. 
The  reply  of  both  oracles  was,  that "  if  he  should  make  war  upon 
the  Persians,  he  would  destroy  a  mighty  monarchy,"  and  they 
both  advised  him  to  make  allies  of  the  most  powerful  among  the 
Greeks.  Understanding  the  response  to  refer  to  the  Persian 
empire,  and  not,  as  the  priests  explained  it  after  the  event,  to 
his  own,  he  had  no  longer  any  hesitation  in  commencing  the 
war.  In  obedience  to  the  oracles  he  first  sent  to  the  Spartans 
to  solicit  their  alliance,  which  was  readily  granted,  but  no  troops 
were  sent  to  his  immediate  assistance.  He  then  crossed  the 
Halys  at  the  head  of  a  large  anny,  laid  waste  the  country  of  the 
Syrians  of  Cappadocia,  and  took  several  of  their  towns.  Cyrus 
lost  no  time  in  coming  to  the  lielp  of  his  distant  subjects.  The 
two  armies  met  near  the  Pterian  plain  in  Cappadocia,  where  a 
bloody,  but  indecisive  battle  was  Ibught.  As  the  forces  of  CroB- 
sus  were  inferior  in  number  to  those  of  the  Persian  king,  he 
thought  it  more  pmdent  to  retum  to  Sardis,  and  collect  a  large 
army  for  the  next  campaign.  Accordingly  he  despatched  en- 
voys to  Labynetus,  Amasis,  and  the  Laceda;monians,  requesting 
them  to  send  auxiUaries  to  Sardis  in  the  course  of  the  next  five 
months ;  and  meantime  he  disbanded  the  mercenary  troops  who 
had  followed  him  into  Cappadocia. 

Cyrus  anticipated  his  enemy's  plan  ;  he  waited  till  the  Lydian 
king  had  re-entered  his  capital  and  dismissed  his  troops ;  and 


EC.  559. 


CYRUS. 


im 


he  then  marched  upon  Sardis  with  such  celerity  that  he  ap- 
peared under  the  walls  of  the  city  before  any  one  could  give 
notice  of  his  approach.     Crcesus  was  thus  compelled  to  fight 
without  his  allies ;  but  he  did  not  despair  of  success ;  for  the 
Lydian  cavalry  was  distinguished  for  its  efficiency,  and  the 
open  plani  before  Sardis  was  favourable  for  its  evolutions      To 
render  this  force  useless,  Cyrus  placed  in  front  of  his  line  the 
baggage  camels,  which  the  Lydian  horses  could  not  endure  either 
to  see  or  to  smell.     The  Lydians,  however,  did  not  on  this  ac- 
count  decline  the  contest ;  they  dismounted  from  their  horses 
and  fought  bravely  on  foot ;  and  it  was  not  till  after  a  fierce 
combat  that  they  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  within  the  city 
Here  they  considered  themselves  secure,  till  their  allies  should 
come  to  their  aid ;  for  the  fortifications  of  Sardis  were  deemed 
impregnable  to  assault.     There  was,  however,  one  side  of  the 
city  which  had  been  left  unfortified,  because  it  ftccd  upon  a 
rock  so  lofty  and  precipitous,  as  to  appear  quite  inaccessible. 
But  on  the  lourteenth  day  of  the  siege  a  Persian  solcier,  having 
seen  one  of  the  garrison  descend  this  rock  to  pick  up  his  helmet 
which  had  rolled  down,  climbed  up  the  same  way,  followed  by 
several  of  his  comrades.     Sardis  was  thus  taken,  and  Crcesus 
with  all  his  treasures  fell  into  the  hands  of  Cyrus  (b.c.  546). 
The  Lydian  king  was  condemned  to  be  burnt  alive  ;  but  his  life 
was  afterwards  spared  by  the  conqueror;  and  he  became  the 
confidential  adviser  both  of  Cyrus  and  his  son  Cambyses. 

^  9.  The  fall  of  CroBsus  was  followed  by  the  subjection  of  the 
Ixreek  cities  m  Asia  to  the  Persian  yoke.     As  soon  as  Sardis  had 
been  taken,  the  lonians  and  iEoliaiis  sent  envoys  to  Cyrus,  ofler- 
mg  to  submit  to  him  on  the  same  terms  as  they  had  obtained 
Irora  Croesus.     But  the  Persian  conqueror,  who  had  in  vain  at- 
tempted to  induce  them  to  revolt  from  the  Lvdian  king  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  sternly  refused  their  request,  except 
m  the  case  of  Miletus.     The  other  Greeks  now  began  to  prepare 
^r  defence,  and  sent  deputies  to  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance, 
ihis  was  refused  by  the  Spartans ;  but  they  despatched  some  of 
their  citizens  to  Ionia  to  investigate  the  state  of  afikirs.     One  of 
their  number,  exceeding  the  bounds  of  their  commission,  re- 
paired to  Cyrus  at  Sardis,  and  warned  him  "  not  to  injure  any 
city  m  Hellas,  for  the  Lacedaemonians  would  not  permit  it." 
Astonished  at  such  a  message  from  a  people  of  whom  he  had 
never  heard,  the  conqueror  inquired  of  the  Greeks  who  stood 
near  him,  "  Who  are  these  Lacedemonians,  and  how  many  are 
they  m  number  that  they  venture  to  send  me  such  a  notice?" 
Having  received  an  answer  to  his  question,  he  said  to  the  Spar- 
tan, "  I  was  never  yet  afraid  of  men,  who  have  a  place  set  apart 


158 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


CuAP.  XV. 


11 

11 

11 


>P 


f^  li' 


in  the  middle  of  their  city,  where  they  meet  to  cheat  one  another 
and  forswear  themselves.  If  I  live,  they  shall  have  troubles  of 
their  own  to  talk  about  apart  from  the  loniaiis."  This  taunt 
of  Cyrus  was  levelled  at  Grecian  habits  generally ;  for  to  the 
rude  barbarian,  buying  and  selling  seemed  contemptible  and  dis- 
graceful. 

Cyrus  soon  afterwards  quitted  Sardis  to  prosecute  his  con- 
quests in  the  East,  and  left  the  reduction  of  the  Greek  cities, 
and  of  the  other  districts  in  Asia  Minor,  to  his  lieutenants.  The 
Greek  cities  ofiered  a  brave,  but  inefiectual  resistance,  and 
were  taken  one  after  the  other  by  Harpagus,  the  Persian  general. 
The  inhabitants  of  Phocasa  and  Teos  preferred  expatriation  to 
slavery ;  they  abandoned  their  homes  to  the  conqueror ;  and 
sailed  away  in  search  of  new  settlements.  The  Phocajans,  after 
experiencing  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  at  length  settled  in 
the  south  of  Italy,  where  they  founded  Elea.  The  Teians  took 
refuge  on  the  coast  of  Thrace,  where  they  built  the  city  of  Ab- 
dera.  All  the  other  Asiatic  Greeks  on  the  mainland  were  en- 
rolled among  the  vassals  of  Cyrus  :  and  even  the  inhabitants  of 
the  islands  of  Lesbos  and  Chios  sent  in  their  submission  to  Har- 
pagus,  although  the  Persians  then  possessed  no  fleet  to  force 
them  to  obedience.  Samos,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  its 
independence,  and  appears  soon  afterwards  as  one  of  the  most 
powerful  of  the  Grecian  states.  After  the  reduction  of  the 
Asiatic  Greeks,  Harpagus  marched  against  the  other  districts  of 
Asia  Minor,  which  still  refused  to  own  the  authority  of  Cyrus. 
They  were  all  conquered  without  any  serious  resistance,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Lycians,  who,  finding  it  impossible  to  maintain 
their  freedom,  set  fire  to  their  chief  town,  Xanthus ;  and  while 
the  women  and  children  perished  in  the  flames,  the  men  salUed 
forth  against  the  enemy  and  died  sword  in  hand. 

While  Harpagus  was  thus  employed,  Cyrus  was  making  still 
more  extensive  conquests  in  Upper  Asia  and  Assyria.  The  most 
important  of  these  was  the  capture  of  the  wealthy  and  populous 
city  of  Babylon,  which  he  took  by  diverting  the  course  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  then  marching  into  the  city  by  tlie  bed  of  the 
river  (b.  c.  538).  Subsequently  he  marched  against  the  nomad 
tribes  in  Central  Asia,  but  was  slain  in  battle,  while  fighting 
against  the  Massagetse,  a  people  dweUing  beyond  the  Araxes. 
He  perished  in  b.  c.  529,  after  a  reign  of  thirty  years,  leaving 
his  vast  empire  to  his  son,  Cambyses. 

MO.  The  love  of  conquest  and  of  aggrandizement,  which  had 
been  fed  by  the  repeated  victories  of  Cyrus,  still  fired  the  Per- 
sians. Of  the  four  great  monarchies,  which  Cyrus  had  found  in 
all  their  glory,  when  he  descended  with  his  shepherds  from  the 


B.C.  629. 


CAMBYSEa 


159 


Persian  mountains,  there  yet  remained  one  which  had  not  been 
destroyed  by  his  arms.     Amasis  continued  to  occupy  the  throne 
of  Egypt  in  peace  and  prosperity,  while  the  monarchs  of  Media, 
Lydia,  and  Babylon  had  either  lost  their  lives,  or  become  the 
vassals  of  the  Persian  king.     Accordingly,  Cambyses  resolved  to 
lead  his  victorious  Persians  to  the  conquest  of  Egypt.     While 
making  his  preparations  for  the  invasion,  Amasis°died  after  a 
long  reign,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Psaramenitus,  who  in- 
hented  neither  the  abilities  nor  the  good  fortune  of  his  father. 
The  defeat  of  the  Egyptians  in  a  single  battle,  followed  by  the 
capture  of  Memphis  with  the  person  of  Psaramenitus,  decided 
the  fate  of  the  country.     Cambyses  resided  some  time  in  Egypt, 
which  he  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron.     His  temper  was  natumlly 
violent  and  capricious ;  and  the  possession  of  milimited  power 
had  created  in  him  a  state  of  mind  bordering  upon  fi-enzy.     The 
idolatry  of  the  Egyptians  and  their  adoration  of  animals  excited 
the  indignation  of  the  worshipper  of  fire;  and  he  gave  vent  to 
his  passions  by  wanton  and  sacrilegious  acts  against  the  most 
cherished  objects  and  rites  of  the  national  religion.     Even  the 
Persians  experienced  the  effects  of  his  madness;  and  his  brother 
Smerdis  was  put  to  death  by  his  orders.     This  act  was  followed 
by  important  consequences.     Among  the  few  persons  privy  to 
the  murder  was  a  Magian,  who  had  a  brother  bearing  the  same 
name  as  the  deceased  prince,  and  strongly  resembling  him  in 
person.     Taking  advantage  of  these  circumstances,  and  of  the 
alarm  excited  among  the  leading  Persians  by  the  frantic  tyranny 
ot  Cambyses,  he  proclaimed  his  brother  as  king,  representing 
him  as  the  younger  son  of  Cyrus.     Cambyses  heard  of  the  revolt 
whilst  in  Syria ;  but  as  he  was  mounting  his  horse  to  march 
against  the  usurper,  an  accidental  womid  from  his  sword  put  an 
end  to  his  life,  b.c.  522. 

As  the  younger  son  of  Cyrus  was  generally  believed  to  be  alive, 
the  false  Smerdis  was  acknowledged  as  king  by  the  Persians,  and 
reigned  without  opposition  for  seven  months.  But  the  leading 
1  ersian  nobles  had  never  been  quite  free  from  suspicion,  and 
they  at  length  discovered  the  imposition  which  had  been  prac- 
tised upon  them.  Seven  of  them  now  formed  a  conspiracy  to 
get  nd  of  the  usurper.  They  succeeded  in  forcing  their  way 
into  the  palace,  and  in  slaying  the  Magian  and  his  brother  in 
the  eighth  month  of  their  reign.  One  of  their  number,  Darius, 
ttie  son  of  Hystaspes,  ascended  the  vacant  throne,  b.c.  521. 

^  11.  During  the  reign  of  Cambyses,  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia 
remained  obedient  to  their  Persian  governors.  The  subjection 
ot  the  other  cities  had  increased  the  power  and  influence  of 
fcamos,  which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  had  maintained  its  inde- 


xm 


fflSTORY  OF  GREECE, 


C3HAP.  XV. 


|»  ill 
1  It 


pendence,  when  the  neighbouring  islands  of  Lesbos  and  Chios 
had  submitted  to  the  lieutenant  of  Cyrus.     At  the  beginning  of 
the  reign  of  Cambyses,  Samos  had  reached  under  its  dcsjwt, 
Polycratcs,  an  extraordinary  degree  of  prosj^erity,  and  had  be- 
come the  most  important   naval  power  in  the  world.     The 
ambition  and  good  fortune  of  this  enterprizing  desjwt  were  alike 
remarkable.     He  possessed  a  hundred  ships  of  war,  with  which 
he  conquered  several  of  the  islands,  and  even  some  places  on  the 
mainland  ;  and  he  aspired  to  nothing  less  than  the  dominion  of 
Ionia,  as  well  as  of  the  islands  in  the  ^gean.     The  Lacedajmo- 
iiians,  who  had  invaded  the  island  at  the  invitation  of  the  Sa- 
mian  exiles  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  his  government, 
were  obliged  to  retire  after  besieging  his  city  in  vain  for  forty 
days.     Every  thing  which  he  undertook  seemed  to  prosper  ;  but 
his  uninterrupted  good  fortune  at  length  excited  the  alann  of 
his  ally  Amasis.     According  to  the  tale  related  by  Herodotus, 
the  Egyptian  king,  convinced  that  such  amazing  good  fortune 
would°sooner  or  later  incur  the  envy  of  the  gods,  wrote  to  Poly- 
crates,  advising  him  to  throw  away  one  of  his  most  valuable  pos- 
sessions, and  thus  inflict  some  injury  upon  himself     Thinking 
the  advice  to  be  good,  Polycrates  threw  into  the  sea  a  favourite 
ring  of  matchless  price  and  beauty ;  but  unfortunately  it  was  found 
a  few  days  afterwards  in  the  belly  of  a  fine  fish,  which  a  fisher- 
man had  sent  him  as  a  present.     Amasis  now  foresaw  that  the 
ruin  of  Polycrates  was  inevitable,  and  sent  a  herald  to  Samos  to 
renomice  his  alliance.     The  gloomy  anticipations  of  the  Egyp- 
tian monarch  proved  well  founded.     In  the  midst  of  all  his 
prosperity,  Polycrates  fell  by  a  most  ignominious  fate.     Oroetes, 
the  satrap  of  tSardis,  had  for  some  unknown  cause  conceived  a 
deadly  hatred  against  the  Samian  despot.     By  a  cunning  stra- 
tagem, the  satrap  allured  him  to  the  mainland,  where  he  was 
immediately  arrested  and  hanged  upon  a  cross  (b.c.  522).     Like 
many  other  Grecian  desjiots,  Polycrates  had  been  a  patron  of 
literature  and  the  arts,  and  the  poets  Ibycus  and  Anacreon  Ibund 
a  welcome  at  his  court.     Many  of  the  great  works  of  Samos — the 
vast  temple  of  Hera  (Juno),  the  mole  to  protect  the  harbour,  and 
the  aqueduct  for  supplying  the  city  with  water,  carried  through 
a  mountain  seven  furlongs  long — were  probably  executed  by  him. 
H2.  The  long  reign  of  Darius  forms  an  important  epoch  ni 
the  Persian  annals.     After  putting  down  the  revolts  of  the  Ly- 
dian  satrap  OrcEtes,  of  the  Modes,  and  of  the  Babylonians,  he  set 
liimself  to  work  to  organize  the  vast  mass  of  countries  which 
had  been  conquered  by  Cyrus  and  Cambyses.     The  difierence  of 
his  reign  from  those  of  his  two  predecessor  was  described  by 
the  Persians,  in  calling  Cyrus  the  father,  Cambyses  the  master, 


B.C.  522. 


PARIU& 


161 


and  Darius  the  retail-trader,— an  epithet  implying  that  he 
was  the  first  to  introduce  some  order  into  the  administration 
and  finances  of  the  empire.  He  divided  his  vast  dominions  into 
twenty  provinces,  and  appointed  the  tribute  which  each  was  to 
pay  to  the  royal  treasury.  These  provinces  were  called  satrapies 
from  the  satrap  or  governor,  to  whom  the  administration  of  each 
was  entrusted.  Darius  was  also  the  first  Persian  kino^  who  coined 
money ;  and  the  principal  gold  and  silver  coin  of°the  Persian 
mint  was  called  after  him  the  Daric  He  also  connected  Susa 
and  Ecbatana  with  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  empire  by  a 
series  of  high  roads,  along  which  were  placed,  at  suitable  mter- 
vals,^  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  all  who  travelled  in  the 
king's  name,  and  relays  of  couriers  to  convey  royal  messa<res 

H3.  Although  Darius  devoted  his  chief  attention  to  the  con- 
sohdation  and  organization  of  his  empire,  he  was  impelled  by  his 
own  ambition,  or  by  the  aggressive  spirit  of  the  Persians,  to  seek 
to  enlarge  still  further  his  vast  dominions.     For  that  purpose 
he  resolved  to  attack  Scythia,  or  the  great  plain  between  the 
Danube  and  the  Don,  which  was  then  inhabited  by  numerous 
nomad  and  savage  tribes.    His  army  was  collected  from  all  parts 
of  the  empire;  his  fleet  of  600  ships  was  furnished  exclusively 
by  the  Asiatic  Greeks.    To  the  latter  he  gave  orders  to  sail  up  the 
Danube,  and  throAv  a  bridge  of  boats  across  the  river,  near  the 
point  where  the  channel  begins  to  divide.     With  his  land  forces 
the  king  himself  marched  through  Thrace,  crossed  the  Danube  by 
the  bridge,  which  he  fbund  finished,  and  then  ordered  the  Greeks 
to  break  it  down  and  follow  him  into  Scythia.     His  plan  seems 
to  have  been  to  have  marched  back  into  Asia  round  the  north- 
ern shore  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  across  the  Caucasus.    But  beincr 
reminded  by  one  of  the  Grecian  generals  that  he  was  embarkii^ 
upon  a  perilous  enterprise,  and  might  possibly  be  compelled  to 
retreat,  he  thought  it  more  prudent  to  leave  the  bridge  standing 
under  the  care  of  the  Greeks  who  had  constructed  it,  but  told 
them  that  if  he  did  not  return  within  sixty  days,  they  might 
break  down  the  bridge,  and  sail  home.     The  king  then  left  them 
and  penetrated  into  the  Scythian  territory.     The  sixty  days  had 
already  passed  away,  and  there  was  yet  no  sign  of  the  Persian 
army.     But  shortly  afterwards  the  lonians,  who  still  continued 
to  guard  the  bridge,  were  astonished  by  the  appearance  of  a 
body  of  Scythians,  who  informed  them  that  Darius  was  in  full 
retreat,  pursued  by  the  whole  Scythian  nation,  and  that  his  only 
hope  of  safety  depended  upon  that  bridge.      They  urged  the 
tr reeks  to  seize  this  opportunity  of  destroying  the  whole  Persian 
army,  and  of  recovering  their  own  liberty  by  breaking  down  the 
bndge.     Their  exhortations  were  warmly  seconded  by  the  Athe- 


162 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XV. 


I     I 


f    if 
I   §1 


nian  Miltiades,  the  despot  of  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  and  the 
future  conqueror  of  Marathon.  The  other  rulers  of  the  Ionian 
cities  were  at  first  disposed  to  follow  his  suggestion  ;  but  as  soon 
as  Histiffius  of  Miletus  reminded  them  that  their  sovereignty 
depended  upon  the  support  of  the  Persian  knig,  and  that  his 
ruin  would  involve  their  own,  they  changed  their  minds  and 
resolved  to  preserve  the  bridge.  After  enduring  great  priva- 
tions and  Buflerings,  Darius  and  his  army  at  length  reached  the 
Danube,  and  crossed  the  bridge  in  safety.  Thus  the  selfishness 
of  these  Grecian  despots  threw  away  the  most  favourable  oppor- 
tunity that  ever  presented  itself,  of  delivering  their  native  cities 
fiom  the  Persian  yoke 

$  14.  Notwithstanding  the  failure  of  his  expedition  against 
the  Scythians,  Darius  did  not  abandon  his  plans  of  conquest. 
IJetuming  himself  to  Sardis,  he  left  Megabazus  with  an  army  of 
80,000  men  to  complete  the  subjugation  of  Thrace,  and  of  the 
Greek  cities  upon  the  Hellespont.  He  gave  to  Histia;us  the 
town  of  Myrcinus,  near  the  SStrymon,  which  the  Ionian  prince 
had  asked  as  a  reward  for  liis  important  service  in  the  Scythian 
campaign.  Megabazus  experienced  little  difficulty  in  executing 
the  orders  of  his  master.  He  not  only  subdued  the  Thracian 
tribes,  but  crossed  the  Strymon,  conquered  the  Pffionians,  and 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Macedonia.  He  then  sent 
heralds  into  the  latter  country  to  demand  earth  and  water,  as 
the  customary  symbols  of  submission.  These  were  immediately 
granted  by  Amyntas,  the  reigning  monarch,  b.c.  510  ;  and  thus 
the  Persian  dominions  were  extended  to  the  borders  of  Thcssaly. 

While  Megabazus  was  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  the  Pa^o- 
nians,  he  had  noticed  that  Histia3us  was  collecting  the  elements 
of  a  power,  which  might  hereafter  prove  formidable  to  the  Per- 
eiau  sovereignty.  Myrcinus  commanded  the  navigation  of  the 
Strymon,  and  consequently  the  commerce  with  the  interior  of 
Thrace ;  and  the  importance  of  this  site  is  shown  by  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  town  of  Amphipohs,  which  the  Athenians  Ibunded 
at  a  later  time  in  the  same  locality.  On  his  return  to  Sardis, 
Megabazus  communicated  his  suspicions  to  Darius.  The  Persian 
king,  perceiving  that  the  apprehensions  of  his  general  were  not 
without  foundation,  summoned  HistiaBus  to  his  presence,  and, 
under  the  pretext  that  he  could  not  bear  to  be  deprived  of  the 
company  of  his  friend,  proposed  that  he  should  accompany  him 
to  Susa.  Histiseus  had  no  alternative  but  compliance,  and  with 
unwilling  steps  followed  the  monarch  to  his  capital.  This  appa- 
rently trivial  circumstance  was  attended  with  important  conse- 
quences, as  we  shall  presently  see,  to  the  Persian  empire,  and  to 
the  whole  Hellenic  race. 


Behistun  rock  on  which  are  inscribed  the  exploits  of  Darius. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE   IONIC    REVOLT. 

§  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  Naxian  exiles  apply  for  aid  to  Aristagoraa. 
I  3.  Expedition  of  Aristagoras  and  the  Persians  against  Naxos.  Iw 
failure.  §  4.  Revolt  of  Miletus  and  the  other  Greek  cities  of  Asia. 
§  5.  Aristagoras  solicits  assistance  from  Sparta  and  Athens,  which  is 
granted  by  the  latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Athenians  and 
lonians.  §  1.  Death  of  Aristagoras  and  Histiajus.  §  8.  Defeat  of  the 
Ionian  fleet  at  Lade.  §  9.  Capture  of  Miletus  and  termination  of  the 
revolt. 

§  1.  Before  setting  out  for  Susa,  Darius  had  appointed  his 
brother  Artaphernes  satrap  of  the  western  provinces  of  Asia 
Minor,  of  which  Sardis  continued  to  be  the  capital,  as  in  the  time 
of  the  Lydian  monarchy.  The  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast  were 
nominally  allowed  to  manage  their  own  afiairs ;  but  they  were 
governed  for  the  most  part  by  despots,  who  were  in  reality  the 
instruments  of  the  Persian  satrap,  and  were  maintained  in  their 
power  by  his  authority.  Miletus,  which  was  now  the  most  flourish- 
ing city  of  Ionia,  was  ruled  by  Aristagoras,  the  son-in-law  of  His- 
tiaBus, since  Darius  had  allowed  the  latter  to  entrust  the  sovereign- 
ty to  his  son-in-law  during  his  absence.  For  a  few  years  after 
the  return  of  the  king  to  Upper  Asia,  the  Persian  empire  enjoyed 
the  profound  calm  which  often  precedes  a  storm.  It  was  the 
civil  dissensions  of  one  of  the  islands  of  the  ^gean  which  first 
disturbed  this  universal  repose,  and  lighted  up  a  conflagration 
which  soon  enveloped  both  Greece  and  Asia. 


162 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XV. 


nian  Miltiades,  the  despot  of  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  and  the 
future  conqueror  of  Marathon.  Tlic  other  rulers  of  the  Ionian 
cities  were  at  first  disposed  to  follow  his  sujr^^'stion  ;  but  as  soon 
as  Histiieus  of  Miletus  reminded  them  that  their  sovereignty- 
depended  upon  tlie  support  of  the  Persian  king,  and  that  his 
ruin  would  involve  their  own,  they  clianged  their  miiuls  and 
resolved  to  preserve  the  bridge.  After  enduring  great  priva- 
tions and  suHerings,  Darius  and  his  amiy  at  length  reached  the 
Danube,  and  crossed  the  bridge  in  safety.  Thus  the  selfishness 
of  these  Grecian  despots  threw  away  the  most  favourable  oppor- 
tunity that  ever  juesented  itself,  of  delivering  their  native  cities 
from  the  Persian  yoke 

§  14.  liotwithstanding  the  failure  of  his  expedition  against 
the  Scythians,  Darius  did  not  abandon  his  plans  of  conquest. 
^Returning  himself  to  Sardis,  he  left  Megabazus  with  an  army  of 
80,000  men  to  complete  the  subjugation  of  Thrace,  and  of  the 
Greek  cities  upon  the  Hellespont.  He  gave  to  Histiajus  the 
town  of  Myrcinus,  near  the  Strymon,  which  the  Ionian  prince 
had  asked  as  a  reward  for  his  important  service  in  the  Scythian 
campaign.  Megabazus  experienced  little  ditliculty  in  executing 
the  orders  of  his  master.  He  not  only  subdued  the  Thracian 
tribes,  but  crossed  the  Strjinon,  conquered  the  Paonians,  and 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  frontiers  ol*  Macedonia.  He  then  sent 
heralds  into  the  latter  country  to  demand  earth  and  water,  as 
the  customary  symbols  of  submission.  These  were  immediately 
granted  by  Amyntas,  the  reigning  monarch,  B.C.  510  ;  and  thus 
the  Persian  dominions  were  extended  to  the  borders  of  Thcssaly. 

While  Megabazus  was  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  the  Paio- 
niaus,  he  had  noticed  that  Histia'us  was  collecting  the  elements 
of  a  power,  which  might  hereafter  prove  Ibrmidable  to  the  Per- 
sian sovereignty.  Myrcinus  commanded  the  navigation  of  the 
Strymon,  and  consequently  the  commerce  with  the  interior  of 
Thrace ;  and  the  importance  of  this  site  is  shown  by  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  town  of  Amphipolis,  which  the  Athenians  founded 
at  a  later  time  in  the  same  locality.  On  his  return  to  Sardis, 
Megabazus  communicated  his  suspicions  to  Darius.  The  Persian 
king,  perceiving  that  the  apprehensions  of  his  general  were  not 
without  ibundation,  summoned  Histiajus  to  his  presence,  and, 
under  the  pretext  that  he  could  not  bear  to  be  deprived  of  the 
company  of  his  friend,  proposed  that  he  should  accompany  him 
to  Susa.  Histiaeus  had  no  alternative  but  compliance,  and  with 
unwilling  steps  Ibllowed  the  monarch  to  his  capital.  This  appa- 
rently trivial  circumstance  was  attended  with  important  conse- 
quences, as  we  shall  presently  see,  to  the  Persian  empire,  and  to 
the  whole  Hellenic  race. 


Behistun  rock  on  which  are  inscribed  the  exploits  of  Dariiu, 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    IONIC    REVOLT. 

§  1.  Introdiwition.  §  2.  Naxian  exiles  apply  for  aid  to  Aristagoras. 
I  3.  Expedition  of  Aristacroras  and  the  Persians  against  Naxos.  Itg 
failure.  §  4.  Kevolt  of  Miletus  and  the  other  Greek  cities  of  Asia. 
§  5.  Aristagoras  solicits  assistance  from  Sparta  and  Athens,  which  ia 
granted  by  the  latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Athenians  and 
loiiians.  §  1.  Death  of  Aristagoras  and  Histijcus.  §  8.  Defeat  of  the 
Ionian  fleet  at  Lade.  §  9.  Capture  of  Miletus  and  termination  of  the 
revolt 

§  1.  Before  setting  out  for  Susa,  Darius  had  appointed  hia 
brother  Artaphernes  satrap  of  the  western  provinces  of  Asia 
Minor,  of  which  Sardis  continued  to  be  the  capital,  as  ui  the  time 
of  the  Lydian  monarchy.  The  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast  were 
nominally  allowed  to  manage  their  own  affairs ;  but  they  were 
governed  for  the  most  part  by  despots,  who  were  in  reality  the 
instruments  of  the  Persian  satrap,  and  were  maintamed  in  their 
power  by  his  authority.  Miletus,  which  was  now  the  most  flourish- 
ing city  of  Ionia,  was  ruled  by  Aristagoras,  the  son-in-law  of  His- 
tiaBus,  since  Darius  had  allowed  the  latter  to  entrust  the  sovereign- 
ty to  his  son-in-law  during  his  absence.  For  a  few  years  after 
the  return  of  the  king  to  Upper  Asia,  the  Persian  empire  enjoyed 
the  profound  calm  which  often  precedes  a  storm.  It  was  the 
cml  dissensions  of  one  of  the  islands  of  the  ^gean  which  first 
disturbed  this  universal  repose,  and  lighted  up  a  conflagration 
which  soon  enveloped  both  Greece  and  Asia. 


IM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XVI 


li" 


^  2.  About  the  year  b.c.  502,  the  oligarchical  party  in  Naxos. 
one  of  the  largest  and  most  flourishing  of  the  Cyclades,  were 
driven  out  of  the  island  by  a  rising  of  the  people.  The  exiles 
applied  for  aid  to  Aristagoras,  who  lent  a  ready  ear  to  theL  re- 
quest ;  knowing  that  if  they  were  restored  by  his  means,  he  should 
become  master  of  the  island.  But  his  own  forces  were  not  equal 
to  the  conquest  of  the  Naxians,  since  they  possessed  a  large  navy, 
and  could  bring  8000  heavy-armed  infantry  into  the  field.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  went  to  Sardis  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  Arta- 
phernes,  holding  out  to  the  satrap  the  i)rospect  of  annexing  not 
only  Naxos  and  the  rest  of  the  Cyclades,  but  even  the  large  and 
valuable  island  of  Eubcea,  to  the  dominions  of  the  Great  King. 
He  represented  the  enterprize  as  one  certain  of  success,  if  a  hun- 
dred ships  were  granted  to  him,  and  offered  at  the  same  time  to 
defray  the  expense  of  the  armament.  Artaphernes  gave  his  cor- 
dial approval  to  the  scheme  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  king's  consent 
was  obtained,  a  fleet  of  200  ships  was  equipped  and  placed  at 
the  disposal  of  Aristagoras.  The  forces  were  under  the  command 
of  Megabates,  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank. 

§  S.Taking  the  Naxian  exiles  on  board,  Aristagoras  sailed  from 
Miletus  towards  the  Hellespont  (u.c.  501).  To  divert  the  suspi- 
cions of  the  Naxians,  a  report  was  spread  that  the  armament 
was  destined  for  a  different  quarter ;  but  upon  reaching  Chios, 
Megabates  cast  anchor  off'  the  western  coast,  waiting  for  a  fair 
wind  to  carry  them  straight  across  to  Naxos.  Being  anxious  that 
the  ships  should  be  in  readiness  to  depart,  as  soon  as  the  order 
was  given,  Megabates  made  a  personal  inspection  of  the  fleet, 
and  discovered  one  of  the  vessels  left  without  a  single  man  on 
board.  Incensed  at  this  neglect,  he  suimnoned  the  captain  of  the 
ship,  and  ordered  him  to  be  put  in  chains  with  his  head  project- 
ing through  one  of  the  port-holes  of  his  own  vessel.  It  happened 
that  this  man  was  a  friend  and  guest  of  Aristagoras,  who  not 
only  set  the  authority  of  Megabates  at  defiance  by  releasing  the 
prisoner,  but  insisted  that  the  Persian  admiral  held  a  subordinate 
command  to  himself.  The  pride  of  Megabates  could  not  brook 
such  an  insult.  As  soon  as  it  was  night  he  sent  a  message  to  the 
Naxians  to  warn  them  of  their  danger.  Hitherto  the  Naxians 
had  had  no  suspicion  of  the  object  of  the  expedition  ;  but  they 
lost  no  time  in  carr}'ing  their  property  into  the  city  and  making 
every  preparation  to  sustain  a  long  siege.  Accordingly,  when  the 
Persian  fleet  reached  Naxos,  they  experienced  a  vigorous  resist- 
ance ;  and  at  the  end  of  four  months  they  had  made  such  little 
way  in  the  reduction  of  the  city,  that  they  were  compelled  to 
abandon  the  enterprize  and  return  to  Miletus. 

k  4.  Aristagoras  was  now  threatened  with  utter  ruin.     Hav- 


B.C.  500. 


THE  IONIC  REVOLT. 


165 


mg  deceived  Artaphernes,  and  incurred  the  enmity  of  Mega- 
bates, he  could  expect  no  favour  from  the  Persian  government 
and  nnght  be  called  upon  at  any  moment  to  defray  the  expenses 
ol  the  armament.     In  these  difficulties  he  becran  to  think  of 
excituig  a  revolt  of  his  countrymen ;  and  whife  revolvinff  the 
project,  he  received  a  message  from  his  father-in-law,  Histiajus 
urging  him  to  this  very  step.     Afraid  of  trusting  any  one  with 
so  dangerous  a  message,  HistiaBus  had  shaved  the  head  of  a 
trusty  slave  branded  upon  it  the  necessary  words,  and,  as  soon 
as  the  hair  had  grown  again,  sent  him  off^  to  Miletus.     His  only 
motive  for  urging  the   lonians  to  revolt  was  his  desire  of  es- 
^caping  from  captivity  at  Susa,  thinking  that  Darius  would  set  liim 
at  hberty,  m  order  to  put  down  an  insurrection  of  his  country- 
men.     The  message  of  Histiaeus  fixed  the  wavering  resolution  of 
Aristagoras.     He  Ibrthwith  caUed  together  the  leading  citizens 
ol  Miletus,  laid  before  them  the  project  of  revolt,  and  asked 
them  lor  advice.     They  all  approved  of  the  scheme,  with  the 
exception  of  Hecatajus,  who  deserves  to  be  mentioned  on  account 
ot  his  celebrity  as  one  of  the  earliest  Greek  historians.     Having 
determined  upon  revolt,  the  next  step  was  to  induce  the  other 
(rreek  cities  in  Asia  to  join  them  in  their  perilous  enterprize 
As  the  most  effectual  means  to  this  end,  it  was  resolved  to  seize 
the  persons  of  the  Grecian  despots,  many  of  whom  had  not  yet 
quitted  the  fleet  which  had  recently  returned  1  :om  Naxos.     Aris- 
tagoras laid  down  the  supreme  power  in  Miletus,  and  nominally 
resigned  to  the  people  the  management  of  their  own  affairs 
i  he  despots  were  seized,  and  a  democratical  form  of  government 
established  throughout  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia  and  in  the  nei^h- 
bourmg  islands.     This  was  foUowed  by  an  open  declarationV 
revolt  from  Persia  (b.c.  500). 

^  5   The  insurrection  had  now  assumed  a  formidable  aspect  • 
and  before  the  Persians  could  collect  sufficient  forces  to  cope 
with  the  revolters,  Aristagoras  resolved  to  cross  over  to  Greece, 
m  order  to  solicit  assistance  from  the  more  powerful  states  in 
the  mother-country.     He  first  went  to  Sparta,  which  was  now 
admitted  to  be  the  most  powerful  city  in  Greece.     In  an  inter- 
view with  Cleomenes,  king  of  Sparta,  he  brought  forth  a  brazen 
tablet,  on  which  were  engraved  the  countries,  rivers,  and  seas  of 
the  world.     After  dwelling  upon  the  wealth  and  fertility  of  Asia, 
he  traced  on  the  map  the  route  from  Ephesus  to  Susa,  and  de- 
scribed the  ease  with  which  the  Spartans  might  march  into  the 
very  heart  of  the  Persian  empire,  and  obtain  possession  of  the 
vast  treasures  of  the  Persian  capital.     Cleomenes  demanded  three 
<lays  to  consider  this  proposal  ;  and  when  Aristagoras  returned 
on  the  third  day,  he  put  to  him  tlie  simple  question,  how  far  it 


II 


t 


^1116 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVL 


was  from  the  sea  to  Susa  ?  Aristagoras,  without  considering 
the  {irift  of  the  question,  answered  that  it  was  a  journey  of  three 
months.  "  Milesian  stranger,"  exclaimed  Cleomenes,  "  quit  Sparta 
before  sunset :  you  are  no  friend  to  the  Spartans,  if  you  want 
them  to  undertake  a  three  months'  journey  from  the  sea."  Still, 
however,  Aristagoras  did  not  despair,  hut  went  as  a  supphant 
to  the  king's  house,  to  see  if  he  could  accomplish  by  money  what 
he  had  failed  to  do  by  eloquence.  Ho  first  offered  Cleomenes 
ten  talents,  and  then  gradually  raised  the  bribe  to  fifty  ;  and  per- 
haps the  king,  with  the  usual  cupidity  of  a  Spartan,  might  have 
yielded,  had  not  his  daughter  Gorgo,  a  child  of  eight  years  old, 
who  happened  to  be  present,  cried  out,  "  Fly,  father,  or  this 
stranger  will  corrupt  you."  Cleomenes  accepted  the  omen,  and 
broke  up  the  interview.     Aristagoras  quitted  Sparta  forthwith. 

Disappointed  at  Sparta,  Aristagoras  repaired  to  Athens,  then 
the  second  city  in  Greece.  Here  he  met  with  a  very  different 
reception.  Athens  was  the  mother-city  of  the  Ionic  states  ;  and 
the  Athenians  were  disposed  to  sympathize  with  the  Ionian  s 
as  their  kinsmen  and  colonists.  They  were  moreover  incensed 
against  Artaphenies,  who  had  recently  commanded  them  to 
recall  Hippias,  unless  they  wished  to  provoke  the  hostility  of 
Persia.  Accordingly  they  lent  a  ready  ear  to  the  tempting  pro- 
mises of  Aristagoras,  and  voted  to  send  a  squadron  of  twenty 
ships  to  the  assistance  of  the  lonians.  "  These  ships,"  says  He- 
rodotus, "  were  the  begiiming  of  mischiefs  between  the  Greeks 
and  barbarians." 

^6.  In  the  following  year  (b.c.  500)  the  Athenian  fleet  crossed 
the  JEgean.  They  were  joined  by  five  ships  from  Eretria  in 
Eubcea,  which  the  Eretrians  had  sent  to  discharge  a  debt  of  gra- 
titude for  assistance  which  they  had  received  Irom  the  Milesians 
in  their  war  with  Chalcis.  Upon  reaching  the  coast  of  Asia, 
Aristagoras  planned  an  expedition  into  the  interior.  Disem- 
barking at  Ephesus,  and  being  reinforced  by  a  strong  body  of 
lonians,  he  marched  upon  Sardis.  Artaphernes  was  taken  un- 
prepared ;  and  not  having  sufficient  troops  to  man  the  walls,  he 
retired  into  the  citadel,  leaving  the  town  a  prey  to  the  inva- 
ders. Accordingly,  they  entered  it  unopposed  ;  and,  while  en- 
gaged in  pillage,  one  of  the  soldiers  set  fire  to  a  house.  As  most 
of 'the  houses  were  built  of  wickerwork  and  thatched  with 
Btraw,  the  flames  rapidly  spread,  and  in  a  short  time  the  whole 
city  was  in  flames.  The  inhabitants,  driven  out  of  their  houses 
by  this  accident,  assembled  in  the  large  market-place  in  the  city ; 
and  perceiving  their  immbers  to  be  8ui>erior  to  those  of  the 
enemy,  they  resolved  to  attack  them.  Meantime  reinforcements 
came  pouring  in  from  all  quarters ;  and  the  lonians  and  Atho- 


B.C.  500. 


THE  IONIC  REVOLT. 


167 


nians,  seeing  that  their  position  was  becoming  more  danger- 
ous every  hour,  abandoned  the  city  and  began  to  retrace  their 
steps.  But  before  they  could  reach  the  walls  of  Ephesus,  they 
were  overtaken  by  the  Persian  forces  and  defeated  with  great 
slaughter.  The  lonians  dispersed  to  their  several  cities ;  and 
the  Athenians  hastened  on  board  their  ships  and  sailed  home. 

The  burnmg  of  the  capital  of  the  ancient  monarchy  of  Lydia 
was  attended  with  important  consequences.  When  Darius  heard 
of  It,  he  burst  into  a  paroxysm  of  rage.  It  was  against  the  ob- 
scure strangers  who  had  dared  to  invade  his  dominions  and  bum 
one  of  his  capitals,  that  his  wrath  was  chiefly  directed.  "  The 
Athenians,"  he  exclaimed,  "  who  are  theyT  Upon  being  in- 
formed, he  took  his  bow,  shot  an  arrow  high  into  the  air,  saying, 
"  Grant  me,  Jove,  to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Athenians  :"  and 
he  charged  one  of  his  attendants  to  remind  him  thrice  every  day 
at  dinner,  "  Sire,  remember  the  Athenians."  His  first  care,  how- 
ever, was  to  put  down  the  revolt,  which  had  now  assmiied  a 
rnore  formidable  aspect  than  ever.  The  insurrection  spread  to 
the  Greek  cities  in  Cyprus  as  well  as  to  those  on  the  Hellespont 
and  the  Propontis  ;  and  the  Carians  warmly  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  lonians. 

k  7.  A  ibw  months  after  the  burning  of  Sardis  the  revolt  had 
reached  its  height,  and  seemed  to  promise  permanent  independ- 
ence to  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  But  they  were  no  match  for  the 
whole  power  of  the  Persian  empire,  which  was  soon  brought 
against  them.  A  PhoBuician  fleet  conveyed  a  large  Fei^ian  force 
to  Cyprus,  which  was  soon  obliged  to  submit  to  its  former 
niasters  ;  and  the  generals  of  Darius  carried  on  operations  with 
vigour  against  the  Carians,  and  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia.  Aris- 
tagoras now  began  to  despair,  and  basely  deserted  his  country- 
men, whom  he  had  led  into  peril.  Collecting  a  large  body  of 
Milesians,  he  set  sail  for  the  Thracian  coast,  where  he  was  slain 
under  the  walls  of  a  town  to  which  he  had  laid  siege. 

Soon  after  his  departure,  his  father-in-law,  Histia^us,  came 
down  to  loma.  Darius  had  at  first  been  inclined  to  suppose 
that  HistiSBus  had  secretly  instigated  the  lonians  to  revolt ;  but 
the  artful  Greek  not  only  succeeded  in  removing  suspicion  from 
himself,  but  persuaded  Darius  to  send  him  into  Ionia,  in  order 
to  assist  the  Persian  generals  in  suppressing  the  rebellion.  But 
Artaphernes  was  not  so  easily  deceived  as  his  master,  and  plainly 
accused  Histiajus  of  treachery  when  the  latter  arrived  at  Sardis. 
"I  will  tell  you  how  the  facts  stand,"  said  Artaphernes  to  His- 
tiaeus  ;  "  it  was  you  who  made  this  shoe,  and  Aristagoras  has  put 
It  on.  '  Finding  himself  unsafe  at  Sardis,  he  escaped  to  the 
island  of  Chios ;   but  he  was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  all 


I 


i 


1-4 


V 

s  ;;'    ■  . 

;  ■:[     !!■  : 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chaf.  XVI 


jMirties.  The  Milesians  refused  to  admit  their  fonner  despot 
into  their  town  ;  and  the  louiaus  in  general  would  not  receive 
liim  as  their  leader.  At  length  he  obtained  eight  galleys  from 
Lesbos,  with  which  he  sailed  towards  Byzantium,  and  carried  on 
piracies  as  well  against  the  Grecian  as  the  barbarian  vessels. 
This  unpruicipled  adventurer  met  with  a  traitor's  death.  Having 
landed  on  the  coast  of  Mysia  to  reap  the  standing  corn  round 
Ataraeus,  he  was  surprized  by  a  Persian  force  and  made  prisoner. 
Being  carried  to  Sardis,  Artaphernes  at  once  caused  liim  to  be 
crucified,  and  sent  his  head  to  Darius,  who  ordered  it  to  be  ho- 
nourably buried,  condemning  the  ignomuiious  execution  of  the 
man  who  had  once  saved  tlie  life  of  the  Great  King. 

^  8.  The  death  of  Histiajus  happened  after  the  subjection  of 
the  lonians  ;  and  their  fall  now  claims  our  attention.     In  the 
sixth  year  of  the  revolt  (b.c.  495),  when  several  Grecian  cities 
had  alreajy  been  taken  by  the  Persians,  Artapliemes  resolved  to 
besiege  Miletus  by  sea  and  by  land,  since  the  capture  of  this  city 
was  sure  to  be  followed  by  the  submission  of  all  the  others. 
For  this  purpose  he  concentrated  near  Miletus  all  his  land-forces, 
and  ordered  the  Phajnician  fleet  to  sail  towards  the  city.   While 
he  was  making  these  preparations,  the  Pan-Ionic  council  assem- 
bled to  deUberate  upon  the  best  means  of  meeting  the  threaten- 
ing danger.     As  they  had  not  sufficient  strength  to  meet  the 
Persian  army  in  the  field,  it  was  resolved  to  leave  Miletus  to  its 
own  defences  on  the  land  side,  and  to  embark  all  their  forces  on 
board  their  ships.     The  fleet  was  ordered  to  assemble  at  Lade, 
then  a  small  island  near  Miletus,  but  now  joined  to  the  coast 
by  the  alluvial  deposits  of  the  Maeander.     It  consisted  of  3o3 
ships,  while  the  Phiunician  fleet  numbered  600  sail.     But  not- 
withstanding their  numerical  superiority,  the  Persian  generals 
were  afraid  to  risk  an  engagement  with  the  combined  fleet  of  the 
lonians,  whose  nautical  skill  was  well  known  to  them.     They 
therefore  ordered  the  despots,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  the 
Grecian  cities  at  the  commencement  of  the  revolt,  and  were  now 
serving  in  the  Persian  fleet,  to  endeavour  to  })ersuade  their  comi- 
tiymen  to  desert  the  common  cause.     Each  of  them  accordingly 
made  secret  overtures  to  his  fellow-citizens,  promising  them 
pardon  if  they  submitted,  and  threatening  them  with  the  severest 
punishment  in  case  of  refusal.     But  these  proposals  were  all  una- 
nimously rejected. 

Meantime  great  want  of  discipline  prevailed  in  the  Ionian 
fleet.  There  was  no  general  commander  of  the  whole  arma- 
ment ;  the  men,  though  eager  for  hberty,  were  impatient  of  re- 
straint, and  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  day  in  unprofitable 
talk  under  the  tents  they  had  erected  on  the  sliore.     In  a  comicii 


B.C.  495. 


SUBJUGATION  OF  IONIA 


]G9 


of  the  commanders,  Dionysius  of  Phoc^a,  a  man  of  enerrv  and 
ability,  pointed  out  the  perils  which  they  ran,  and  promised 
them  certain  victory  if  they  would  place  themselves  under  his 
guidance.     Bemg  intrusted  with  the  supreme  command,  Dionv- 
sms  ordered  the  men  on  board  the  ships,  and  kept  them  con- 
stantly engaged  m  practising  all  kinds  of  nautical  maiia^uvres 
^or  seven  days  in  succession  they  endured  this  unwonted  work 
beneath  the  burnmg  heat  of  a  summer's  sun ;  but  on  the  eighth 
they  broke  out  into  open  mutiny,  and  asked,  -why  they  should 
aiiy  longer  obey  a  Phoea^an  braggart,  who  had  brought  only  three 
ships  to  the  conimon  cause  ?"     Leaving  their  ships,  they  airain 
dispersed  over  the  island  and  sought  the  shade  of  their  pleatant 
tents.     There  was  now  less  order  and  discipline  than  before. 
Ihe  bamiaii  leaders  became  alarmed   at  the  prospect  before 
them;  and  lypenting  that  they  had  rejected  the  proposals  made 
to  them  by  their  exiled  despot,  they  re-opened  communications 
with  him,  and  agreed  to  desert  during  the  battle 

The  Persian  commcinders,  confident  of  victory,  no  longer  hesi- 
tated to  attack  the  Ionian  fleet.  The  Greeks,  not  suspectin- 
treachery,  drew  up  their  ships  in  order  of  battle ;  but  just  as  the 
two  neets  were  ready  to  engage,  the  Samian  ships  sailed  away 
1  heir  example  was  followed  by  the  Lesbians,  and  as  the  panic 
spread  by  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet.  There  was,  however 
one  brilliant  exception.  The  hundred  ships  of  the  Chians,  thou-h 
left  almost  alone  refused  to  fly,  and  fought  with  distinguished 
braveiy  against  the  enemy,  till  they  were  overpowered  by  su- 
penor  numbers.  ^ 

I  9.  The  defeat  of  the  Ionian  fleet  at  Lade  decided  the  fate 
01  the  war.  The  city  of  Miletus  was  soon  afterwards  taken  by 
storm,  and  M^as  treated  with  signal  severity.  Most  of  the  males 
were  slam ;  and  the  few  who  escaped  the  sword  were  carried 
with  the  women  and  children  into  captivity,  and  were  fmally 
settled  at  Amp6,  a  town  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tigris  The  fall 
of  this  great  Ionic  city  excited  the  liveliest  sympathy  at  Athens. 
In  the  following  year  the  poet  Phrynichus,  who  had  made  the 
capture  of  Miletus  the  subject  of  a  tragedy,  and  brought  it  upon 
the  stage,  was  sentenced  by  the  Athenians  to  pay  a  fine  of  a 
thousand  drachmae  -for  having  recalled  to  them  their  own  mis- 
fortunes. 

The  other  Greek  cities  in  Asia  and  the  neighbouring  islands, 
which  had  not  yet  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  were 
treated  with  equal  severity.  The  islands  of  Chios,  Lesbos  and 
Tenedos  were  swept  of  their  inhabitants ;  and  the  Persian  fleet 
sailed  up  to  the  Hellespont  and  Propontis,  carrying  with  it 
lire  and  sword.     The  inhabitants  of  Byzantium  and  Chalccdon 


fl 


170 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAP.  XVI. 


did  not  await  its  arrival,  but  sailed  away  to  Mesembria ;  and  the 
Athenian  Miltiades  only  escaped  falling  into  tiie  power  of  the 
Persians  by  a  rapid  fiigfit  to  Athens. 

The  subjugation  of  Ionia  was  now  complete.  This  was  the 
third  time  that  the  Asiatic  Greeks  had  been  conquered  by  a 
Ibreign  power ;  first,  by  the  Lydian  Croesus ;  secondly,  by  the 
generals  of  Cyrus ;  and  lastly,  by  those  oi'  Darius.  It  was  from  the 
last  that  they  suiiered  most ;  and  they  never  fully  recovered  their 
former  prosperity.  As  soon  as  the  Persians  had  satiated  their 
vengeance,  Artaphernes  introduced  various  regulations  lor  the 
govenunent  of  their  country.  Thus  he  caused  a  new  survey  of 
the  country  to  be  made,  and  fixed  the  amount  of  tribute  which 
each  district  was  to  pay  to  the  Persian  government ;  and  his 
other  measures  were  calculated  to  heal  the  wounds  which  had 
been  lately  inilicted  with  such  barbarity  upon  the  Greeks. 


Ruins  of  on  Ionic  Temple  in  Lycia. 


The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Marathon. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MARATHON. 

§  1.  Expedition  of  Mardoniiis  into  Greece.  §2.  Preparations  of  Darius 
for  a  second  invasion  of  Greece.  Heralds  sent  to  the  leading  Grecian 
states  to  demand  earth  and  water.  §  3.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  the 
Pei'sians  under  Datis  and  Artaphernes.  Conquest  of  the  Cy chides  and 
Eretria.  §  4  Preparations  at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.  History  of 
Miltiades.  §  5.  Debate  among  the  ten  Athenian  Generals.  Resohition 
to  give  battle  to  the  Persians.  §  6.  Battle  of  Marathon.  §  7.  ^love- 
ments  of  the  Persians  after  the  battle.  §  8.  Effect  of  the  battle  of 
Marathon  upon  the  Athenians.  §  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades.  §  10.  His 
unsuccessful  expedition  to  Paros.  §  11.  His  trial,  condemnation,  and 
death.  §12.  History  of  ^Egina.  §18.  War  between  Athens  and 
iEgina.  §  14.  Athens  becomes  a  maritime  power.  §  15.  Rivalry  of 
Themistocles  and  Aristidcs.     Ostracism  of  the  latter. 


k  1.  Darius  had  not  forgrotten  his  vow  to  take  vencrcance  upon 
Athens.  Shortly  after  tlie  suppression  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  he 
appointed  Mardonius  to  succeed  Artaphernes  in  the  poveniraent 
of  the  Persian  provinces  bordering  upon  the  ^Egean.  Mardonius 
was  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank,  who  had  lately  married  the 
king's  daughter,  and  was  distinguished  by  a  love  of  gloiy.  Da- 
rius placed  at  his  command  a  large  armament,  with  injunctions 
to  bring  to  Susa  those  Athenians  and  Eretrians  who  had  in- 
sulted the  authority  of  the  Great  King.  Mardonius  lost  no  time 
in  crossing  the  Hellespont,  and  coniinenced  his  march  through 
Tlirace  and  Macedonia,  subduing,  as  he  went  along,  the  tribes 


t  f- 


f  !■ 


170 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAP.  XVJ. 


did  not  await  its  arrival,  but  sailed  away  to  Mesembria;  and  the 
Atheaiaii  Miltiades  only  escaped  falling  into  the  power  of  the 
Persians  by  a  rapid  flight  to  Athens. 

The  subjugation  of  Ionia  was  now  complete.  This  was  the 
third  time  that  the  Asiatic  Greeks  had  been  conquered  by  a 
ibreigu  power ;  lirst,  by  the  Lydian  Crcesus ;  secondly,  by  the 
generals  of  Cyrus ;  and  lastly,  by  those  of  Darius.  It  was  from  the 
last  that  they  suHered  most ;  and  they  never  fully  recovered  their 
former  prosperity.  As  soon  as  the  Persians  had  satiated  their 
vengeance,  Artapherncs  introduced  various  regulations  for  the 
govenunent  of  their  country.  Thus  he  caused  a  new  survey  of 
the  country  to  be  made,  and  fixed  the  amount  of  tribute  which 
each  district  was  to  pay  to  the  Persian  government ;  and  his 
otlier  measures  were  calculated  to  heal  the  wounds  which  had 
been  lately  iidlicted  with  such  barbarity  uj^n  the  Gieeks. 


The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Marathon. 


^r-' ■Jr.  ..  f         * ,•.«■«<■»» 


Raina  or  an  Ionic  Temple  in  Lycia. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MARATHON. 


§  1.  ExpcditionofMardonius  into  Greece.  §2.  Preparations  of  Darius 
for  a  sceon.l  invasion  of  Greece.  Heralds  sent  to  the  leadini;:  Grecian 
s<ates  to  (Icjnaiul  earth  and  water.  §  3.  Invasion  of  Greece  bv  the 
Persians  under  1  )at  is  and  Artapherncs.  Conquest  of  the  Cjchides  and 
Eretria.  §  4.  Pre|)arations  at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.  History  of 
Miltia<1es.  §  5.  Dehate  among  the  ten  Atlienian  Generals.  Resolution 
to  tjive  battle  to  the  Persians.  §  G.  Battle  of  Marathon.  §  7.  Move- 
ments of  the  Persians  after  the  battle.  §  8.  Effect  of  the  battle  of 
Marathon  upon  the  Athenians.  §  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades.  §  10.  His 
unsuccessful  expedition  to  Paros.  §  11.  His  trial,  condemnation,  and 
deatli.  §12.  History  of  yEijina.  iji:^.  War  betwei^n  Athens  and 
vEgina.  §  14.  Athens  becomes  a  maritime  power.  §15.  Rivalry  of 
Themistoeles  and  Aristidcs.     Ostracism  of  the  latter! 

k  1.  Daiuus  had  not  for^rotten  his  vow  to  take  venjTcancc  upon 
Athoii.s.  Shortly  alter  the  supjiression  of  tlie  Ionic  revolt,  he 
appointed  Mardonius  to  succeed  Arlaphernes  in  the  jrovernincnt 
of  the  Persian  provinces  borderinjr  upDii  the  M^m'dw.  Murdoniiis 
was  a  Persian  noble  of  hijih  rank,  who  had  lately  manicd  the 
king's  dau«i:hter,  and  was  distinguished  by  a  love  of  glory.  Da- 
rius placed  at  his  command  a  large  armament,  with  injunctions 
to  bring  to  Susa  those  Athenians  and  Eretrians  who  had  in- 
sulted the  authority  of  the  Great  King.  Mardonius  lost  no  time 
in  crossing  the  Hellespont,  and  coiinnonceil  his  niandi  through 
Thrace  and  Macedonia,  subduhig,  as  he  went  along,  the  tribes 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XVII. 


! 


which  had  not  yet  suhmitted  to  the  Persian  power.  MeanwhUe 
he  ordered  the  fleet  to  double  the  promontory  of  Mount  Athos, 
and  join  the  land  forces  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Therma.  But 
one  of  the  hurricanes,  which  frequently  blow  oft*  this  dangerous 
coast,  overtook  the  Persian-  fleet,  destroyed  three  hundred  vessels, 
and  drowned  or  dashed  upon  the  rocks  twenty  thousand  men! 
Mardonius  himself  was  not  much  more  fortunate.  In  his  passage 
through  Macedonia,  he  was  attacked  at  night  by  the  Brygians, 
an  independent  Thracian  tribe,  who  slaughtered  a  great  portion 
of  his  army.  He  remained  in  the  country  long  enough  to  reduce 
thia  people  to  submission;  but  his  forces  were  so  weakened,  that 
be  could  not  proceed  farther.  He  led  his  army  back  across  the 
Hellespont,  and  returned  to  the  Persian  court,  covered  with 
shame  and  grief.  Thus  ended  the  first  expedition  of  the  Per- 
lians  against  the  Grecian  states  in  Europe  (b.c.  492). 

J  2.  The  failure  of  this  expedition  did  not  shake  the  resolution 
of  Darius.  On  the  contrary,  it  only  made  him  the  more  anxious 
for  the  conquest  of  Greece ;  and  Hippias  was  constantly  near 
him  to  keep  alive  his  resentment  against  Athens.  He  began 
to  make  preparations  lor  another  attempt  on  a  still  larger  scale, 
and  meantime  sent  heralds  to  most  of  the  Grecian  states  to  de- 
mand from  each  earth  and  water  as  the  symbol  of  submission. 
This  he  probably  did  in  order  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  resist- 
ance he  was  likely  to  experience.  Such  terror  had  the  Persians 
inspired  by  their  recent  conquest  of  Ionia,  that  a  large  number 
of  the  Grecian  cities  at  once  complied  with  the  demand.  But 
at  Athens  and  at  Sparta  the  heralds  met  with  a  very  diflerent 
reception.  So  indignant  were  the  citizens  of  these  states  at  the 
msolent  demand,  that  the  Athenians  cast  the  herald  into  a  deep 
pit,  and  the  Spartans  threw  him  into  a  well,  bidding  him  take 
earth  and  water  from  thence. 

$  3.  Among  the  states  which  had  yielded  submission  to  the 
envoy  of  Darius,  was  the  island  of  ^gina,  then  the  first  maritime 
power  m  Greece.    It  was,  however,  as  much  hatred  of  the  Athe- 
nians, as  fear  of  the  Persian  monarch,  which  had  led  the  ^gi- 
netans,  to  take  this  step.     They  had  been  at  war  for  some  years 
past  with  the  Athenians,  and  were  now  ready  to  avail  themselves 
of  the  Persian  power  for  the  purpose  of  crushing  their  obnoxious 
nval.     The  Athenians,  on  the  other  hand,  sent  ambassadors  to 
Sparta,  accusing  the  ^Eginetans  of  having  betrayed  the  common 
cause  of  Greece  by  giving  earth  and  water  to  the  barbarians, 
a^d  calling  upon  Sparta,  as  the  leading  state  of  Hellas,  to  punish 
the  ofleiiders.     This  proceeding  deserves  particular  notice.     It 
IS  the  first  time  in  Grecian  history  that  the  Greeks  are  re- 
presented as  havmg  a  common  political  cause,  and  recognizing 


B.C.  492.  MARDONIUS  INVADES  CxREECE.  l73 

the  leadership  of  one  state      The  imminent  danger  to  which 
they  were  exposed  from  the  Persians  brought  about  thi.  union 
and   ed  them  to  recognize  the  supremacy  of  Sparta,  a  position 
which  this  state  continued  to  enjoy  from  this  time  forth  till  the 
end  01  the  Persian  war. 

The  complaints  of  the  Athenians  met  with  immediate  attcn- 
tion  at  Sparta.     Cleomenes,  one  of  the  Spartan  kings,  forthwith 
crossed  over  to  ^gina,  and  was  proceeding  to  arrest  and  carrv 
away  some  of  the  leading  citizens,  when  Demaratus,  the  other 
king,  privately  encouraged  the  ^ginetans  to  defy  the  authority 
of  his  colleague.     Thus  baffled  in  his  object,  Cleomenes  returned 
ll  .  ^r    '  rT"r  ^^'^^^a^^e  against  Demaratus.     It  appeara 
that  there  had  always  been  some  doubts  respecting  the  legiti- 
macy of  the  latter     Of  these  suspicions  Cleomenes  now  resolved 
to  avail  himself,  and  instigated  Leotychides,  the  next  heir  to  the 
crown,  to  attack  publicly  the  legitimacy  of  Demaratus.     The 
question  was  referred  to  the  Delphic  oracle;   and  through  the 
influence  of  Cleomenes,  the  priestess  declared  that  his  colleajrue 
was  illegitimate.     Leotychides  thus  succeeded  to  the  thmne 
and  Demaratus  descended  into  a  private  station.     Shortly  after- 
wards Demaratus  received  a  gross  affront  from  the  new  kino-  at 
a  public  festival ,  whereupon  he  quitted  Sparta  in  wrath,  and 
crossed  over  to  Darius,  who  received  him  graciously,  and  loaded 
Jiim  with  favors  and  presents. 

Cleomenes  now  returned  to  ^gina,  accompanied  by  Leoty- 
chides.    The  ^gmetans  did  not  dare  to  oppose  any  resistance 
to  their  joint  demand,  and  surrendered  to  them  ten  of  their 
aaciing  citizens,  whom  Cleomenes  deposited  as  hostages  in  the 
hands  of  the  Athenians. 

Meanwhile  Darius  had  completed  his  preparations  for  the 
invasion  of  Greece.     In  the  spring  of  b.  c.  490,  a  vast  army  was 
assembled  in  Ciiicia,  and  a  fleet  of  600  galleys,  together  with 
many  transports  for  horses,  was  ready  to  receive  them  on  board. 
The  command  was  given  to  Datis,  a  Median,  and  Artaphernes, 
son  of  the  satrap  of  Sardis  of  that  name,  and  a  nephew  of  Da- 
rius.    Their  mstructions  were  generally  to  reduce  to  subjection 
all  the  Greek  cities,  which  had  not  already  given  earth  and 
water ;  but  more  particularly  to  burn  to  the  gromid  the  cities  of 
Athens  and  Eretria,  and  to  carry  away  the  inhabitants  as  slaves 
They  were  furnished  with  fetters  for  binding  the  Grecian  pri- 
soners ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  year  Darius  fully  expected  to 
Gee  at  his  feet  the  men  who  had  dared  to  burn  the  city  of  Sardis. 
The  possibility  of  failure  probably  never  occurred  either  to  the 
Kiig  himself,  or  to  any  of  the  soldiers  engaged  in  the  expedition. 
Having  taken  their  men  on  board,  Datis  and  Artaphernes  first 


lU 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVII 


B.C.  49a 


SECOND  PERSIAN  INVASION. 


sailed  to  Samos ;  and,  warned  by  the  recent  disaster  of  Mardo- 
nius  in  doubling  the  promontory  of  Mount  Athos,  they  resolved 
to  sail  straight  across  the  JEgean  to  Euboja,  subduing  on  their 
way  the  Cyclades.  They  first  resolved  to  attack  Naxos,  which 
ten  years  before  had  gallantly  repelled  a  large  Persian  force  com- 
manded by  Megabates  and  Aristagoras  of  Miletus.  But  tlie 
Naxians  did  not  now  even  venture  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the 
Persians,  but  fled  to  the  mountains,  abandoning  their  town  to 
the  invaders,  who  burnt  it  to  the  ground.  The  other  islands  of 
the  Cyclades  yielded  a  ready  submission ;  and  it  was  not  till 
Datis  reached  Euboca  that  he  encountered  any  resistance.  Eretria 
defended  itself  gallantly  for  six  days,  and  repulsed  the  Persians 
with  loss  ;  but  on  the  seventh  tlie  gates  were  opened  to  the  be- 
siegers by  tlic  treachery  of  two  of  its  leading  citizens.  The  city 
was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  inhabitants  were  put  in  chains, 
according  to  the  command  of  the  Persian  monarch. 

Datis  had  thus  easily  accomplished  one  of  the  two  great  ob- 
jects for  which  he  had  been  sent  into  Greece.  He  now  pro- 
ceeded to  execute  his  second  order.  After  remaining  a  icw 
days  at  Eretria,  he  crossed  over  to  Attica,  and  landed  on  the 
ever  memorable  plain  of  Marathon,  a  spot  which  had  been 
pomted  out  to  him  by  the  despot  Hippias,  who  accompanied  the 
Persian  army. 

H.  It  is  now  time  to  turn  to  Athens,  and  see  what  prepara- 
tions had  there  been  made  to  meet  the  threatening  danger. 
While  the  Persian  army  was  on  its  passage  across  the  iEgean, 
ten  generals  had  been  elected  for  the  year,  according  tcT  the 
regular  custom,  one  for  each  tribe.    Among  these  generals  were 
three  men,  whose  names  have  acquired  immortal  fame,— Mil- 
tiades,  Themistocles,  and  Aristides.     Of  the  two  latter  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  speak  more  fully  presently;    but  Miltiades 
claims  our  immediate  attention.    Miltiades  had  been  the  despot 
of  the  Chersoncsus,  whither  he  had  been  sent  from  Athens  by 
Hippias  about  the  year  516  B.C.,  to  take  possession  of  the  inhe- 
ritance of  his  uncle,  who  bore  the  same  name.     As  ruler  of  the 
Chersoncsus,  he  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery  and 
decision  of  character.     We  have  already  seen  that  he  accom-  • 
panied  Darius  in  his  invasion  of  Scythia,  and  recommended  the 
Ionian  despots  to  break  down  the  bridge  of  boats  across  the 
Danube  and  leave  Darius  to  his  fate.     While  the  Persian  gene- 
rals were  engaged  in  suppressing  the  Ionic  revolt,  he  took  pos- 
session of  Lemnos  and  Imbros,  exjielled  the  Persian  garrisons  and 
Pelasgian  mhabitants,  and  handed  over  these  islands  to  the  Athe- 
nians.    He  had  thus  committed  two  great  ofb'n.ces  ajrain«t  the 
Persian  monarch ;   and  accordingly  when  the  Phoenician  iit^et 


175 


appeared  ni  the  Hellespont  after  the  extinction  of  the  Ionic 
revolt,  he  sought  safety  in  flight,  and  hastily  sailed  away  to 
Athens  with  a  small  squadron  of  five  ships.     He  was  hotly  pur- 
sued by  the  PhoBniciaiis,  who  were  most  eager  to  secure  his 
person  as  an  acceptable  oflbring  to  Darius.     They  succeeded  in 
taking  one  of  his  ships,  commanded  by  his  son  Metiochus  but 
Miltiades  himself  reached  Athens  in  salbty.      Soon  after  his 
arrival,  he  was  brought  to  trial  on  account  of  his  despotism  in 
the  Chersoncsus.     Not  only  was  he  honourably  acquitted  at  the 
time,  probably  on  account  of  the  recent  service  he  had  rendered 
to  Athens  by  the  conquest  of  Lemnos  and  Imbros,  but  such  con- 
fidence did  his  abilities  inspire,  that  he  was  elected  one  of  the 
ten  generals  of  the  republic  on  the  approach  of  the  Persian  fleet. 
^  5.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Eretria  reached  Athens" 
the  courier  Phidippides  was  sent  to  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance' 
Such  was  his  extraordinary  speed  of  ibot  that  he  performed  this 
journey  of  150  miles  in  48  hours.     The  Spartans  promised  their 
aid ;  but  their  superstition  rendered  their  promise  ineflectual 
since  It  wanted  a  lew  days  to  the  full  moon,  and  it  was  contrary 
to  their  religious  customs  to  commence  a  march  during  this 
interval.      The  reason  given  by  the  Spartans  for  their  "delay 
docs  not  appear  to  have  been  a  pretext ;  and  this  instance  is 
only  one  among  many  of  that  blind  attachment  to  ancient  Ibrms 
wlucli  characterize  this  people  throughout  the  whole  period  of 
their  history. 

Meantime,  the  Athenians  had  marched  to  Marathon,  and  were 
encamped  upon  the  mountains  wliich  surrounded  the  })lain 
Uix)n   learning  the  answer  which  Phidippides  brought  from 
Sparta,  the  ten  generals  were  divided  in  opinion  as  to'' the  best 
course  to  be  pursued.     Five  of  them  were  opjiosed  to  an  imme- 
diate engagement  with  the  overwhelming  number  of  Persians, 
and  urged  the  importance  of  waiting  Ibr  the  anival  of  the  Lace- 
daemonian succours.    Miltiades  and  the  remaining  ibur  contended, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  not  a  moment  should  be  lost  in  fightinr^ 
the  Persians,  not  only  in  order  to  avail  themselves  of  the  pre"^ 
sent  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  but  still  more  to  prevent  treachery 
from  spreading  among  their  ranks,  and  paralyzing  all  united 
etfort.      The  momentous  decision,  upon  which  the  destinies  cf 
Athens,  aiid  indeed  of  all  Greece  hung,  depended  ujion  the  cast- 
niPf-vote  of  Callimachus,  the  Polemarch  ;  Ibr  down  to  this  time 
the  third  Archon  was  a  colleague  of  the  ten  generals.='f^    To  him 
Miltiades  now  addressed  himself  with  the  utmost  earnestness, 
IX)r.»ting  out  the  danger  of  delay,  and  that  only  a  speedy  and 
den-isive  victory  could  save  them  from  the  treacherous  attempts 

*  See  above,  p.  91. 


i 


1! 


1^6 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chaf.  XVII 


of  the  friends  of  Hippias  within  the  city.  Tlic  armiments  of 
Ml  tiades  were  warmly  seconded  by  Themistocles  and  Aristides. 
Calhiiiachus  felt  their  force,  and  gave  his  vote  for  the  battle. 
The  ten  generals  commanded  their  army  in  rotation,  each  for 
one  day ;  but  they  now  agreed  to  surrender  to  Miltiades  their 
days  ol  command,  m  order  to  invest  the  whole  iwwer  in  a  single 
person.  ° 

)  6.  While  the  Athenians  were  preparing  for  battle,  they  ro 
ceived  unexpected  assistance  from  the  little  town  of  Plataja,  in 
BcBotia.  Grateful  to  the  Athenians  for  the  assistance  which  they 
had  rendered  them  against  the  Thebans.  the  whole  force  of 
Platffia,  amounting  to  1000  heavy-armed  men,  marched  to  the 
assistajice  of  their  allies  and  joined  them  at  Marathon.  Their 
arrival  at  this  crisis  of  the  fortunes  of  Athens  made  a  deep  and 
abiding  impression  ujwn  the  Athenian  jieople,  and  was  recol- 
lected with  grateful  icelings  down  to  the  latest  times.  The 
Athenian  army  numbered  only  10,000  hoplites.  or  heavy-armed 
soldiers  ;  there  were  no  archers  or  cavalry,  and  only  some  slaves 
as  hght-armed  attendants.  Of  the  number  of  the  Persian  army 
we  have  no  trustworthy  account,  but  the  lowest  estimate  makes 
it  consist  of  110,000  men. 

The  plain  of  Marathon  lies  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Attica  at 
the  distance  of  twenty-two  miles  from  Athens  by  the  shortest 
road.  It  is  in  the  form  of  a  crescent,  the  horns  of  which  consist 
ol  two  promontories  running  into  the  sea.  and  forming  a  semi- 
circular bay.  This  plain  is  about  six  miles  in  length,  and  in  its 
widest  or  central  part  about  two  in  breadth.  JSTear  each  of  the 
horns  at  the  northern  and  southern  extremities  of  the  plain  are 
two  marshes.  The  uninterrupted  flatness  of  the  plain  is  hardly 
reheved  by  a  single  tree ;  and  on  every  side  towards  the  land 
there  nses  an  amphitheatre  of  rugged  limestone  momitains,  se- 
parating It  from  the  rest  of  Attica. 


Battle  of  Marathon. 
A  A  Atlieniaii  anny.       b  b  Persian  army 


c  c  Persian  fleet. 


B.C.  490. 


BATTLE  OF  MARATHON. 


177 


On  the  day  of  battle  the  Persian  army  was  drawn  up  along 
the  plain  about  a  mile  from  the  sea,  and  their  fleet  was  ranged 
behind  them  on  the  beach.     The  native  Persians  and  Sacians, 
the  best  troops  in  the  army,  were  stationed  in  the  centre,  which 
was  considered  the  post  of  honour.     The  Athenians  occupied 
the  rising  ground  above  the  plain,  and  extended  from  one  side 
of  the  plain  to  the  other.     This  arrangement  was  necessary  in 
order  to  protect  their  flanks  by  the  mountains  on  each  side, 
and  to  prevent  the  cavalry  from  passing  round  to  attack  them 
in  rear.     But  so  large  a  breadth  of  ground  could  not  be  occu- 
pied with  so  small  a  number  of  men,  without  weakening  some 
portion  of  the  line.     Miltiades,  therefore,  drew  up  the  troops 
in  the  centre  in  shallow  files,  and  resolved  to  rely  for  success 
upon  the  stronger  and  deeper  masses  of  his  wings.     The  right 
wing,  which  was  the  post  of  honour  in  a  Grecian  army,  was 
conunandcd  by  the  Polemarch  Callimachus  ;  the  hoplites  were 
arranged  in  the  order  of  llieir  tribes,  so  that  the  members  of  the 
same  tribe  fought  by  each  otlier's  side ;  and  at  the  extreme  left 
stood  the  Platajans. 

Before  the  hostile  armies  join  in  conflict,  let  us  try  to  realize 
to  our  minds  the  feelings  of  the  Atlicnian  warriors  on  this  event- 
ful day.     The  superiority  of  the  Greeks  to  the  Persians  in  the 
field  of  battle  has  become  so  famihar  to  our  minds  by  the  glo- 
rious victories  of  the  former,  that  it  requires  some  eflbrt  of  the 
imagination  to  appreciate  in  its  full  extent  the  heroism  of  the 
Athenians  at  Marathon.     The  Medes  and  Persians  had  hitherto 
pursued  an  almost  uninterrupted  career  of  conquest.    They  had 
rolled  over  country  after  country,  each  successive  wave  engulph- 
ing  some  ancient  dynasty,   some  powerful   monarchy.      The 
Median,  Lydian,  Babylonian,  and  Egyptian  empires  had  all 
fallen  before  tliern ;  and  latterly  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  many  of 
whose  cities  were  as  populous  and  powerful  as  Athens  itself, 
had  been  taught  by  a  bitter  lesson  the  folly  of  resistance  to 
these  invincible  foes.     Never  yet  had  the  Medes  and  Persians 
met  the  Greeks  in  the  field  and  been  defeated.    "  For  hitherto," 
says  Herodotus,  "  the  very  name  of  Medes  had  struck  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  the  Greeks ;  and  the  Athenians  were  the  first  to 
endure  the  sight  of  their  armour,  and  to  look  them  in  the  face 
on  the  field  of  battle." 

It  must,  therefore,  have  been  with  some  trepidation  that  the 
Athenians  nerved  themselves  for  the  conflict.  Miltiades,  anx- 
ious to  come  to  close  quarters  as  speedily  as  possible,  ordered  his 
soldiers  to  advance  at  a  running  step  over  the  mile  of  ground 
which  separated  them  from  the  Ibe.  Raising  the  war-cry,  they 
rushed  down  upon  the  Persians,  who  awaited  them  with  aston- 


\\ 


M' 


l*iB 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVII 


I 


ishment  and  scorn,  thinking  them  to  be  little  short  of  madmen 
thus  to  hurry  to  certani  destruction.     They  were  quicUy  unde- 
ceived; and  the  battle  soon  raged  fiercely  along  the  whole  line 
-Koth  the  Athenians'  wnigs  were  successful,  and  drove  the  ene- 
my betore  them  towards  the  shore  and  the  marshes      But  the 
Atheniaii  centre  was  broken  by  the  Persians  and  8acians,  and 
compelled  to  take  to  flight.     Miltiades  thereupon  recalled  liis 
wrngs  from  pursuit,  and  rallying  his  centre,  charged  the  Persians 
and  bacians      The  latter  could  not  withstand  this  combined  at- 
tack.    The  battle  had  already  lasted  some  hours,  and  the  ravs 
oi  the  setting  smi  streamed  full  in  the  faces  of  tlie  enemy     The 
rout  now  became  general  along  the  whole  Persian  hue :  and  thev 
lied  to  their  ships,  pursued  by  the  Athenians. 

**n^^  5>''"fe'  ^^^^^»  ^"»  eliaftlcss  broken  bow; 
Ihe  fiery  Greek,  liis  red  pursuing  spear; 
Mountains  above,  Eartli's,  Ocean's  i)laiu  below. 
Death  m  the  front,  destruction  in  the  rearl 
Such  was  the  scena" 

The  Athenians  tried  to  set  fire  to  the  Persian  vessels  on  the 
c^ast,  but  they  succeeded  in  destroying  only  seven  ol"  them,  foi 
the  enemy  here  fbught  with  the  courage  of  despair.  Thus  ended 
the  battle  of  Marathon. 

The  Persians  lost  G400  men  in  this  memorable  engagement- 
of  the  Athenians  only  192  fl-Il.  The  aged  despot  Hippias  is 
said  to  have  penshed  in  the  baUlc,  and  the  brave  Polemarch 
Calhmachus  was  also  one  of  the  slain.  Among  the  Athenian 
combatants  were  the  poet  .Eschylus  and  his  brother  Cyn^crirus  • 
the  latter  of  whom,  while  seizing  one  of  the  vessels,  ha'd  his 
Jiand  cut  oil  by  an  axe,  and  died  of  the  womid. 

§  7.  The  Persians  had  no  sooner  embarked  than  they  sailed 
towards  Cape  Smiium.     At  the  same  time  a  bright  shield  was 
men  raised  aloft  upon  one  of  the  mountains  of  Attica      This 
was  a  signal  given  by  some  of  tiie  partisans  of  Hippias  to  invito 
the  Persians  to  surprise  Athens,  while  the  army  was  still  ab- 
sent at  Marathon.    Miltiades.  seeing  the  direction  taken  by  the 
Persian  fleet,  suspected  the  meaning  of  the  signal,  and  lo4  no 
tune  m  marching  back  to  Athens.     He  arrived  at  the  harbour 
of  Phalerum  only  just  in  time.     The  Persian  fleet  was  already 
m  sight ;  a  few  hours  more  would  have  made  the  victory  of 
Marathon  of  no  avail.     But  when  the  Persians  reached  the 
coast,  and  beheld  before  them  the  very  soldiers  from  whom  they 
had  so  recently  fled,  they  did  not  attempt  to  land,  but  sailed 
away  to  Asia,  canning  with  them  their  Eretrian  prisoners. 

§  8.  The  departure  of  tlie  Persians  was  liailed  at  Athens  with 
one  unanimous  burst  cf  heart-felt  joy.     Whatever  traitors  thero 


B.C.  49a 


RETREAT  OF  THE  PERSIAN& 


17» 


may  have  been  m  the  city,  they  did  not  dare  to  express  their 
feelings  amidst  the  general  exultation  of  the  citizens.     Marathon 
became  a  magic  word  at  Athens.     The  Athenian  people  in  sue- 
ceeding  ages  always  looked  back  upon  this  day  as  the  most 
glorious  m  their  annals,  and  never  tired  of  hearing  its  praises 
sounded  by  their  orators  and  poets.     And  they  had  reason  to  be 
proud  of  it      It  was  the  first  time  that  the  Greeks  had  ever  de- 
leated  the  Persians  in  the  field.     It  was  the  exploit  of  the  Athe- 
nians alone.    It  had  saved  not  only  Athens  but  all  Greece.     If 
T^  1  u^^^!ff  ^^f  conquered  at  Marathon,  Greece  must,  m  aU 
like  ihood,  have  become  a  Persian  province;  the  destinies  of  the 
world  would  have  been  changed ;  and  oriental  despotism  might 
still  have  brooded  over  the  fairest  countries  of  Europe 

buch  a  glorious  victory  had  not  been  gained,  so  thought  the 
Athenians,  without  the  special  interposition  of  the  gods      The 
nationa   heroes  of  Attica  were  believed  to  have  fought  on  the 
side  of  the  Athemans ;  and  even  in  the  time  of  Pausanias,  six 
hi^ndred  years  afterwards,  the  plain  of  Marathon  was  believed  to 
be  haunted  with  spectral  warriors,  and  every  night  there  might 
be  heard  the  shouts  of  combatants  and  the  snorting  of  hor^^ 
in  f,^^,*^"^,^^^^fed  and  ninety-two  Athenians  who  had  perished 
m  the  battle,  were  buried  on  the  field,  and  over  their  remains  a 
tumulus  or  mound  was  erected,  which  may  still  be  seen  about 
ha  f  a  mile  from  the  sea.     Their  names  were  mscribed  on  ten 
pillars,  one  for  each  tribe,  also  erected  on  the  spot ;  and  the 
poet  bimomdes  described  them  as  the  champions  of  the  common 

mdependence  of  Greece: 

"At  Marathon  for  Greece  the  Athenians  fought: 
And  low  the  Medians'  gilded  power  they  brought"* 
§  9.  Miltiades,  the  hero  of  Marathon,  was  received  at  Athens 
with  expressions  of  the  warmest  admiration  and  gratitude.    His 
trophies  are  said  to  have  robbed  Themistocles  of  his  sleep;  and 
the  eminent  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  his  country  were 
also  acknowledged  m  subsequent  generations.    A  separate  men- 
ument  was  erected  to  him  on  the  field  of  Marathon ;  his  figure 
wT  f  M  ^  i  *^^  prominent  places  in  the  picture  of°the 
battle  of  Marathon,  which  adorned  the  walls  of  the  P(Bcile,  or 
Pamted  Porch,  of  Athens;  and  the  poet  gave  expression  to  the 
general  feehngs  m  the  hnes :—  ^ 


« 


Miltiades,  tliy  victories 
Must  every  Persian  own ; 

And  luiliow'd  by  thy  prowess  lies 
The  field  of  Marathon."f 


Translated  by  Sterling.  f  Welleslky'.  Antholo^ia,  p.  268. 


¥\ 


180 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAr.  XVII 


\m 


It  woiikl  have  been  fortunate  for  his  glory  if  he  had  died  on 
the  field  of  Marathon.  The  remainder  of  his  history  is  a  rapid 
and  melancholy  descent  from  the  pinnacle  of  glory  to  an  imio- 
minious  death. 

1 10.  Shortly  after  the  battle,  Miltiades  requested  of  the  Athe- 
lUMis  a  fleet  of  seventy  ships,  without  teUing  them  the  object 
of  his  expedition,  but  only  promising  to  enrich  the  state.     Such 
unbounded  confidence  did  the  Athenians  repose  in  the  hero  of 
Marathon,  that  they  at  once  complied  with  his  demand.     This 
confidence  Miltiades  abused.     In  order  to  gratify  a  private  ani- 
mosity against  one  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Pares,  he  sailed  to 
this  island,  and  laid  siege  to  the  town.     Pares  was  one  of  the 
most  flourishing  of  the  Cyclades,  and  the  town  was  stroncrly 
fortified.     The  citizens  repelled  all  his  attacks;  and  he  had  be- 
gun to  despair  of  taking  the  place,  when  he  received  a  message 
Irom  a  Panan  woman,  a  priestess  of  the  temple  of  Demeter 
(Ceres),  promising  that  she  would  put  Pares  in  his  power  if 
he  would  visit  by  night  a  temple  from  which  all  male  persons 
were  excluded.     Catcliing  at  this  last  hope,  he  repaired  to  the 
ajfpointed  place.    He  leaped  over  the  outer  fence,  and  had  nearly 
reached  the  sanctuarj',  when  he  was  seized  with  a  panic  terror, 
and  ran  away ;  but  iu  getting  back  over  the  fence  he  received  a 
dangerous  injury  on  his  thigh.     He  now  abandoned  all  hope  of 
success,  raised  the  siege  and  returned  to  Athens. 

f  11.  Loud  was  the  indignation  against  Miltiades  on  his  re- 
turn.    He  was  accused  by  Xanthippus,  the  father  of  Pericles 
of  having  deceived  the  people,  and  was  brought  to  trial.     His 
wound  had  already  begun  to  show  symptoms  of  gangrene.     He 
was  carried  into  court  on  a  couch,  and  there  lay°before  the 
assenibled  judges,  while  his  friends  pleaded  on  his  behalf    They 
could  ofier  no  excuse  for  his  recent  conduct,  but  they  reminded 
the  Athenians  of  the  inestimable  services  they  had  received 
from  the  accused,  and  urged  them  in  the  strongest  terms  to 
spare  the  victor  of  Marathon.     The  judges  were  not  insensible 
to  this  appeal;  and  instead  of  condemning  him  to  death,  as  the 
abuser  had  demanded,  they  commuted  the  penalty  to  a  fine  of 
fifty  talents,  probably  the  cost  of  the  armament.     He  was  un- 
able immediately  to  raise  this  sum,  and  died  soon  afterwards  of 
hi8  wound.     The  fine  was  subsequently  paid  by  his  son  Cimon 
Later  writers  relate  that  Miltiades  died  in  prison ;  but  Herodo^ 
tus  does  not  mention  his  imprisonment,  and  we  may  therefore 
hope  that  the  liero  of  Marathon  was  spared  this  further  in- 
dignity. 

The  melancholy  end  of  Miltiades  must  not  blind  us  to  his 
ofience,  and  ought  not  to  lead  us  to  charge  the  Athenian  people 


B.C.  489.      WAR  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  ^GINA  I8l 

virith  ingratitude  and  fickleness.  The  Athenians  did  not  forget 
his  services  at  Marathon,  and  it  was  their  gratitude  towards  him 
which  alone  saved  him  from  death.  He  had  grossly  abused  the 
public  confidence,  and  deserved  his  punishment.  A  state  which 
should  give  impunity  to  a  criminal  on  account  of  previous  ser- 
vices would  soon  cease  to  exist. 

§  12.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Marathon,  a  war  broke  out  be- 
tween Athens  and  ^gina,  which  continued  down  to  the  invasion 
of  Greece  by  Xerxes,  This  war  is  of  great  importance  in 
Grecian  history,  since  to  it  the  Athenians  were  indebted  for 
their  navy,  which  enabled  them  to  save  Greece  at  Salamis  as 
they  had  abeady  done  at  Marathon. 

The  rocky  island  of  ^gina  is  situated  in  the  Saronic  gulf 
about  twelve  miles  from  the  coast  of  Attica,  and  contains  only 
about  41  square  English  miles.     But,  notwithstanding  its  small 
extent,  it  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Grecian  islands. 
In  the  mythical  ages  it  was  the  residence  of  ^acus,  king  of  the 
Myrmidons,  from  whom  Achilles  and  some  of  the  most  illus- 
trious Grecian  heroes  were  descended.     In  historical  times  it 
was  inhabited  by  a  wealthy  and  enterjjrizing  Dorian  people,  who 
carried  on  an  extensive  commerce  with  all  parts  of  the  HeDenic 
worid.     It  is  said  that  silver  money  was  first  coined  in  ^gina, 
by  Phidon,  tyrant  of  Argos ;  *  and  we  know  that  the  name  of 
^ginetan  was  given  to  one  of  the  two  scales  of  weights  and 
measures  cun-ent  throughout  Greece.     The  wealth,  which  its 
citizens  acquired  by  commerce,  was  partly  devoted  to  the  en- 
couragement of  art,  which  was  cultivated  in  this  island  with 
great  success  during  the  half  century  preceding  the  Persian  war. 
Indeed,  during  this  i)eriod  ^Egina  held  a  prominent  rank  among 
the  Grecian  states,  and  possessed  the  most  powerful  navy  in  all 
Greece. 

H3.  There  had  been  an  ancient  feud  between  Athens  and 
-SIgina,  which  first  broke  out  into  open  hostilities  a  few  years 
after  the  expulsion  of  Hippias  from  Athens.  About  the  year 
506  B.C.  the  Thebans,  who  had  been  defeated  by  the  Athenians,! 
applied  for  aid  to  ^gina.  This  was  immediately  granted ;  and 
the  ^Egmetans  immediately  attacked  the  Athenian  territory, 
without  making  any  formal  declaration  of  war.  Of  the  details 
of  this  contest,  we  have  no  information ;  and  we  lose  sight  of 
Mginsi  for  the  next  few  years. 

In  the  year  before  the  battle  of  Marathon  JEgina  is  mentioned 
among  the  Grecian  states  which  gave  earth  and  water  to  the 
envoys  of  Darius.     It  was,  probably,  as  much  hatred  of  the 

*  Respecting  this  statement,  see  p.  69. 
t  Seep.  112. 


I 


182 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


CllAP.  XVII 


Athenians  as  fear  of  the  Persians,  which  led  the  iEginetans  to 
submit  to  Danus,  hoping  to  crush  their  obnoxious  rivals  with 
the  help  of  the  Great  King.     The  Persians,  however,  were  not 
yet  m  Greece  ;  and  the  Athenians  lost  no  lime  in  sending  an  em- 
bassy to  Sparta,  accusing  the  iEginetans  of  having  betrayed  the 
common  cause  of  Hellas,  and  caUing  upon  the  Spartans  as  the 
protectors  of  Grecian  liberty,  to  punish  the  oflbnders.     This  re- 
quest met  with  prompt  attention ;  and  Cleomenes,  one  of  the 
bpartan  kings,  forthwith  crossed  over  to  ^gina.     He  was  pro- 
ceeding to  arrest  and  carry  away  some  of  the  leading  citizens 
when  Demaratus,  the  other  Spartan  king,  privately  encouraged 
the  iEginetans  to  defy  the  authority  of  his  colleague      This 
was  the  second  important  occasion  on  which  Demaratus  had 
thwarted  the  plans  of  his  colleague  ;  antl  Cleomenes  returned  to 
bparta,  firmly  resolved  that  Demaratus  should  not  have  a  third 
opportunity. 

It  appears  that  there  had  always  been  doubts  respecting  the 
legitimacy  of  Demaratus.  Cleomenes  now  persuaded  Leoty- 
chides,  the  next  heir  to  the  crown,  to  lay  claim  to  the  royal 
dignity,  on  the  ground  that  Demaratus  was  disqualified  by  his 
birth.  The  Spartans  referred  the  question  to  the  Delphic  oracle  • 
and  at  the  secret  instigation  of  Cleomenes,  the  priestess  de- 
clared that  his  colleague  was  iUegitimate.  Leotychides  thus 
ascended  the  throne,  and  Demaratus  descended  into  a  private 
station.  Shortly  afterwards,  the  deposed  monarch  received  a 
gross  affront  from  the  new  king  at  a  pubhc  festival,  whereupon 
he  qmtted  Sparta  in  wrath,  and  repaired  to  the  Persian  court 
where  we  shaU  subsequently  find  him  among  the  counsellors  of' 
Darius. 

Cleomenes  now  returned  to  ^gina,  accompanied  by  Leoty- 
chides.  The  ^gmetans  did  not  dare  to  resist  the  joint  demand 
ol  the  two  Spartan  kings,  and  surrendered  to  them  ten  of  their 
leading  citizens,  whom  Cleomenes  deposited  as  hostages  in  the 
hands  of  the  Athenians. 

i  14.  Ailei  the  battle  of  Marathon,  the  ^ginetans  endeavoured 
to  recover  these  hostages ;  and  the  refusal  of  the  Athenians  to 
give  them  back  led  to  a  renewal  of  the  war,  which  was  pro- 
^uted  with  great  activity  on  both  sides.  It  was  now  that 
ihenijstocles  came  forward  with  his  celebrated  proposition, 
which  converted  Athens  into  a  maritime  power.  Hitherto  the 
Athemans  had  not  possessed  a  navy ;  and  Themistocles  clearly 
saw  that  without  a  powerful  fleet  it  would  be  impossible  for  his 
country  men  to  humble  their  rival.  But  his  views  extended  still 
lurther  He  weU  knew  that  Persia  was  preparing  for  another 
and  still  more  formidable  attack  upon  Greece ;  and  he  had  the 


B.C.  485.  THEMISTOCLES  AND  ARISTIDES.  igg 

sagacity  to  perceive  that  a  large  and  efficient  fleet  would  be  the 
best  protection  against  the  barbarians.     Influenced  bv  these  two 
motives,  and  also  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  the  verv 
position  of  Athens  fitted  it  to  be  a  maritime  and  not  a  land 
power,  he  urged  the  Athenians  at  once  to  build  and  equin  a 
numerous  and  powerful  fleet.     The  Athenians  were  both  able 
and  wilhng  to  follow  his  advice.     There  was  at  this  time  a  lar<re 
surplus  in  the  public  treasury,  arising  from  the  produce  of  the 
valuable  silver  mines  at  Laurium.     These  mines,  which  belomred 
to  the  state,  were  situated  in  the  southern  part  of  Attica,  nSar 
t/ape  feunium,  in  the  midst  of  a  mountainous  district.     It  had 
been  recently  proposed  to  distribute  this  surplus  among  the 
Athenian  citizens  ;  but  Themistocles  persuaded  them  to  sacrifice 
their  private  advantage  to  the  public  good,  and  to  appropriate 
this  money  to  building  a  fleet  of  200  ships.     The  immediate 

"^^Ll  "1  ^''^*  *^  ^^P^  "^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^ginetans  probably  weighed 
with  the  Athenian  people  more  powerfuUy  than  the  prospective 
danger  from  the  Persians.  -  And  thus,"  as  Herodotus  says,  -  the 
yliginetaii  war  saved  Greece  by  compelling  the  Athenians  to 
make  themselves  a  maritime  power."  JSTot  only  were  these  two 
hundred  ships  built,  but  Themistocles  also  succeeded  about  the 
same  time  in  persuading  the  Athenians  to  pass  a  decree  that 
twenty  new  ships  should  be  built  every  year. 

H5.  Of  the  internal  history  of  Athens  during  the  ten  years 
between  the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Salamis  we  have  httle 
nilormation.     We  only  know  that  the  two  leading  citizens  of 
this  period  were  Themistocles  and  Aristides.     These  two  emi- 
nent men  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  each  other.     Themis- 
tocles possessed  abilities  of  the  most  extraordinary  kind      In 
intuitive  sagacity,  in  ready  invention,  and  in  prompt  and  darin- 
execution  he  surpasses  almost  every  statesman  whether  of  an^ 
cient  or  of  modern  times.     With  unerring  fbresight  he  divined 
the  plans  of  his  enemies ;  in  the  midst  of  difficulties  and  per- 
plexities, not  only  was  he  never  at  a  loss  for  an  expedient,  but 
he  always  adopted  the  right  one  ;  and  he  carried  out  his  schemes 
with  an  energy  and  a  promptness  which  astonished  both  friends 
and  Iocs.     But  these  transcendant  abilities  were  marred  by  a 
want  of  honesty.     In  the  exercise  of  power  he  was  accessible  to 
bribes,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  employ  dishonest  means  for 
the  aggrandizement  both  of  Athens  and  of  himself     He  closed 
a  glorious  career  in  disgrace  and  infamy,  an  exile  and  a  traitor. 
Aristides  was  inferior  to  Themistocles  in  ability,  but  was  in. 
comparably  superior,  not  only  to  him  but  to  all  his  contempo- 
ranes,  m  honesty  and  integrity.     In  the  administration  of  public 
attairs  he  acted  with  a  single  eye  to  the  public  good,  regardless 


\i 


184 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XVU 


of  party  ties  and  of  personal  friendships.  His  uprightness  and 
justice  were  so  universally  acknowledged,  that  he  received  the  sur- 
name of  the  Just.  But  these  very  virtues  procured  him  enemies. 
Not  only  did  he  incur  the  hatred  of  those  whose  currupt  prac- 
tices he  denoimced  and  exposed,  but  many  of  his  iellow-citizens  be- 
came jealous  of  a  man  whose  superiority  was  constantly  proclaim- 
ed. We  are  told  that  an  unlettered  countiyman  gave  his  vote 
against  Aristides  at  the  ostracism,  simply  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  tired  of  hearing  him  always  called  the  Just. 

Between  men  of  such  opposite  characters  as  Themistocles  and 
Aristides,  there  could  not  be  much  agreement.  In  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs  they  frequently  came  into  coUision ;  and 
they  opposed  each  other  with  such  violence  and  animosity,  that 
Aristides  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  If  the  Athenians  were  wise, 
they  would  cast  both  of  us  into  the  barathrum."  After  three  or 
four  years  of  bitter  rivalry,  the  two  chiefs  appealed  to  the  ostra- 
cism, and  Aristides  was  banished. 

Aristides  had  used  all  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  Athenians 
from  abandoning  their  ancient  habits,  and  from  converting  their 
state  from  a  land  into  a  maritime  power.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  he  viewed  such  a  change  as  a  dangerous  innovation, 
and  thought  that  the  sailor  would  not  make  so  good  an  Athenian 
citizen  as  the  heavy-armed  soldier.  It  was  fortunate,  however, 
for  the  liberties  of  Greece,  that  the  arguments  of  his  rival  pre- 
vailed. Aristides  was  a  far  more  virtuous  citizen  than  Themis- 
tocles ;  but  their  country  could  now  dispense  with  the  former 
much  better  than  with  the  latter. 


ft" 
f 

i 


MIATIAAHZ 
ABHNAID3: 


L 


Bust  of  Miltiades. 


r 


View  of  ThermopylaB. 


CHAPTER  XVm. 

THE    BATTLES  OF  THERMOPYLJ2  AND   ARTEMISIUM. 

§  1.  Death  of  Darius  and  accession  of  Xerxes.    §  2.  Preparations  for  the 
invasion  of  Greece.  §  3.  A  bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont  and  a 
canal  cut  throuirh  the  Isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.    §  4.  Xerxes  sets  out 
fromSardis.  Orderof  the  march.    §  5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont    8  6 
Ijumbenn^rof  thearmyontheplainofDoriscus.  §  7.  Contimiationof 
the  niarch  from  Doriscus  to  Mount  Olympus.    §  8.  Preparations  of  the 
G  reeks  to  resist  Xerxes.    Congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at  the  Isthmus 
of  Corinth.  §  1).  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.  Resolution  of  the  Greeks 
to  defend  the  pass  of  Tempe,  which  is  afterwards  abandoned.  8  10  De- 
scription of  the  pass  of  Thermopyla;.     §  1 1.  Leonidas  sent  with  300 
Spartans  and  a  small  body  of  Peloponnesians  to  defend  the  pass  of 
IhermopylfB.  §  12.  Attack  and  repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopylae. 
^  13.  A  Persian  detachment  cross  the  mountains  by  a  secret  path  in 
order  tx)  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in  the  rear.    §  14.  Heroic  death  of  Leoni 
das  and  his  comrades.   §  16.  Monuments  erected  to  their  honour.  8  16. 
Proceedings  of  the  Persian  and  Grecian  fleets.     §  17.  The  Persian 
fleet  overtaken  by  a  terrible  storm.    8  18.  First  battle  of  Artemisium. 
^  19.  Second  storm.     8  20.  Second  Wtl 


of  the  Grecian  fleet  to  Salamis. 


mttle  of  Artemisium.     Retreat 


^  1.  The  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Marathon  ser\'ed  only  to  in- 
crease the  resentment  of  Darius.  He  now  resolved  to  collect 
the  whole  forces  of  his   empire,  and  to  lead  them  in  person 


184 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVII 


of  party  ties  and  of  personal  friendships.  His  uprightness  and 
justice  were  so  universally  acknowledged,  tliat  he  received  the  sur- 
name of  the  Just.  But  these  very  virtues  procured  him  enemies. 
Not  only  did  he  incur  the  hatred  of  tliose  whose  currupt  prac- 
tices he  denounced  and  exposed,  but  many  olhis  iellow-citizens  be- 
came jealous  of  a  man  wliose  superiority  was  constantly  proclaim- 
ed. We  are  told  that  an  unlettered  countiyman  pave  his  vote 
against  Aristides  at  the  ostracism,  simply  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  tired  of  hearing  him  always  called  the  Just. 

Between  men  of  such  opposite  characters  as  Themistocles  and 
Aristides,  there  coidd  not  be  much  agreement.  In  the  manage- 
ment of  public  attairs  they  frequently  came  into  collision  ;  and 
they  opposed  each  other  with  such  violence  and  animosity,  that 
Aristides  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  If  the  Athenians  were  wise, 
they  would  cast  both  of  us  into  the  barathrum."  After  three  or 
four  years  of  bitter  rivalry,  the  two  chiels  appealed  to  the  ostra- 
cism, and  Aristides  was  banished. 

Aristides  had  used  all  his  eilorts  to  prevent  the  Allienians 
from  abandoning  their  ancient  habits,  and  liom  converting  their 
state  from  a  land  into  a  maritime  jwwer.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  he  viewed  such  a  change  as  a  dangerous  innovation, 
and  thouglit  that  the  sailor  w^ould  not  make  so  good  an  Athenian 
citizen  as  the  lieavy-armed  soldier.  It  was  fortunate,  however, 
for  the  liberties  of  Greece,  tliat  the  arguments  of  liis  rival  pre- 
vailed. Aristides  was  a  far  more  virtuous  citizen  than  Themis- 
tocles ;  but  their  country  could  now  dispense  with  the  former 
much  better  than  with  the  latter. 


I 


M  lATIAAHS 
ADHNArax 


Bust  oT  Miltiades. 


View  of  Thermopylae. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


li 


THE    BATTLES  OF  THEllMOPYLyE  AND   ARTEMISIUM. 

§  1.  Bcath  of  Bai-ius  nri«l  accession  of  Xerxes.    §  2.  Preparations  for  th« 
invasion  of  Greece.  i<  :j.  A  bridge  thrown  across  Mie  I  [cIK-siMMit  and  a 
canal  cut  tlirou<rli  the  Istlunus  of  Mount  Athos.    §  4.  Xerxes  sets  out 
froniSardis.  Orderoftljc  march.    §5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont    8g 
^uuihtriniroftheannyon  the  plain  of  Doriseus.  §7.  Continuation  of 
the  n.arch  lioni  Donscus  to  Mount  Olympus.    §  8.  Preparations  of  the 
'f,f  ^V  **'''^"*^  Xerxes.    Congress  of  the  (Grecian  states  at  the  Isthmus 
of  C«»rinth.   i^  1).  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.  Ilesolution  of  the  Greeks 
to  defend  the  pass  of  Tempe,  which  is  afterwards  abandoned.   8  10.  De- 
scription of  the  pass  of  Thermopvlaj.     §  11.  Leonidas  sent  with  300 
Spartans  and  a  small  body  of  Peloponncsians  to  defend  the  pass  of 
1  hermoi)y  h-c.  §  1 2.  Attack  and  repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopylae. 
g  13.  A  Persian  detachment  cross  the  mountains  by  a  secret  path  in 
order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in  the  rear.    §  14.  Heroic  death  of  Leoni 
das  and  Ins  comrades.   §  15.  Monuments  erected  to  their  Iionour.  §  16- 
rroceedings  of  the  Persian  and  Grecian  fleets.     §  17.  The  Persian 
fleet  overtaken  by  a  terrible  storm.    8  18.  First  battle  of  Artemisium. 
^n.  Second  storm.     §  20.  Second  battle  of  Artemisium.     lletreat 
of  the  Grecian  fleet  to  Salamis. 

$  1.  The  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Marathon  served  only  to  in- 
crease the  resciitiiieiit  of  Darius.  He  now  resolved  to  collect 
the  whole  forces   of  his   empire,  and  to  lead  them  in  person 


P 


M 


II 


180 


fflSTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XVIIl 


against  Athens.  For  three  years,  busy  preparations  were  made 
throughout  his  vast  dominions.  In  the  fourth  year  his  atten- 
tion was  distracted  by  a  revolt  of  the  Egjptians,  who  liad  always 
bonie  the  Persian  yoke  with  impatience  ;  and  before  he  could 
reduce  them  to  subjection  he  was  surprized  by  death,  after  a 
leign  of  thirty-seven  years  (b.c.  485). 

The  death  of  Darius  was  a  fortunate  event  for  Greece.  It 
deprived  the  Persians  of  an  able  ruler,  who  possessed  an  ex- 
tensive knowledge  of  men  and  of  allairs,  and  it  gave  the  Athe- 
nians time  to  form  the  navy,  which  proved  the  salvation  of 
Greece.  Xerxes,  the  son  and  successor  of  Darius,  was  a  man  of 
little  ability  and  less  experience.  Being  the  favourite  son  of 
Atossa,  the  daughter  of  the  great  Cyrus,  he  had  received  the 
education  of  an  eastern  despot,  and  been  surrounded  with  slaves 
from  liis  cradle.  In  person  he  was  the  tallest  and  handsomest 
man  amidst  the  vast  hosts  which  he  led  against  Greece ;  but 
there  was  nothing  in  his  mind  to  correspond  to  this  fair  exterior. 
His  character  was  marked  by  faint-hearted  timidity  and  childish 
vanity.  Such  was  the  monarch  upon  whom  now  devolved  the 
execution  of  the  schemes  of  Darius. 

Xerxes  had  not  inherited  his  father's  animosity  against  Greece, 
and  at  first  apjieared  ready  to  abandon  the  enterijrizc.  But  he 
was  surrounded  by  men  who  urged  him  to  prosecute  his  lather's 
plans.  Foremost  among  these  was  Mardonius,  Mho  was  eager 
to  retrieve  liis  reputation,  and  to  obtain  the  conquered  country 
as  a  satrapy  ibr  himself  The  powerful  family  of  the  Thessalian 
Aleuadaj  and  the  exiled  Pisistratids  from  Athens  warmly  se- 
conded the  views  of  Mardonius,  exaggerating  the  fertility  and 
beauty  of  Greece,  and  promising  the  monarch  an  easy  and  a  glo- 
rious victory.  They  also  inflamed  his  ambition  with  the  prospect 
of  emulating  the  military  glory  of  his  father  Darius,  and  of  his 
grandfather  Cyrus,  and  of  extending  his  dominions  to  the  farthest 
limits  of  the  world.  The  only  one  of  his  counsellors,  who  urged 
him  to  adopt  a  contrary  course,  was  his  uncle  Artabanus ;  but 
his  advice  was  rejected,  and  Xerxes  finally  determined  upon  the 
invasion  of  Greece. 

^  2.  The  subjugation  cf  the  Egyptians,  however,  claimed  his 
immediate  attention.  This  was  eHected  without  much  difficulty 
in  the  second  year  cf  his  reign  (b.c.  484)  ;  and  he  was  now  at 
hberty  to  march  against  Greece.  Darius  had  nearly  completed 
his  preparations  for  the  invasion  of  Greece  at  the  time  of  his 
death ;  and  the  forces  which  he  had  collected  were  considered  b) 
this  prudent  monarch  sufficient  for  the  purpose.  The  new  king 
was  anxious  to  make  a  still  more  imposing  display  of  his  poMcr. 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  collecting  a  military  power  sufficient  for 


B.a  485. 


ACCESSION  OF  XERXES. 


187 


the  conquest  of  Europe  ;  he  also  resolved  to  gratify  his  vanity 
and  love  of  ostentation,  by  gathering  together  the  most  numerous 
armament  which  the  world  had  ever  seen.  Accordingly,  for  four 
years  more  the  din  of  preparation  sounded  throughout  Asia. 
Troops  were  collected  from  every  quarter  of  the  Persian  empire, 
and  were  ordered  to  assemble  at  Critalla,  in  Cappadocia.  As 
many  as  forty-six  difFerent  nations  composed  the  land-force,  of 
various  complexions,  languages,  dresses,  and  arms.  Among  them 
might  be  seen  many  strange  and  barbarous  tribes, — nomad  hordes 
of  Asiatics,  armed  with  a  dagger  and  a  lasso,  with  which  they 
entangled  their  enemy, — Libyans,  whose  only  arms  were  wooden 
staves,  with  the  end  hardened  in  the  fire, — and  Ethiopians,  from 
the  Upper  Nile,  with  their  bodies  painted  half  wliite  and  half 
red,  clothed  with  the  skins  of  lions  and  panthers,  and  armed 
with  arrows  tipped  with  a  point  of  sharp  stone  instead  of  iron. 
The  fleet  was  furnished  by  the  Phoenicians  and  lonians,  and 
other  maritime  nations  subject  to  the  Persian  monarch.  Im- 
mense stores  of  provisions  were  at  the  same  time  collected  from 
every  part  of  the  empire,  and  deposited  at  suitable  stations  along 
the  line  of  march  as  far  as  the  confines  of  Greece. 

^  3.  While  these  vast  preparations  were  going  on,  two  great 
works  were  also  undertaken,  which  would  at  the  same  time  both 
render  the  expedition  easier,  and  bear  witness  to  the  grandeur  and 
might  of  the  Persian  king.    These  were  the  construction  of  a  bridge 
across  the  Hellespont,  and  the  cutting  of  a  canal  through  the 
isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.    The  first  of  these  works  was  entrusted 
to  Phoenician  and  Egyptian  engineers.    The  bridge  extended  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Abydos,  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  to  a  spot 
between  Sestus  and  Madytus  on  the  European  side,  where  the 
strait  is  about  an  English  mile  in  breadth.     After  it  had  been 
completed,  it  was  destroyed  by  a  violent  storm,  at  which  Xerxes 
was  so  enraged,  that  he  not  only  caused  the  heads  of  the  chief 
engineers  to  be  struck  ofl',  but  in  his  daring  impiety  commanded 
the  "divine"  Hellespont  to  be  scourged,  and  a  set  of  fetters 
cast  into  it.     Thus  having  given  vent  to  his  resentment,  he 
ordered  two  bridges  to  be  built  in  place  of  the  former,  one  for 
the  army  to  pass  over,  and  the  other  for  the  baggage  and  beasts 
of  burthen.     The  new  work  consisted  of  two  broad  causeways 
alongside  of  one  another,  each  resting  upon  a  row  of  ships, 
which  were  moored  by  anchors,  and  by  cables  fastened  to  the 
sides  of  the  channel. 

The  voyage  round  the  rocky  promontory  of  Mount  Athos  had 
become  an  object  of  dread  to  the  Persians,  from  the  terrible 
shipwreck  which  the  fleet  of  Mardonius  had  suflered  on  this  dan- 
gerous coast.     It  was  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  doubhng  tliis 


I  < 


188 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVIIL 


B.C.  480. 


MARCH  OF  XERXES. 


169 


cape  tliat  Xerxes  ordered  a  canal  to  be  cut  through  the  isthmus 
which  connects  the  peninsula  of  Mount  Athos  with  the  mainland. 
This  work  employed  a  number  of  men  for  three  years.  It  Avas 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  long,  and  sufficiently  broad  and  dec;)  lor 
two  triremes  to  sail  abreast.  The  traces  of  this  canal,  which  are 
still  distinctly  visible,  sufficiently  disprove  the  assertion  of  many 
writers,  both  ancient  and  modern,  that  the  cutting  through  of 
Mount  Athos  is  a  mere  fiction.* 

§  4.  At  the  end  of  the  year  481  b.o.,  all  the  preparations  were 
completed  for  the  invasion  of  Greece.  Xerxes  silent  the  winter 
at  Sardis ;  and  early  in  the  spring  of  the  Ibllowing  year  (480)  he 
set  out  from  the  Lydian  capital  in  all  the  pomp  and  splendour  of 
a  royal  progress.  The  vast  host  was  divided  into  two  bodies  of 
nearly  equal  size,  between  which  ample  space  was  left  for  the 
Great  King  and  his  Persian  guards.  The  baggage  led  the  way,  and 
was  followed  by  one  half  of  the  army,  without  any  distinction  of 
nations.  Then  after  an  interval  came  the  retmue  of  the  King. 
First  of  all  marched  a  thousand  Persian  horsemen,  followed  by  an 
equal  number  of  Persian  spearmen,  the  latter  carrjdng  spears  with 
the  points  downwards,  and  ornamented  at  the  other  end  with 
golden  pomegranates.  Behind  them  walked  ten  sacred  horses, 
gorgeously  caparisoned,  bred  on  the  Nisaean  plain  of  Media; 
next  the  sacred  car  of  Jove,  drawn  by  eight  wliite  horses  ;  and 
then  Xerxes  himself  in  a  chariot,  drawn  by  Nissan  horses.  He 
was  followed  by  a  thousand  spearmen  and  a  thousand  horsemen, 
corresponding  to  the  two  detachments  which  immediately  pre- 
ceded liim.  They  were  succeeded  by  ten  thousand  Persian  in- 
fantry, call  the  "  Immortals,"  because  their  number  was  always 
maintained.  Nine  thousand  of  them  had  their  sijcars  orna- 
mented with  pomegranates  of  silver  at  the  reverse  extremity ; 
while  the  remaining  thousand,  who  occupieJ  the  outer  ranks, 
carried  spears  similarly  adonied  with  pomegranates  of  gold. 
After  the  *'  Immortals"  came  ten  thousand  Persian  cavalry,  who 
formed  the  rear  of  the  royal  retinue.  Thc.i,  after  an  interval  of 
two  furlongs  the  other  half  of  the  army  followed. 

^  5.  In  this  order  the  midtitudinous  host  marched  from  Sardis 
to  Abydos,  on  the  HeUespont.  Here  a  marble  throne  was  erected 
for  the  monareh  upon  an  eminence,  from  which  he  surveyed  all 
the  earth  covered  with  his  troops,  and  all  the  sea  crowded  with 
his  vessels.    His  heart  swelled  within  him  at  the  sight  of  such  a 

••  Jnvenal  speak,  of  it  «s  a  Bpecimen  of  Greek  mendacity  :- 

"  crcditur  olim 
Velificatus  Athos,  et  quidquid  Gnecia  mcndiuc 
Aiidet  in  historio.'* 


vast  assemblage  of  human  beings ;  but  his  feelings  of  pride  and 
pleasure  soon  gave  way  to  sadness,  and  he  burst  irUo  tears  at  the 
reflection  that  m  a  hundred  years  not  one  of  them  would.1^  aJive 
At  the  first  rays  of  the  rising  sun  the  army  commenced  the 
passage  of  the  Hellespont.  The  bridges  were  perfumed  with 
Irankiucense  and  strewed  with  myrtle,  while  Xerxes  himself 
poured  hbatms  mto  the  sea  from  a  golden  ce.u^r,  and  twr  h  1 
b    face  towards  the  east,  oflfered  prayers  to  the  Sun,  that  he 

^utL    "^^      I'"^"""".^""'  '°  **"^  '■^^'•«^t  extremities  of 
T'  ,      .     *'"'''«'"'g  the  censer  into  the  sea,  together  with 

fo'S^^"'  •"■'  "/u"™'^"  "'"''*=^^'  ^^  -<J--d'  the' Immonat 
to  lead  the  way      The  army  crossed  by  one  bridge,  and  the 

baggage  by  the  other;  but  so  vast  were  their  numbeTs  that  they 

were  seven  days  and  seven  nights  in  passing  over,  without  a  mo- 

Zt:uT"Tr-     ^''"-'  '^'"^  "*■  '^'^  tr«ops  was  quicken  d 
iLe  on  t .;  ^^^"'^ ■''■':?  7'^<r'%  <="'P%<^  ^y  the  Tersians  to 
urge  on  the  troops  in  the  battle  as  well  as  during  the  march  * 
}  G.  Upon  reaclung  Europe,  Xerxes  continued  his  march  along 
the  coast  of  Thrace.     Upon  arriving  at  the  spacious  plain  of 

number  both  h.s  land  and  naval  forces.  The  mode  employed  for 
numbering  the  foot-soldiers  was  remarkable.  Ten  thousand 
men  were  first  numbered,  and  packed  together  as  closely  as  they 
tw\  'i'     '  ''    "f  """  '^'"'*'^"' ''"''  '^  ^•'''1  built  round  the  place 

sivtly,  till  the  whole  anny  was  thus  measured.  There  were 
lound  to   be  a  hundred  and  seventy  of  these   divisions,  thus 

Tn'omflf  *'""'  f  ''^'^''■""''  ^"<'*-     Besides  these,  there  wel^e 
80,000  horse,  and  many  war-chariots  and  camels,  with  about 
^0,000  men.     The  fleet  consisted  of  1207  triremes,  and  3000 
smaller  vessels.     Each  tnreme  was  manned  by  200  rowers  and 
30  fighting  men  ;  and  each  of  the  accompanying  vessels  carried 
S  men   according  to  the  calculation  of  Herodotus.     Thus  the 
naval  force  amounted  to  517,610.     The  whole  armament,  both 
mih  ary  and  naval,  which  passed  over  from  Asia  to  Doriscus, 
would  accordingly  consistof  2,317,610  men.     Nor  is  this  all.    In 
his  march  from  Doriscus  to  Thermopylae,  Xerxes  received  a  still 
further  accession  of  strength.    The  Thracian  tribes,  the  Macedo- 
nians and  the  other  nations  in  Europe  whose  territories  he  tra- 
versed, supplied  300,000  men,  and  120  triremes  containing  an 
aggregate  of  24,000  men.    Thus  when  he  reached  Thermopyhe 
me  lana  and  sea  forces  amounted  to  2,641,610  fighting  men. 

PoIhy,',?fl""'f  K  ''^""' '"!'«  °"''« ''ippopotamu,  were  used  by  Ibrahim 
<w'n  1827  '  '"'"      "'"  '*"""S  t''«  Egyptian  inVasion  of 


N 


im 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAT.  XVIIL 


B.C.  480. 


PREPARATIONS  OF  THE  GREEKS. 


191 


This  does  not  include  the  attendants,  the  slaves,  the  crews  of 
the  provision  ships,  &c.,  which,  according  to  the  supposition  of 
Herodotus,  were  more  in  number  than  the  figliting  men ;  but 
supposing  them  to  have  been  equal,  the  total  number  of  male 
persons  who  accompanied  Xerxes  to  Thermopylae,  reaches  the 
astounding  figure  of  5,283,220  I 

Such  are  the  vast  numbers  given  by  Herodotus;  but  they 
seem  so  incredible,  that  many  writers  have  been  led  to  impeach 
the  veracity  of  the  historian.  But  it  cainiot  be  doubted  that 
Herodotus  had  received  his  account  from  persons  who  were  pre- 
sent at  Doriscus,  and  that  he  has  faithfully  recorded  the  numbers 
that  had  been  related  to  him.  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
these  numbers  were  at  first  grossly  exaggerated  in  order  to 
please  Xerxes  himself,  and  were  still  further  magnified  by  the 
Greeks  to  exalt  their  own  heroism  in  overcoming  such  an  enor- 
mous host.  The  exact  number  of  the  invading  army  cannot  be 
determined ;  but  we  may  safely  conclude  from  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  that  it  was  the  largest  ever  asfKjmbled  at  any 
period  of  history. 

^  7.  From  Doriscus  Xerxes  continued  his  march  along  the 
coast  through  Thrace  and  Macedonia.  The  principal  cities 
through  which  he  passed  had  to  furnish  a  day's  meal  for  the 
immense  host,  and  lor  this  purpose  had  made  preparations  many 
months  beforehand.  The  cost  of  feeding  such  a  multitude 
brought  many  cities  to  the  brink  of  ruin.  The  island  of  Thasos 
alone,  which  had  to  undertake  this  onerous  duty  on  account  of 
its  possessions  on  the  mainland,  expended  no  less  a  sum  than  400 
talents,  or  nearly  1 00,000/.  in  our  money ;  and  a  witty  citizen  of 
Abdera  recommended  his  countrymen  to  return  thanks  to  the 
gods,  because  Xerxes  was  satisfied  with  one  meal  in  the  day.  At 
Acanthus,  Xerxes  was  gratified  by  the  sight  of  the  wonderful 
canal,  which  had  been  executed  by  his  order.  Here  he  parted 
for  the  first  time  from  his  fleet,  which  was  directed  to  double 
the  peninsulas  of  Sithonia  and  Pallene,  and  wait  his  arrival  at 
the  city  of  Therma,  which  is  better  known  by  its  later  name  of 
Thessalonica.  In  his  march  through  the  wild  and  woody  comitry 
between  Acanthus  and  Therma,  his  baggage-camels  were  attacked 
by  lions,  which  then  existed  in  this  part  of  Europe.*  At  Therma 
he  rejoined  his  fleet,  and  continued  his  march  along  the  coast 
till  he  reached  Mount  Ohnnapus,  separating  Macedonia  from  the 
country  properly  called  Hellas.  The  part  of  Europe  through 
which  he  had  hitherto  marched,  had  been  already  conquered  by 
MegabaziiB  and  Mardonius,  and  yielded  impUcit  obedience  to  the 

•  The  fit^iro  of  a  lion  seizing  a  bull  is  found  on  the  reverse  of  the 
coins  of  Aeuuthus.     Sec  p.  '<i. 


Persian  monarch.     He  was  now  for  the  first  time  about  to  leave 
his  own  dominions  and  tread  upon  the  Hellenic  soil. 

§  8.  The  mighty  preparations  of  Xerxes  had  been  no  secret  in 
Greece  ;  and  while  he  was  passing  the  winter  at  Sardis,  a  congress 
of  the  Grecian  states  was  summoned  to  meet  at  the  isthmus  of 
Corinth.     This  congress  had  been  convened  by  the  Spartans  and 
Athenians,  who  now  made  a  vigorous  etfort  to  unite  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Hellenic  race  in  one  great  league  for  the  defence  of 
their  hearths  and  their  homes.     But  in  this  attempt  they  failed. 
Tlie  salvation  of  Greece  appeared  to  depend  upon  its  unanimity 
and  this  unanimity  could  not  be  obtained.     Such  was  the  terror 
nispired  by  the  countless  hosts  of  Xerxes,  and  so  absurd  did  it 
seem  to  oHer  resistance  to  his  superhuman  power,  that  many  of 
the  Grecian  states  at  once  tendered  their  submission  to  him, 
when  he  sent  to  demand  earth  and  water,  and  others  at  a  greater 
distance  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the  congress. 

Taking  a  glance  at  the  Hellenic  world,  we  shall  be  astonished 
to  see  how  small  a  portion  of  the  Greeks  had  the  courage  to 
resist  the  Persian  despot.  The  only  people,  north  of  the  isthmus 
of  Corinth,  who  remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  Grecian  liberty, 
were  the  Athenians  and  Phocians,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
small  BuBotian  towns  of  Plataea  and  Thespia3.  The  other  people 
in  northern  Greece  were  either  partizans  of  the  Persians,  like  the 
Thebans,  or  were  unwiUing  to  make  any  great  sacrifices  for  the 
preservation  of  their  independence. 

In  Peloponnesus,  the  powerful  city  of  Argos  stood  sullenly 
aloof.     The  Argives  had  never  forgotten  that  they  were  once  the 
ruling  people  in  Peloponnesus.     They  had  made  many  attempts 
to  resist  the  growing  power  and  influence  of  Sparta ;  but  about 
five  years  before  the  battle  of  Marathon  (b.c.  495),  they  had  been 
eliectually  humbled  by  the  great  victory  which  the  Spartan 
king  Cleomenes  had  gained  over  them,  and  in  which  as  many 
as  six  thousand  of  their  citizens  perished.     They  therefore  con- 
templated the  invasion  of  Xerxes  with  indiiference,  if  not  with 
pleasure,  and  were  more  willing  to  submit  to  the  sovereignty  of 
tlie  Persian  monarch  than  to  the  supremacy  of  their  hated  rivals. 
The  Achaeans  likewise  took  no  part  in  the  contest,  probably  from 
hatred  to  the  Dorians,  who  had  driven  their  ancestors  from  their 
homes. 

From  the  more  distant  members  of  the  Hellenic  race  no  assist- 
ance was  obtained.  Envoys  had  been  sent  by  the  congress  at 
Corinth  to  Crete,  Corcyra,  and  Syracuse.  The  Cretans  excused 
themselves  under  pretence  of  an  oracle.  The  Corcyrsans  pro- 
mised their  aid,  and  despatched  a  fleet  of  sixty  vessels,  but  with 
strict  orders  not  to  double  Caiic  Malea,  till  tho  result  of  the 


I 


192 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XVIIL 


B.C.  480. 


BATTLE  OF  THERMOPYL^ 


193 


contest  should  be  known.  Gelon,  the  ruler  of  Syracuse,  oflered 
to  send  a  powerful  armament,  provided  the  command  of  the 
allied  forces  was  entrusted  to  liim ;  but  the  envoys  did  not  ven- 
ture to  accept  a  proposal,  which  would  have  placed  both  Sparta 
and  Athens  under  the  control  of  a  Sicilian  despot. 

\  9.  The  desertion  of  tlie  cause  of  Grecian  independence  by  so 
many  of  the  Greeks  did  not  shake  the  resolution  of  Sparta  and 
of  Athens.  The  Athenians,  especially,  set  a  noble  example  of 
an  enlarged  patriotism.  They  became  reconciled  to  the  Mgi- 
netans,  and  thus  gained  for  the  common  cause  the  powerful  navy 
of  their  rival.  They  readily  granted  to  the  Spartans  the  supreme 
command  of  the  forces  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land,  althougli  tlicy 
furnished  two-thirds  of  the  vessels  of  the  entire  fleet.  Their 
iUustrious  citizen  Themistocles  was  the  soul  of  the  congress. 
He  sought  to  enkindle  in  the  other  Greeks  some  portion  of  the 
ardour  and  energy,  which  he  had  succeeded  in  breathing  into 
the  Athenians.  The  confederates  bound  tlieinselves  to  resist 
to  the  death;  and,  in  case  of  success,  to  consecrate  to  the 
JDelphian  god  a  tenth  of  the  property  of  every  Grecian  state 
which  had  surrendered  to  the  Persians  without  being  compelled 
by  irresistible  necessity. 

The  congress  had  now  to  fix  upon  the  spot  where  they  should 
offer  resistance  to  the  Persians.  The  Thessahans,  who  dreaded 
the  return  of  the  Aleuada)  to  their  cities,  urged  the  congress  to 
send  a  body  of  men  to  guard  the  pass  of  Tempo,  which  fonns 
the  entrance  to  northern  Greece.  They  promised  to  take  an 
active  part  in  the  detence ;  adding,  that  if  the  request  was  re- 
fused, they  should  be  obliged  to  make  terms  with  the  Persians. 
Accordingly  a  body  of  10,000  men  was  sent  into  Thessaly  under 
the  command  of  the  Spartan  Eusenetus  and  the  Athenian  The- 
mistocles. The  pass  of  Tempo  is  a  long  and  narrow  defile  in 
Mount  Olympus,  through  which  the  river  Peneus  forces  its  way 
into  the  sea.  On  each  side,  steep  and  inaccessible  moimtains 
rise  to  a  great  height,  and  in  some  parts  approach  so  closely  as 
to  leave  scarcely  sufficient  space  for  a  road.  It  is  impossible  for 
an  army  to  force  its  way  through  this  pass,  if  defended  by  a  re- 
solute body  of  men  ;  but  upon  arriving  at  the  spot  the  Grecian 
commanders  perceived  that  it  would  be  easy  for  the  Persians  to 
land  troops  in  their  rear ;  and  they  learnt  at  the  same  time  that 
there  was  another  passage  across  Mount  Olympus,  a  little  farther 
to  the  west.  For  these  reasons  they  considered  it  necessary  to 
abandon  this  position,  and  return  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 
Their  retreat  was  followed  by  the  submission  of  the  whole  of 
Thessaly  to  Xerxes. 

HO.  After  Tempo,  tlic  next  spot  in  Greece  most  convenient 


for  defence  against  an  invading  army  is  the  pass  of  Thermo- 
pyla).  This  celebrated  pass  lies  between  the  lofty  and  preci- 
pitous mountains  of  (Eta,  and  an  inaccessible  morass  fonning 
the  edge  of  the  Malian  gulf  It  is  about  a  mile  in  length.  At 
each  of  its  extremities  the  mountains  approach  so  near  the 
morass,  as  to  leave  barely  room  for  the  passage  of  a  single  car- 
riage. These  narrow  entrances  were  called  Pyla3,  or  the  Gates. 
The  northern,  or,  to  speak  more  properly,  the  western  Gate,  was 
close  to  the  town  of  Anthela,  where  the  Amphictyonic  council 
held  Its  autumnal  meetings  ;  while  the  southern,  or  the  eastern 
Gate,  was  near  the  Locrian  town  of  Alpeni.  The  space  between 
the  gates  was  wider  and  more  open,  and  was  distinguished  by 
its  hot  springs,  from  which  the  pass  derived  the  name  of  Ther- 
raopyla3,  or  the  '*  Hot-Gates."  This  pass  was  as  defensible  as 
that  of  Tempo,  and  in  one  important  respect  possessed  a  decided 
superiority  over  the  latter.  The  island  of  Eubcea  is  here  sepa- 
rated from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  strait,  which  in  one  part  is 
only  two  miles  and  a  half  in  breadth ;  and  accordingly  it  is  easy, 
by  defending  this  part  of  the  sea  with  a  fleet,  to  prevent  an 
enemy  from  landing  troops  at  the  southern  end  of  the  pass. 


Plan  of  Thermopylae. 

Ml.  The  Greeks,  therefore,  resolved  to  make  a  stand  at Ther- 
mopylaj,  and  to  defend  at  the  same  time  both  the  pass  and  the 
Eubojan  strait.  The  whole  alhed  fleet,  under  the  command  of 
the  Spartan  Eurybiades,  sailed  to  the  north  of  Eubcea,  and  took 
up  its  station  off  that  jwrtion  of  the  northern  coast  of  the 
island,  which  faces  Magnesia  and  the  entrance  to  the  Thessalian 
gulf,   and  which  was  called  Artoniisium,  from  a  nei«rhbourin«' 


II 


IM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVIIL 


temple  of  Artemis  (Diana).  It  was,  however,  only  a  small  land- 
force  that  was  sent  to  the  defence  of  Thermopyla?.  "When  the 
arrival  of  Xerxes  at  Thermahecame  known,  the  Greeks  were  upon 
the  point  of  celehrating  the  Oljuipic  games,  and  the  festival  of 
the  Gamean  Apollo,  which  was  observed  with  great  solemnity  at 
Sparta  and  in  the  other  Doric  states.  The  Peloponnesians  could 
not  make  up  their  minds  to  neglect  these  sacred  games,  even 
when  the  dreaded  enemy  was  almost  at  their  doors.  They  there- 
fore resolved  to  send  forward  only  a  small  detachment,  which 
they  thought  would  he  sufficient  to  maintain  the  pass  till  the 
festivals  were  over,  when  they  would  be  able  to  march  against 
Xerxes  with  all  their  forces.  The  command  of  this  body  was 
entrusted  to  the  Spartan  king  Leonidas,  the  younger  brother 
and  successor  of  Cleomenes.  It  consisted  of  300  Spartans,  with 
their  attendant  Helots,  and  nearly  3000  hoplites  from  the  other 
Peloponnesian  states.  In  their  march  through  Bceotia  they  were 
joined  by  700  Thespians,  who  were  warmly  attached  to  the 
cause  of  Grecian  indej^endence,  and  also  by  400  Thebaus,  whom 
Leonidas  compelled  the  Theban  government  to  I'uniish  much 
against  its  will.  On  their  arrival  at  Thermopyla;,  their  Ibrces 
were  still  further  augmented  by  1000  Phocians,  and  a  body  of 
Opuntian  Locrians,  so  that  their  numbers  were  not  much  short 
of  7 000  men. 

It  was  now  that  Leonidas  learnt  for  the  first  time,  that  there 
was  an  unfrequented  path  over  Mount  (Eta,  by  which  a  foe 
might  penetrate  into  southern  Greece  without  marching  through 
ThermopyljB.  This  path,  commencing  near  Trachis,  ascended 
the  northern  side  of  the  mountain  called  Anopa3a,  along  the 
torrent  of  the  Asopus,  crossed  one  of  the  ridges  of  Mount  (Eta, 
and  descended  on  the  southern  side  near  the  terininaiion  of  the 
pass  at  the  Locrian  town  of  AliK'ni.  Leonidas  was  inlbnned  of 
the  existence  of  this  path  by  the  Phocians ;  and,  at  their  own 
desire,  he  posted  them  at  the*  summit,  to  defend  it  against  the 
enemy.  The  Spartan  king  took  up  his  station,  with  the  re- 
mainder of  his  troops,  within  the  pass  of  Thermopylje.  He  ren- 
dered his  position  still  stronger  by  rebuilding  across  the  northern 
entrance  a  wall,  which  had  been  erected  in  former  days  by  the 
Phocians,  but  which  had  been  suflered  to  fall  into  ruins.  Hav- 
ing thus  made  all  his  arrangements,  Leonidas  calmly  awaited 
the  approach  of  the  Persian  host.  But  the  majority  of  the  men 
did  not  share  the  cahnness  of  their  general ;  and  so  great  became 
their  alarm  at  the  smallness  of  their  numbers,  when  the  multi- 
tudinous ibrces  of  Xerxes  began  to  draw  near,  that  the  Pelopon- 
nesians were  anxious  to  abandon  their  jiresent  ix)sition  and 
make  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  their  point  of  defence.    It  was  only 


B.C.  480. 


BATTLE  OF  THERMOPYLA 


195 


the  personal  mfluence  of  Leonidas,  seconded  by  the  indijmant 
remonstrances  of  the  Phocians  and  Locrians,  which  prevailed 
upon  them  to  continue  faithful  to  their  post.  At  tiie  same  time 
he  despatched  messengers  to  the  various  cities,  urginff  them  ic 
send  him  immediately  reinforcements. 

§  12.  Meanwhile  Xerxes  had  arrived  within  sight  of  Thermo. 

pyla3      He  had  heard  that  a  handful  of  desperate  men  com, 

mantted  by  a  Spartan,  had  determined  to  dispute  his  ua^safrp 

but  he  refused  to  believe  the  news.     He  was  still  more^asto 

nished  when  a  horseman,  whom  he  had  sent  to  reconnoitre 

brought  back  word  that  he  had  seen  several  Spartans  outside 

the  wall  III  front  of  the  pass,  some  amusing  themselves  with 

gymnastic  exercises,  and  others  combing  their  lonjj  hair      In 

great  perplexity,  he  sent  for  the  Spartan  king  Demaratus,*  who 

had  accompanied  him  from  Persia,  and  asked  him  the  meaninff 

of  such  madness.     Demaratus  replied,  that  the  Spartans  would 

defend  the  pass  to  the  death,  and  that  it  was  their  practice  to 

dress  their  heads  with  peculiar  care  when  they  were  iroinff  to 

hazard  their  lives.     Xerxes  still  could   not  believe  that  thev 

were  mad  enough  to  resist  his   mighty  host,  and  delayed  his 

attack  for  four  days,  expecting  that  they  would  disperse  of  their 

own  accord      Later  writers  related,  that  Xerxes  sent  to  them  to" 

deliver  up  their  arms.    Leonidas  desired  liim  "to  come  and  take 

them.       One  of  the  Spartans  being  told  that  -  the  Persian  host 

was  so  prodigious,  that  their  arrows  would  conceal  the  sun  •"— 

shade"^"  *'^^^''''"  ^^^  '^"^^'^^'^  "  "^"^  '^""^^  ^^^''  ^S^*  "^'  ^^'^ 

f  M  i^"^^''  T"  ^^^  ^^^^'  ^^y'  ^^^^^  «^^^^d  a  chosen  body 
ot  Modes  to  advance  against  the  presumptuous  foes  and  brinff 
them  into  his  presence.    Remembering  their  former  glory  as  the 
masters  of  Asia,  and  anxious  to  avenge  their  defeat  at  Marathon, 
the  Medes  fought  with  bravery  ;    but  their  superior  number^ 
were  of  no  avail  in  such  a  narrow  space,  and  they  were  kept  at 
bay  by  the  long  spears  and  steady  ranks  of  the  Greeks.     After 
the  combat  had  lasted  a  long  time  with  heavy  loss  to  the  Medes 
Xerxes  ordered  his  ten  thousand  "  Immortals' '  to  advance      But 
these  were  as  unsuccessful  as  the  former.     Xerxes  beheld  the 
repulse  of  his  troops  from  a  lofty  throne  which  had  been  provided 
for  him,  and  was  seen  to  leap  thrice  fi-om  his  seat  in  an  a^onv 
ol  tear  or  rage.  ^    ^ 

\  ^f:  ^"^  ^^^  Mowing  day  the  attack  was  renewed,  but  with 
no  better  success ;  and  Xerxes  was  beginning  to  despair  of  forcing 
his  way  through  the  pass,  when  a  Malian,  of  the  name  of  Ephi^ 
altes,  betraj^d  to  the  Persian  king  the  secret  of  the  path  acLs 
the  momitains.     Overjoyed  at  this  discovery,  a  strong  detach- 


^ 


I9fi 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVIIL 


B.C.  480. 


BATTLE  OF  THERMOPYL^. 


I 


I 


mexit  of  Pereiaiis  was  ordered  to  follow  the  traitor.  They  set 
out  at  nightfall,  and  at  daybreak  had  nearly  reached  the  summit, 
where  the  Phocians  were  stationed.  In  Greece  the  dawn  of  day 
is  distinguished  by  a  peculiar  stiUness ;  and  the  universal  silence 
was  first  broken  by  the  trampling  of  so  many  men  upon  the 
leaves,  with  which  the  sides  of  the  mountains  were  strewed.  The 
Phocians  flew  to  arms,  and  anxious  for  their  own  safety,  became 
unmindful  of  the  important  trust  which  had  been  committed  to 
them,  abandoned  the  path,  and  took  refuge  on  the  highest  part 
of  the  ridge.  The  Persians,  without  turning  aside  to  pursue 
them,  continued  their  march  along  the  path,  and  began  to  de- 
scend the  southern  side  of  the  mountain. 

Meantime  Leonidas  and  his  troops  had  received  ample  notice 
of  the  impending  danger.  During  the  night  deserters  from  the 
enemy  had  brought  him  the  news ;  and  their  intelligence  was 
confirmed  by  his  own  scouts  on  the  hills.  In  the  council  of 
war,  which  was  forthwith  summoned  by  Leonidas,  opinions  were 
divided  ;  the  majority  recommended  that  tliey  should  retire 
from  a  position  which  could  no  longer  be  defended,  and  reserve 
their  lives  for  the  future  safety  of  Greece.  But  Leonidas  refused 
to  retreat.  As  a  Spartan  he  was  bound  by  the  laws  to  conquer 
or  to  die  in  the  post  assigned  to  him ;  and  he  was  the  more 
ready  to  sacrifice  his  life,  since  an  oracle  had  declared  that  either 
Sparta  itself  or  a  Spartan  king  must  perish  by  the  Persian  arms. 
His  three  hundred  comrades  were  fully  equal  to  the  same  heroism 
which  actuated  their  king ;  and  the  seven  hundred  Thespians  re- 
solved to  share  the  fate  of  this  gallant  band.  He  allowed  the 
rest  of  the  allies  to  retire,  with  the  exception  of  the  four  hun- 
dred Boeotians,  whom  he  retained  as  hostages.  ^ 

H4.  Xerxes  delayed  his  attack  till  the  middle  of  the  day, 
when  it  was  expected  that  the  detachment  sent  across  the 
mountain  would  arrive  at  the  rear  of  the  pass.  But  Leonidas 
and  his  comrades,  only  anxious  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as 
possible,  did  not  wait  behind  the  wall  to  receive  the  attack  of 
the  Persians,  but  advanced  into  the  open  space  in  front  of  the 
pass,  and  charged  the  enemy  with  desperate  valour.  Numbers 
of  the  Persians  were  slain ;  many  were  driven  into  the  neigh- 
bouring sea ;  and  others  again  were  trampled  to  death  by  the 
Tast  hosts  behind  them.  Notwithstanding  the  exhortations  of 
their  officers,  and  the  constant  use  of  the  lash,  it  was  with  diffi- 
culty that  the  barbarians  could  be  brought  to  face  this  handful 
of  heroes.  As  long:  as  the  Greeks  could  maintain  their  ranks 
they  repelled  every  attack ;  but  when  their  spears  were  broken, 
and  they  had  only  their  swords  left,  the  enemy  began  to  press 
in  between  them.     Leonidas  was  one  of  the  first  that  fell,  and 


m 


around  his  body  the  battle  raged  fiercer  than  ever.  The  Persians 
made  the  greatest  efibrts  to  obtain  possession  of  it ;  but  four 
times  they  were  driven  back  by  the  Greeks  with  great  slaughter. 
At  length,  thinned  in  numbers,  and  exhausted  by  fatigue  and 
wounds,  this  noble  band  retired  within  the  pass,  and  seated 
themselves  on  a  hillock  behind  the  wall.  Meanwhile  the  de- 
tachment which  had  been  sent  across  the  mountains,  began  to 
enter  the  pass  from  the  south.  The  Thebans  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity of  begging  quarter,  proclaiming  that  they  had  been  forced 
to  fight  against  their  will.  Their  lives  were  spared ;  and  the 
detachment  marched  on  througli  the  pass.  The  surviving  heroes 
were  now  surrounded  on  every  side,  overwhelmed  with  a  shower 
of  missiles  and  killed  to  a  man. 

§  15.  On  the  hillock,  where  the  Greeks  made  their  last  stand, 
a  marble  hon  was  set  up  in  honour  of  Leonidas.  Two  other 
monuments  were  also  erected  near  the  spot.  The  inscription  on 
the  first  recorded  "that  four  thousand  Peloponnesians  had  here 
fought  with  three  hundred  myriads  (or  three  millions)  of  foes." 
The  second,  which  was  destuied  for  the  Spartans  alone,  contained 
the  memorable  words  : — 

"  Go,  tell  the  Spartans,  thou  that  passest  b}^, 
That  here  obedient  to  their  laws  we  lie."* 

Both  of  these  epigrams  were  probably  written  by  the  poet  Si- 
monides,  who  also  celebrated  the  glory  of  the  heroes  of  Ther- 
mopyla)  in  a  noble  ode,  of  which  the  following  fragment  is  still 
extant : — 

"Of  those  who  at  Thermopyla3  were  slain, 
Glorious  the  doom,  and  beautiful  the  lot ; 
Their  tomb  an  altar :  men  from  tears  refrain 
To  honour  tiiem,  and  praise,  but  mourn  them  not 
Such  sepulchre  nor  drear  decay, 

I^or  all-destroying  time  shall  waste ;  this  right  have  they. 
Within  their  grave  the  home-bred  glory 
Of  Greece  was  laid ;  this  witness  gives 
Leonidas  the  Spartan,  in  whose  story 
A  wreath  of  famous  virtue  ever  lives."f 

$  IG.  While  Leonidas  had  been  fighting  at  Thermopyla?.  the 
Greek  fleet  had  also  been  engaged  with  the  Persians  at  Artemi- 
sium.  The  Greek  ships  assembled  off  the  northern  coast  of 
Euboea  were  271  in  number,  commanded,  as  has  been  mentioned 
above,  by  the  Spartan  Eurybiades.  The  Athenian  squadron 
was  led  by  Themistocles  and  the  Corinthian  by  Adimantus;  but 

*  'Q  ^ely',  dyytXTisiv  AaKeSai/noviotg,  on  ryde 

KeifieOa,  roig  netvuv  (yfifiaci  izciOouevoL. 
f  Translated  by  Sterling. 


V 


198 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XYHI 


of  the  other  commanders  wo  have  no  mention.  Tliiee  vessels 
were  sent  ahead  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  Persians.*  Off 
the  island  of  Sciathus  they  were  captured  by  a  squadron  of  ten 
Persian  vessels,  which  had  in  like  manner  been  despatched  by 
the  Persian  admiral  to  obtain  intelligence.  As  soon  as  the 
Greeks  at  Artemisium  heard  of  this  disaster,  and  of  the  speedy 
approach  of  the  whole  Persian  fleet,  they  were  seized  with  a 
panic,  such  as  had  taken  possession  of  the  soldiers  of  Leonidas 
upon  the  advance  of  the  land  force  of  the  Persians.  But  Eur}-- 
biades  did  not  possess  the  same  influence  over  his  men  as  the 
•  Spartan  king;  and  the  whole  fleet  abandoned  their  position,  and 
saded  up  the  channel  between  Euba*a  and  the  mainland  to  Chal- 
cis,  where  the  straits,  being  only  forty  yards  across,  might  easily 
be  defended  by  a  few  ships.  This  retreat  was  equivalent  to  an 
abandonment  of  the  whole  scheme  of  defence,  as  it  gave  the  Per- 
sians full  liberty  to  land  troops  in  the  rear  of  the  defenders  of 
Thermopylaj.  But  now  a  mightier  power  than  that  of  man  came 
forward,  and  saved  the  Greeks  in  spite  of  themselves. 

H7.  The  Persian  admiral,  having  learnt  from  the  ten  ships 
sent  on  the  look  out  tl.at  tlie  coast  was  clear,  set  sail  from  the 
gulf  of  Therma,  and  arrived  in  one  day  at  almost  the  soutlieiu 
comer  of  Magnesia.     Along  the  greater  part  of  this  coast  lite 
high  and  precipitous  rocks  of  Mount  Pelion  line  the  water's 
edge ;  but  there  is  an  open  beach  for  a  short  distance  between 
the  town  of  Casthansea  and  the  promontory  of  Sepias.     Here 
the  Persian  admiral  determined  to  pass  the  night ;  but  owing 
to  the  vast  number  of  his  ships,  only  a  small  portion  of  them 
could  be  drawn  up  on  shore ;  the  remainder  rode  at  anchor  eight 
lines  deep.     In  this  position  they  were  overtaken  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  by  a  sudden  hurricane,  which  blew  upon  the  shore 
with  irresistible  fury.     The  ships  were  torn  from  their  anchor- 
age, driven  against  one  another,  and  dashed  against  the  cliils. 
For  three  days  and  three  nights   the   tempest  raged  wilhout 
intermission ;  and  when  on  the  fourth  day  calm  at  length  re- 
turned, the  shore  was  seen  strewed  for  many  miles  with  wrecks 
and  corpses.    At  least  four  hundred  ships  of  war  were  destroyed, 
together  with  a  countless  number  of  transports,  stores,  and 
treasures.    The  remainder  of  the  fleet  doubled  the  southern  pro- 
montory of  Magnesia,  and  cast  anchor  at  Aphetaj  at  the  en- 
trance to  the  Pagasoean  gulf 

*  18.  The  news  of  this  terrible  disaster,  which  report  had 
magnified  into  the  entire  destruction  of  the  Persian  fleet,  revivei/ 
the  spirits  of  the  Greeks  at  Chalcis.  They  now  sailed  back  witn 
the  utmost  speed  to  their  former  station  at  Artemisium,  which 

•  See  Appendix 


B.C.  480. 


BATTLE  OF  ARTEMISIUM. 


199 


is  opposite  Aphetaj,  at  the  distance  of  only  a  few  miles.  But 
great  was  their  surprise  at  seeing  that  the  Persians  still  pos- 
sessed such  an  overwhelming  number  of  ships.  The  sight 
again  struck  them  with  alarm ;  and  they  were  on  the  point  of 
returning  to  Chalcis,  when  the  Euboeans  sent  one  of  their  citi- 
zens to  Themistocles,  with  an  ofier  of  thirty  talents,  on  condition 
that  he  should  induce  the  Greek  commanders  to  remain  and 
hazard  a  battle  in  defence  of  the  island.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  Themistocles  had  already  urged  his  associates  in  command 
to  defend  the  Eubocan  strait  against  the  enemy,  and  he  therefore 
readily  undertook  the  commission  oftered  him  by  the  Eubceans. 
In  all  periods  of  their  history  the  Greeks  seldom  had  sufficient 
principle  to  resist  a  bribe  ;  and  Themistocles  was  now  enabled 
to  accomplish  by  money  what  he  had  failed  to  do  by  argument. 
By  giving  five  talents  to  the  Spartan  Eurybiades,  three  to  the 
Cormthian  Adimantus,  and  presents  to  the  other  commanders, 
he  prevailed  upon  them  to  remain. 

While  the  Greeks  were  thus  brought  with  difficulty  to  face 
the  enemy,  the  Persian  fleet  was  animated  with  a  very  different 
spirit.  They  felt  confident  of  victory,  and  their  only  fear  was 
lest  the  Greeks  should  escap6  them.  In  order  to  prevent  this, 
they  sent  a  squadron  of  200  ships,  with  instructions  to  sail  round 
EuboBa  and  cut  olf  the  retreat  of  the  Greeks.  Themistocles  had 
now  succeeded  in  inspiring  his  comrades  with  sufficient  courage 
to  sail  forth  and  ofier  battle  to  the  enemy.  But  being  anxious 
to  acquire  some  experience  of  the  nautical  evoiuiions  of  the 
enemy,  before  they  ventured  upon  a  decisive  engagement,  they 
waited  till  it  was  neariy  dusk.  Their  ships  were  drawn  up  in  a 
circle,  with  their  sterns  ix)inted  inwards ;  and  they  seemed  to  be 
waiting  the  attack  of  the  enemy,  who  began  to  close  in  upon  them 
on  every  side.  But  suddenly,  at  a  given  signal,  they  rowed  out 
in  all  directions,  and  attacked  the  enemy's  ships,  of  which  they 
took  or  disabled  no  fewer  than  thirty.  The  Persians  were  not 
prepared  for  such  boldness,  and  were  at  first  thrown  into  con- 
fusion ;  but  they  soon  rallied,  and  began  to  inflict  considerable 
damage  upon  the  Greeks,  when  night  put  an  end  to  the  contest, 
and  each  fleet  returned  to  its  former  station, — the  Greeks  to 
Artemisium,  and  the  Persians  to  Aphetae. 

§  19.  This  auspicious  commencement  raised  the  courage  of 
the  Greeks,  and  gave  them  greater  confidence  in  their  own 
strength.  They  were  still  further  encouraged  by  the  events  of 
the  fbllowhig  night.  It  seemed  as  if  the  gods  had  come  to  fight 
on  their  side.  For,  although  it  was  the  middle  of  summer,  at 
which  season  rain  rarely  falls  in  Greece,  another  terrific  storm 
burst  upon  the  Persians.    All  night  long  it  blew  upon  the  coast 


I( 


200 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Cdap.  XVIII. 


at  AphetaB,  thus  causing  little  inconvenience  to  the  Greeks  upon 
the  opposite  shore.  The  main  body  of  the  Persian  fleet  sus- 
tained considerable  damage ;  and  the  squadron  which  was  sailing 
round  Eubaa  was  completely  destroyed.  The  greater  part  of 
the  eastern  side  of  this  island  is  an  unbroken  line  of  precipitous 
rocks,  with  scarcely  a  ravine  in  which  even  a  boat  can  be  hauled 
up.  The  squadron  was  overtaken  by  the  storm  oil*  one  of  the 
most  dangerous  parts  of  the  coast,  called  "the  Hollows,"  and 
was  driven  upon  the  rocks  and  broken  to  pieces. 

The  tidings  of  this  second  disaster  to  the  Persian  fleet  reached 
the  Greeks  on  the  following  day  ;  and  while  they  were  congra- 
tulating themselves  upon  the  visible  interposition  of  the  gods  in 
their  favor,  they  were  animated  to  still  greater  confidence  by  the 
arrival  of  fifty-three  fresh  Athenian  ships.  With  this  reinforce- 
ment they  sailed  out  in  the  afternoon,  and  destroyed  some  Cilician 
Bhips  at  their  moorings ;  but  the  Persian  fleet  had  suliered  too 
much  from  the  storm  in  the  preceding  night  to  engage  in  battle. 
k  20.  Indignant  at  these  insults,  and  dreading  the  anger  of 
Xerxes,  tlie  Persians  prepared  to  make  a  grand  attack  upon  the 
following  day.  Accordingly,  about  noon  they  sailed  towards 
Artemisium  in  the  form  of  a  crescent.  The  Greeks  kept  near 
the  shore,  that  they  might  not  be  surrounded,  and  to  prevent 
the  Persians  from  bringing  their  whole  fleet  into  action.  The 
battle  raged  furiously  the  whole  day,  and  each  side  fought  with 
determined  valour.  The  Egyptians  distinguished  themselves 
most  among  the  Persians,  and  the  Athenians  among  the  Greeks. 
Both  parties  sufiered  severely ;  and  though  the  Persians  lost  a 
greater  number  of  ships  and  men,  yet  so  many  of  the  Greek  ves- 
sels were  disabled  that  they  ibund  it  would  be  impossible  to  re- 
new the  combat. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Greek  ccmmanders  saw  that 
It  would  be  necessary  to  retreat ;  and  their  determination  was 
hastened  by  the  intelligence  which  they  now  received,  that 
Leonidas  and  his  companions  had  fallen,  and  that  Xerxes  was 
master  of  the  pass  of  Theraiopyla).  They  forthwith  sailed  up 
the  EubcBan  channel,  the  Corintliians  leading  the  van  and  tlie 
Athenians  brmging  up  the  rear.  At  the  various  landing-places 
along  the  coast  Themistocles  set  up  inscriptions,  calling  upon 
the  lonians  not  to  fight  against  their  fathers.  He  did  this  in 
the  hopes  either  of  detaching  some  of  the  lonians  from  the 
Persians,  or  at  any  rate  of  making  them  objects  of  suspicion  to 
Xerxes,  and  thus  preventing  the  monarch  from  employing  them 
m  any  important  service.  Having  sailed  through  the  Eubcran 
strait,  the  fleet  doubled  the  promontory  cf  Sunium,  and  did  not 
stop  till  it  reached  the  island  of  Salamis. 


A  Greek  Warrior.     From  an  Ancient  Vas«. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    BATTLE   OF    SALAMIS. 

§  1.  Resiilta  of  the  battle  of  Thermopylre.  §  2.  Alarm  and  flight  of  the 
Athenians.  8  3.  March  of  the  Persians  and  attempt  upon  Delphi.  84. 
Tak..ig  of  Athens  and  arrival  of  the  Persian  fleet.  8  5.  Dissensions  and 
debates  of  the  Greeks.  §  6.  Stratagem  of  Themistocles.  Arrival  of 
Aristides.  §  7.  Position  of  the  hostile  fleets.  Preparations  for  the 
conibat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Salamis.  §  9.  Defeat  and  flight  of  Xerxes. 
5  J  ir^'^'*'  ^/  *^^  Cxreeks.  §  11.  Homeward  march  of  Xerxes. 
^  12.  the  Greeks  celebrate  their  victory.  §  13.  Carthaginian  ex- 
pedition to  Sicily.     Defeat  and  death  of  Ilamilcar. 

^  1.  The  apathy  of  the  Lacedemonians  in  neglecting  to  provide 
a  sufficient  defence  against  the  advancing  host  of  Xerxes  seems 
altogether  unaccountable  ;  nor  is  it  easy  to  understand  why  the 
Athenians  themselves  did  not  send  a  single  troop  to  aid  in  de- 
fending Thermopylae.  The  heroic  and  long  sustained  resistance 
of  the  handful  of  men  who  perished  in  that  pass,  as  well  as  the 
previous  battle  of  Marathon,  clearly  proves  that  a  moderately 
numerous  force,  together  with  ordinary  military  precautions, 
would  have  sufficed  to  arrest  the  onward  march  of  the  Persians. 
But  the  small  body  to  which  that  duty  was  assigned  was  alto- 
gether inadequate  to  the  occasion.     The  forcing  of  the  pass 


I 


\ii 


I' 


203 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Cbap.  XIX. 


aimilillated  llie  chief  defence  of  southern  Greece.  Many  of  the 
Grecian  states  which  before  were  wavering  now  declared  lor 
the  invader,  and  sent  contuigents  to  his  army  ;  whilst  his  fleet 
was  also  strengthened  by  reinforcements  from  Carystus,  and  the 
Cyclades. 

The  Athenians  were  now  threatened  with  inevitable  destruc- 
tion. The  Peloponnesians  had  utterly  neglected  their  promise 
of  assembling  a  force  in  Bceotia  for  the  protection  of  Attica ; 
and  there  was  consequently  nothing  to  prevent  the  Persians 
from  marcliing  straight  to  Athens.  The  isolated  position  of  the 
Peloponnesians  liad  probably  influenced  them  in  their  selfish 
policy  ;  at  all  events,  on  the  news  of  the  defeat  at  Thermopyla), 
they  abandoned  Attica  and  the  adjoining  states  to  their  fate, 
whilst  they  strained  every  nerve  to  secure  themselves  by  forti- 
fying the  isthmus  of  Corinth.  It  is  true  that  in  this  selfish 
proceeding  they  overlooked  the  fact  that  their  large  extent  of 
coast  could  not  be  thus  secured  from  the  descent  of  the  Persian 
fleet.  But  after  all,  the  greatest  as  well  as  the  most  pressing 
danger  arose  from  the  army  of  Xerxes.  At  sea,  the  Greeks  and 
the  Barbarians  were  much  more  nearly  matched ;  and  if  the 
multitudinous  land-forces  of  the  Persian  monarch  were  once 
arrested  in  their  progress,  and  comix^Ued  to  retreat,  there  was 
perhaps  little  reason  to  dread  that  his  fleet,  composed  mostly 
of  auxiliaries,  would  be  able  to  make  any  permanent  impression 
on  the  Peloponnesus,  or  indeed  to  remain  upon  the  coast  of 
Greece. 

§  2.  The  Athenians,  relying  upon  the  march  of  a  Pelopon- 
nesian  army  into  BcBotia,  had  taken  no  measures  for  the  se- 
curity of  their  famihes  and  property,  and  beheld  with  ten-or 
and  dismay  the  barbarian  host  in  full  march  towards  their  city. 
Fortunately,  the  Grecian  fleet,  on  retiring  from  Artemisium,  had 
stopped  at  Salamis  on  its  way  to  Troezen,  where  it  had  been 
ordered  to  re-assemble  ;  and,  at  the  entreaties  of  the  Athenians, 
Eurybiades  consented  to  remain  for  a  time  at  KSalamis,  and 
to  assist  the  Athenian  citizens  in  transporting  their  families 
and  eliects.  It  was  thus  by  accident,  and  not  from  any  precon- 
certed miUtary  plan,  that  Salamis  became  the  station  of  the 
Grecian  fleet. 

In  six  days,  it  was  calculated  Xerxes  would  be  at  Athens — a 
short  space  to  remove  the  population  of  a  whole  city  ;  but  fear 
and  necessity  work  wonders.  Before  it  had  elapsed,  all  who 
were  willing  to  abandon  their  homes  had  been  safely  transported, 
some  to  iEgina,  the  greater  part  to  Troezen,  where  they  met  with 
a  hospitable  reception ;  but  many  could  not  be  induced  to 
proce^  farther  than  Salamis.    It  was  necessary  for  Themistocles 


B.a  480.     THE  ATHENIANS  ABANDON  THEIR  CITY. 


203 


to  use  all  his  art  and  all  his  eloquence  on  this  occasion.  Those 
who  were  deaf  to  the  voice  of  reason  were  assailed  with  the 
terrors  of  superstition.  On  a  first  interrogation  the  oracle  of 
Delphi  warned  the  Athenians  to  fly  to  the  ends  of  the  earth, 
since  nothing  could  save  them  from  destruction.  In  a  second 
response  the  Delphian  god  was  more  obscure  but  less  alarming. 
"  The  divine  Salamis  would  make  women  childless" — yet "  when 
all  was  lost,  a  wooden  wall  should  still  shelter  the  Athenians." 
In  the  interpretation  of  Themistocles,  by  whom  these  words  had 
perhaps  been  suggested,  they  clearly  indicated  a  fleet  and  a  naval 
victory  as  the  only  means  of  safety.  As  a  further  persuasion  it 
was  declared  that  the  Sacred  Serpent,  which  haunted  the  temple 
of  Athena  Polias,  on  the  Acropolis,  had  deserted  the  sanctuary  ; 
and  could  the  citizens  hesitate  to  follow  the  example  of  their 
guardian  deity  ? 

In  some,  however,  superstition,  combined  with  love  of  their 
ancient  homes,  worked  in  an  opposite  direction.      The  oracle 
which  declared  the  safety  of  the  Athenians  to  lie  in  their  wooden 
walls  might  admit  of  another  meaning ;  and  a  few,  especially 
among  the  age^l  and  the  poor,  resolved  to  shut  themselves  up  in 
the  Acropolis,  and  to  Ibrtiiy  its  accessible  or  western  front  with 
barricades  of  timber.     Not  only  in  them,  but  even  in  those  who 
had  resolved  to  abandon  Athens,   the  love  of  country  grew 
stronger  in  proportion  as  the  danger  of  losing  it  became  more 
immirient.      The  present  misery  extinguished  past  dissensions. 
Themistocles  proposed  a  decree  revoking  all  sentences  of  banish- 
ment, and  specially  included  in  it  his  opponent  and  rival  Aristides. 
The  rich  and  the  aristocratic  assisted  the  city  both  by  their  ex- 
ample and  their  money.     The  Hippeis,  or  knights,  headed  by 
Cimon,  the  son  of  Miltiades,  marched  in  procession  to  the  Acropolis 
to  hang  up  their  bridles  in  the  temple  of  Athena,  and  to  fetch 
froni  thence  some  consecrated  arms  more  suitable  for  that  naval 
service  for  which  they  were  about  to  abandon  their  ancient  habits 
and  privileges.     The  senate  of  the  Areopagus  not  only  exerted 
its  public  authority  in  order  to  provide  funds  for  the  equipment 
of  the  fleet  and  the  support  of  the  poorer  emigrants,  but  con- 
tributed to  those  objects  by  the  private  munificence  of  its  mem- 
bers.    The  fund  was  increased  by  the  policy  of  Themistocles. 
Under  the  pretext  that  the  Gorgon's  head  had  been  removed 
from  the  statue  of  Athena,  he  directed  that  the  baggage  of  each 
departing  citizen  should  be  searched,  and  appropriated  to  the 
service  of  the  state  the  private  treasures  which  were  about  to 
be  exported. 

§  3.  While  these  things  were  passing  at  Athens,  the  Persian 
army  was  in  full  march  towards  the  city.     Xerxes  was  surprised 


i< 


204 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XDL 


«! 


\\ 


I 


} 

I         i 
I 


to  find  that  the  Olympic  games  still  deterred  the  Peloponnesiana 
from  opposing  his  progress ;  nor  was  his  astonishment  dimi- 
nished on  learning  that  the  prize,  which  occasioned  so  much  ex- 
citement and  emulation,  was  a  simple  wreath  of  the  wild  olive. 
Of  the  states  which  lay  hetween  Thermopyla)  and  Attica,  the 
Phocians  alone  refused  to  submit  to  the  Persians.  Under  the 
conduct  of  the  Thessahans,  the  Persian  army  poured  into  Phocis, 
but  found  only  deserted  towns ;  several  of  which,  however,  they 
plundered  and  destroyed.  The  same  fate  attended  Thespiae  and 
Platsea,  the  only  towns  of  Boeotia  wliich  declined  to  acknowledge 
the  conqueror. 

On  his  march  towards  Athens,  Xerxes  sent  a  detachment  of  his 
army  to  take  and  plunder  Delphi.  But  this  attempt  proved  un- 
successful. The  god  of  the  most  renowned  oracle  of  the  Hel- 
lenic world  vindicated  at  once  the  majesty  of  his  sanctuary  and 
the  truth  of  his  predictions.  He  forbade  the  Delphians  tu  re- 
move the  treasures  which  enriched  and  adorned  his  shrine,  and 
encouraged  by  divine  portents  the  handful  of  priests  and  citizens 
who  ventured  to  remain  and  defend  his  temple.  The  sacred 
amis  preserved  in  the  inner  cell,  and  which  it  was  sacrilege  to 
touch,  were  miraculously  conveyed  outside  the  door,  as  if  the  gotl 
liimself  interfered  to  arm  his  defenders.  As  the  Persians  climbed 
the  rugged  path  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Parnassus,  leading  up  to  the 
shrine,  and  had  already  reached  the  temple  of  Athena  Pronaja, 
thunder  was  heard  to  roll,  and  two  crags  suddenly  detaching 
themselves  from  the  mountain,  rolled  down  upon  the  Persians, 
and  spread  dismay  and  destruction  in  their  ranks.  Seized  with 
a  sudden  panic,  they  turned  and  fled,  pursued,  as  they  said,  by 
two  warriors  of  superhuman  size  and  prowess,  who  had  assisted 
the  Delphians  in  defending  their  temple.  The  Delphians  them- 
selves confirmed  the  report,  averring  that  the  two  warriors  were 
the  heroes  Phylacus  and  Autouoiis.  Herodotus,  when  he  visited 
Delphi,  saw  in  the  sacred  enclosure  of  Athena  Pronaea  the  iden- 
tical crags  which  had  crushed  the  Persians ;  and  near  the  spot 
may  still  be  seen  large  blocks  of  stone  which  have  rolled  down 
firom  the  mountain. 

f  4.  On  arriving  before  Athens,  Xerxes  found  the  AcropoUs 
occupied  by  a  handful  of  desperate  citizens,  whom  the  Pisis- 
tratids  in  his  suite  in  vain  exliorted  to  surrender.  The  nature 
of  the  Acropolis  might  indeed  have  inspired  them  with  reason- 
able hopes  of  successful  resistance,  had  the  disparity  of  force 
been  less  enonnous.  Rising  abrupt  and  ^-raggy  to  the  height  of 
150  feet  above  the  level  of  the  town,  its  summit  presents  a  space 
of  about  1000  feet  in  length,  from  east  to  west,  and  500  in 
breadth,  from  north  to  Fouth.     On  every  side  except  the  west  it 


B.C.  480.  THE  PERSIANS  OCCUPY  ATHENS.  205 

is  nearly  inaccessible,  and  in  the  few  places  where  access  seemed 
practicable,  it  was  defended  by  an  ancient  fortification  called 
the  Pelasgic  wall.     The  Persian  army  took  up  a  position  on  the 
Areopagus  (Mars'  Hill),  over  against  the  north-western  side  of 
the  Acropolis,  whence  they  endeavoured  to  destroy  the  wooden 
fortifications  which  had  been  erected,  by  shooting  against  them 
arrows  furnished  with  burning  tow.     But  even  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  these  barricades,  the  Athenians  managed  to  keep  their 
assailants  at  bay  by  rolling  down  huge  stones  upon  them  as  they 
attempted  to  mount  the  western  ascent.     At  length  some  of  the 
besiegers  ventured  to  climb  up  the  precipitous  rock,  on  the 
northern  side,  by  the  cave  of  Aglaurus,  where  no  guard  was 
stationed.     They  gained  the  summit  unperceived,  thus  taking 
the  little  garrison  in  the  rear.      Confusion  and  despair  now 
seized  upon  the  Athenians.     Some  threw  themselves  down  from 
the  rock,  others  took  refuge  in  the  inner  temple;    while  the 
Persian  host,  to  wliom  the  gates  had  been  thrown  open  by  their 
comrades,  mounted  to  the  attack,  pillaged  and  burnt  the  tem- 
ples and  houses  on  the  Acropolis,  and  put  its  defenders  to  the 
sword. 

Thus  was  the  oracle  accomplished  which  had  foretold  that 
Athens  should  fall  before  the  might  of  Persia.  But  in  the  very 
midst  of  her  ashes  and  desolation,  a  trivial  portent  seemed  to 
foreshadow  the  resurrection  of  her  power.  The  Athenians  in 
the  train  of  Xerxes,  whilst  sacrificing  in  the  Acropolis,  observed 
With  astonishment  that  the  sacred  olive  tree,  which  grew  in  the 
temple  of  Athena,  had,  in  the  two  days  which  had  elapsed  since 
the  fire,  thrown  out  a  fresh  shoot  a  cubit  in  length. 

About  the  same  time  that  the  army  of  Xerxes  took  possession 
of  Athens,  his  fleet  arrived  in  the  bay  of  Phalerum.  Its  strength 
is  not  accurately  known,  but  at  the  lowest  estimate  must  have 
exceeded  1000  vessels.  The  combined  Grecian  fleet  at  Salami& 
consisted  of  366  ships  ;*  a  larger  force  than  had  assembled  at 
Artemisium,  yet  far  inferior  to  that  of  the  Persians.  Of  these 
ships  200  were  Athenian ;  the  remainder  consisted  of  the  con- 
tingents of  the  allies,  among  which  that  of  the  Corinthian* 
was  the  most  numerous  after  the  Athenian,  namely,  forty  ves- 
sels. 

Xerxes  went  down  to  inspect  his  fleet,  and  held  a  council  of 
war  as  to  the  expediency  of  an  immediate  attack  upon  the 
Greeks.  The  kings  of  Sidon  and  Tyre,  together  with  the  other 
assembled  potentates,  probably  with  the  view  of  flattering 
Xerxes,  were  for  an  immediate  battle.     One  voice  alone  broke 

•  According  to  Herodotus ;  but  .^chylus  reckons  them  at  310  only. 


206 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIX. 


tlie  unanimity  of  the  meeting.  Artemisia,  queen  of  Halicar- 
nassus,  in  Caria,  deprecated  the  pohcy  of  fighting  in  the  narrow 
strait  of  Saiamis,  where  the  numerous  force  of  Xerxes  would  be 
an  incumbrance  rather  than  a  help.  She  urged  that  if  the  army 
were  marched  towards  Peloponnesus,  the  Pelopounesian  ships 
would  withdraw  from  the  Grecian  fleet,  in  order  to  protect  their 
own  homes.  She  is  likewise  represented  as  having  drawn  a 
comparison  between  the  maritime  skill  of  the  Greeks  and  Per- 
siaas,  very  little  flattering  to  the  latter.  But  these  representa- 
tions, though  received  with  good  temper,  were  disregarded  by 
Xerxes,  and  orders  were  issued  for  an  attack  on  the  following 
morning.  At  the  same  time  the  army  was  commanded  to  march 
towards  Peloponnesus. 

§  5.  At  this  critical  juncture  dissension  reigned  in  the  Grecian 
fleet.  In  the  council  of  war  which  had  been  summoned  by 
Eurybiades,  Themistocles  urged  the  assembled  chiefs  to  remain 
at  Saiamis,  and  give  battle  to  the  Persians  in  the  narrow  straits, 
where  the  superior  numbers  of  the  Persians  would  be  of  less 
consequence.  The  Pelopomiesian  commanders,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  strongly  opposed  to  remaining  in  their  present  posi- 
tion. They  were  of  opinion  that  the  fleet  should  be  removed  to 
the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  thus  be  put  in  communication  with 
their  land-forces.  The  news  of  the  taking  of  Athens,  which 
arrived  during  the  debate,  gave  force  to  these  counsels.  The 
majority  came  to  a  vote  in  favour  of  retreat ;  but  the  approach 
of  night  obliged  them  to  remain  till  the  following  morning. 

It  was  with  gloomy  thoughts  that  Themistocles  retired  from 
the  council.  Upon  reaching  his  own  ship,  a  friend  named 
Mnesiphilus,  to  whom  he  communicated  the  decision,  urged  him 
to  make  one  more  attempt  to  detain  the  Peloponnesians.  Late 
as  it  was,  he  immediately  proceeded  to  the  ship  of  Eurybiades, 
where  urging  with  more  freedom,  and  in  greater  detail  than  he 
had  been  able  to  use  in  the  council,  all  the  arguments  against 
the  separation  of  the  fleet,  he  succeeded  in  persuading  Eury- 
biades to  convoke  another  assembly.  He  also  used  all  his  eflbrts 
privately  with  the  different  commanders  to  induce  them  to  alter 
their  opinion.  But  he  elicited  nothing  but  anger  and  reproach. 
When  the  council  met,  the  Pelopounesian  commanders  loudly 
expressed  their  dissatisfaction  at  seeing  a  debate  re-opened  which 
they  had  deemed  concluded.  Adimantus,  especially  the  Co- 
rinthian admiral,  broke  out  into  open  rebukes  and  menaces. 
"  Themistocles,"  he  exclaimed,  "  those  who  rise  at  the  pubhc 
games  before  the  signal  are  whipped."  *'  True,"  replied  Themis- 
tocles, "  but  they  who  lag  behind  it  never  win  a  crown."  An- 
other incident  in  this  discussion   has  been   immortalized  by 


I 


3.a  48a         DISSENSIONS  AMONG  THE  GREEK& 


207 


Plutarch.  It  is  related  by  this  writer  that  Eurybiades,  incensed 
by  the  language  of  Themistocles,  lifted  up  his  stick  to  strike  him, 
whereupon  the  Athenian  exclaimed,  "  Strike,  but  hear  me  I"* 

Themistocles  repeated  his  arguments  and  entreaties,  but  with- 
out effect.  Adimantus,  with  unfeeling  insolence,  even  denied 
his  right  to  vote ;  since,  Athens  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians, he  represented  no  free  Grecian  city.  Stung  by  this  re- 
mark, Themistocles  reminded  the  assembly  that  he  was  at  the 
head  of  200  well  mamied  ships ;  a  force  with  which  he  could 
easily  procure  for  himself  a  city,  and  even  a  better  city  than 
Corinth.  Prophecies,  he  observed,  had  promised  to  Athens  the 
town  of  Siris  in  Italy ;  it  only  remained  for  the  Athenians  to 
sail  thither  and  take  possession  of  it.  Meanwhile,  let  the  as- 
sembly consider  what  the  Grecian  fleet  would  be  without  the 
Athenian  contingent. 

This  menace  silenced  his  opponents.  Eurybiades,  half  con- 
vinced before,  hesitated  no  longer ;  and  without  tak:i.g  the  votes 
of  the  assembly,  issued  orders  for  the  fleet  to  remain  and  fight 
at  Saiamis.  The  Peloponnesians  obeyed,  indeed,  the  orders  of 
their  commander.  The  following  morning  discovered  them  en- 
gaged in  preparing  their  ships  for  action ;  but  with  an  evident 
reluctance,  soon  increased  to  open  discontent  by  messages  re- 
ceived from  home.  These  represented  the  distress  and  terror 
of  their  countrymen,  engaged  in  fortifying  the  isthmus  against 
the  overwhelming  force  of  Xerxes.  Of  what  use  was  it  to  at- 
tempt the  defence  of  Attica,  already  in  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians ?  Surely  it  would  be  much  better  for  the  Pelopounesian 
seamen  to  return  and  defend  their  native  and  yet  unconquered 
country ;  where,  even  if  worsted  at  sea,  they  might  transfer 
their  services  to  the  land. 

§  6.  Incited  by  these  representations,  the  very  men  who  had 
found  fault  with  a  second  council,  now  clamoured  for  a  third.  It 
met,  and  was  characterized  by  the  same  turbulence  and  the  same 
dissensions  as  the  former  councils.  The  malcontents,  though 
representing  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  naval  force,  had  a 
numerical  superiority  of  votes ;  and  Themistocles,  perceiving  that 
the  decision  of  the  assembly  would  be  against  him,  determined 
to  effect  his  object  by  stratagem.  Among  his  slaves  was  an 
Asiatic  Greek  named  Sicinnus,  whom  he  had  intrusted  with  the 
education  of  his  children ;  a  man  of  address  and  ability,  and  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  Persian  tongue.    Themistocles  secretly 

*  This  memorable  story,  however,  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  nar- 
rative of  Herodotus,  in  which  it  is  Adimantus,  and  not  Eurybiades,  to 
whom  Themistocles  had  given  offence,  and  who  opposes  the  Athenian 
with  so  much  vehemence. 


1 


208 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XIX 


B.C.  48a 


BATTLE  OF  SALAMB. 


despatched  this  man  with  a  message  to  Xerxes,  representing  the 
disfeensions  which  prevailed  in  the  Grecian  fleet,  and  liow  easy  a 
matter  it  would  be  to  surround  and  vanquish  an  armament  both 
small  and  disunited.  Themistocles  himself  was  described  by 
Sicinnus  as  favourable  to  the  Persian  cause  ;  nor,  to  judge  from 
his  subsequent  conduct,  might  the  wily  Athenian,  in  the  present 
desperate  situation  of  affairs,  have  been  altogether  indisposed  to 
stand  favourably  in  the  sight  of  Xerxes.  However  this  may  be, 
Xerxes,  already  well  inclined  to  strike  a  blow,  readily  adopted 
the  suggestion,  and  ordered  his  captains  to  close  up  the  straits 
of  Salamis  at  both  ends. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  Persian  fleet  was  stationed 
in  the  bay  of  Phalerum,  a  harbour  on  the  Attic  coast,  a  few 
niiles  eastward  of  the  entrance  of  the  straits  which  divided  the 
island  of  Salamis  from  Attica.  This  entrance,  as  well  as  that 
on  the  north-western  side,  leading  into  the  bay  of  Eleusis,  is 
exceedingly  narrow,  being  in  parts  not  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  breadth.  Towards  the  middle,  however,  it  expands; 
and  on  the  side  of  Salamis,  forms  a  bay  or  harbour,  on  which 
the  town  of  Salamis  is  situated,  and  where  the  Grecian  fleet  was 
stationed.  During  the  night  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  moved  from 
Phalerum  northwards  along  the  coast,  and  took  up  a  position 
on  the  Attic  side  of  the  straits,  which  they  lined  through  their 
whole  extent,  while  portions  blocked  up  both  the  northern  and 
southern  outlets  of  the  straits. 

Meanwhile  the  debate  of  the  Grecian  leaders  continued  long 
ailer  nightfall.  Themistocles  had  employed  every  art  to  pre" 
tract  the  discussion,- in  order  to  gain  time  for  the  eflect  of  his 
stratagem ;  and  when  at  last  the  assembly  broke  up,  it  was 
only  on  the  understanding  that  the  debate  should  be  resumed 
before  daybreak. 

Scarcely  had  the  council  re-assembled,  when  Themistocles  was 
summoned  from  it  by  a  message  that  somebody  wished  to  speak 
to  him.  It  was  Aristides,  who,  in  the  sixth  year  of  an  unjust 
banishment,  had  returned  to  serve  his  ungrateful  country,  and  to 
assist,  but  not  to  share  the  triumph  of  a  rival.  His  rival  had, 
indeed,  proposed,  and  his  country  had  ratified,  the  revocation  of 
the  sentence  ;  though  to  an  ordinary  man  the  repentance  might 
have  seemed  suspicious,  and  the  atonement  of  little  value, 
which  recalled  him  to  his  native  land,  or,  more  properly  speak- 
ing, which  restored  him  to  his  exiled  countrymen,  only  to  share 
in  their  dangers  and  distresses.  But  no  such  reflections  found 
a  place  in  the  mind  of  Aristides.  He  was  occupied  only  with 
his  country's  welfare,  and  his  first  address  to  Themistocles  was 
that  their  ancient  rivalry  should  for  the  future  be  exerted  only 


209 


in  their  country's  cause.  He  then  communicated  the  fact  that 
the  (xrecian  fleet  was  completely  surrounded  by  that  of  the  Per- 
sians ;  and  related  that  it  was  only  by  favour  of  the  darkness 
that  his  own  vessel  had  contrived  to  elude  them.  Themistocles, 
hayirig  thus  learned  the  success  of  his  stratagem,  expressed  his 
satisfaction,  and  desired  Aristides  to  communicate  the  news  of 
their  situation  to  the  council,  which  would  not  be  disposed  to 
believe  it  from  his  own  lips.  But  even  from  the  lips  of  Aristides 
such  unwelcome  intelligence  found  but  little  credit,  till  it  was 
confirmed  by  the  arrival  of  a  Tenian  ship,  which  had  deserted 
from  the  enemy. 

§  7.  At  length  the  day  began  to  dawn  which  was  to  decide  the 
fate  of  Greece.  As  the  veil  of  night  rolled  gi-adually  away,  the 
Persian  fleet  was  discovered  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach  along  the  coast  of  Attica  Its  right  wing,  consisting  of 
PhoBnician  and  Cyprian  vessels,  was  drawn  up  towards  the  bay 
of  Eleusis,  whilst  the  lonians  occupied  the  left,  towards  Piraeus 
and  the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits.  On  the  low  and  bar- 
ren island  of  Psyttaleia,  adjacent  to  that  point,  a  detachment 
of  choice  Persian  troops  had  been  landed.  As  the  Grecian  fleet 
was  concentrated  in  the  harbour  of  the  town  of  Salamis,  it  was 
thus  surrounded,  as  it  were,  in  a  net  by  the  Persians.  Xerxes, 
who  attributed  the  disasters  at  Artemisium  to  his  own  absence, 
had  caused  a  lofty  throne  to  be  erected  upon  one  of  the  project- 
ing declivities  of  Mount  ^galeos,  opposite  the  harbour  of  Sala- 
mis, whence  he  could  survey  the  combat,  and  stimulate  by  his 
presence  the  courage  of  his  men ;  whilst  by  his  side  stood  scribes, 
prepared  to  record  the  names  both  of  the  daring  and  the  backward. 

"  A  knig  sate  on  the  rocky  brow 

Which  looks  o'er  sea-born  Salamis; 
And  ships,  by  thousands,  lay  below, 

And  men  in  nations ; — all  were  his! 
He  counted  them  at  break  of  day — 
And  when  the  sun  set  where  were  they  ?" 

The  Grecian  commanders  lost  no  time  in  preparing  to  meet 
their  multitudinous  opponents.  The  Athenians  were°posted  in 
the  left  wing,  and  consequently  opposed  to  the  Phoenicians  on  the 
Persian  right.  The  Lacedajmonians  and  the  other  Peloponnesians 
took  their  station  on  the  right,  and  the  ^ginetans  and  Eubceans 
m  the  centre.  Animated  by  the  harangues  of  Themistocles  and 
the  other  leaders,  the  Greek  seamen  embarked  with  alacrity, 
encouraging  one  another  to  deliver  their  country,  their  wives  and 
chUdren,  and  the  temples  of  their  gods,  from  the  grasp  of  the  bar- 
barians.   Just  at  this  jmicture  a  favourable  omen  seemed  to  pro- 


210 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CnAP.  XIX 


( 


mise  them  success.  When  Eurybiades  gave  the  order  for  the  fleet 
to  remain  and  light  at  Salamis,  a  trireme  had  been  despatched  to 
-ffigina  to  invoke  the  assistance  of  ^acus,  and  the  iEacid  heroes 
Telamon  and  Ajax.  As  the  Greeks  were  on  the  point  of  embark- 
ing, the  trireme  returned  from  the  mission  just  in  time  to  take 
her  place  in  the  line  of  battle. 


si      m     ^     '-     4     % 

^     «     •-     "o      §      £      a 

S        n        A        a       ^*       ^ 


I 


ti! 


f 


B.C.  480. 


BATTLE  OF  SALAMIS. 


211 


V^  8.  As  the  trumpets  sounded,  the  (Greeks  rowed  forward  to 
the  attack,  hurling  into  the  still  morning  air  the  loud  war  Psean 
reverberated  shrilly  from  the  cliils  of  Salamis,  and  not  unan- 
Bwered  by  the  Persians.     But  suddenly  a  panic  appeared  to 

seize  the  Grecian  oarsmen.     They  paused — ^backed  astern and 

someof  the  rearward  vessels  even  struck  the  ground  at  Salamis. 
At  this  critical  juncture  a  supernatural  portent  is  said  to  have 
re-animated  the  drooping  courage  of  the  Greeks.    A  female  figure 
was  seen  to  hover  over  the  fleet,  uttering  loud  reproaches  at 
their  flight.     Re-animated  by  the  vision,  the  Greeks  again  rowed 
forward  to  the  attack.     History  has  preserved  to  us  but  few 
details  of  the  engagement,  which,  indeed,  soon  became  a  scene  of 
confusion  too  intricate  to  be  accurately  observed ;  but  the  names 
of  those  who  first  grappled  with  the  enemy  have  not  been  left 
unrecorded.     The  Athenian  captains,  Aminias  and  Lycomedes, 
the  former  a  brother  of  the  poet  ^schylus,  were  the  first  to  bring 
their  sliips  into  action  ;  Democritus,  a  Naxian,  was  the  third. 
The  Persian  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  Ionic  con- 
tingents, appears  to  have  fought  with  alacrity  and  courage.    But 
the  very  numbers  on  which  they  so  confidently  relied,  proved 
one  of  the  chief  causes  of  their  defeat.     They  had  neither  concert 
in  action,  nor  space  to  manoeuvre  ;  and  the  confusion  was  aucr- 
mented  by  the  mistrust  with  which  the  motley  nations  compc's- 
ing  the  Persian  armament  regarded  one  another.     Too  crowded 
either  to  advance  or  to  retreat,  their  oars  broken  or  impeded  by 
collision  with  one  another,  their  fleet  lay  like  an  inert  and  lifeless 
mass  upon  the  water,  and  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  Greeks.     A 
single  incident  will  illustrate  the  terror  and  confusion  which 
reigned  among  the  Persians.     Artemisia,  although,  as  we  have 
related,  averse  to  giving  battle,  distinguished  herself  in  it  by 
deeds  of  daring  bravery.     At  length  she  turned  and  fled,  pur- 
sued by  the  Athenian  trierarch,  Aminias.     Full  in  her  course 
lay  the  vessel  of  the  Carian  prince,  Damosithymus  of  Calyndus. 
Instead  of  avoiding,  she  struck  and  sunk  it,  sending  her  country- 
man and  all  his  crew  to  the  bottom.     Aminias,  believing  from 
this  act  that  she  was  a  deserter  from  the  Persian  cause,  suffered 
her  to  escaixj.     Xerxes,  who  from  his  lofty  throne  beheld  the 
feat  of  the  Halicarnassian  queen,  but  who  imagined  that  the 
sunken  ship  belonged  to  the  Greeks,  was  filled  with  admiration 
at  hercoiu-age,  and  is  said  to  have  exclaimed — "  My  men  are  be- 
come women,  my  women  men  I" 

^  9.  The  number  of  ships  destroyed  and  sunk  is  stated  ai  40 
on  the  side  of  the  Greeks,  and  200  on  that  of  the  Persians,  ex- 
clusive of  those  which  were  captured  with  all  their  crews.  Be- 
sides this  loss  at  sea,  Aristides  succeeded  in  inflicting  on  the 


812 


mSTORY  OF  GREECR 


CiiAP.  xtx. 


I  J* 


I 


Ml 


I 


,11 1 


f 


Persians  another  on  land.  It  has  been  already  stated  that  some 
chosen  Persian  troops  had  been  landed  at  Psyttaleia,  in  order  to 
assist  such  Persian  ships,  or  destroy  such  Grecian  ships  as  might 
be  forced  upon  the  island.  When  the  rout  of  the  Persian  fleet 
was  completed,  Aristides  landed  on  the  island  with  a  body  of 
Hoplites,  defeated  the  Persians,  and  cut  them  to  pieces  to  a  man. 

Boundless  were  the  rage  and  vexation  of  Xerxes,  as  he  con- 
templated the  flight  and  destruction  of  his  fleet.  Some  Phcrni- 
ician  crews,  which  were  unlucky  enough  to  be  forced  ashore  close 
at  the  despot's  feet,  felt  the  full  weight  of  his  displeasure.  In 
vain  they  sought  to  throw  the  blame  of  the  defeat  on  the  Ionic 
Greeks  serving  under  the  Persian  flag.  Xerxes,  who,  besides 
the  feat  of  Artemisia,  had  observed  a  very  daring  act  of  valour 
performed  by  a  Samothracian  vessel,  treated  the  Phoenicians  as 
dastardly  calumniators,  and  ordered  them  to  be  beheaded. 

Notwithstanding  this  signal  defeat  and  loss,  the  Persian  fleet 
was  still  formidable  by  its  numbers,  whilst  their  land-force  had 
suffered  hardly  any  loss.  The  Greeks  themselves  did  not  regard 
the  victory  as  decisive,  and  prepared  to  renew  the  combat-  But 
from  this  necessity  they  were  relieved  by  the  pusillanimity  of 
Xerxes.  Passing  at  once  from  overweening  confidence  to  unrea- 
sonable distrust,  the  Persian  monarch  became  anxiously  soli- 
citous even  about  his  own  personal  safety.  He  no  longer  relied 
on  the  capability  of  his  ships  to  protect  his  retreat  over  the 
Hellespont,  especially  as  his  own  conduct  had  alienated  a  consi- 
derable part  of  his  fleet.  The  Phccnicians,  alarmed  by  the  threats 
which  rage  and  fear  caused  Xerxes  to  utter  against  them,  stole 
away  in  the  night  and  sailed  homewards.  The  whole  care  of  the 
Persian  monarch  was  now  centered  on  securing  his  retreat  by 
land.  The  best  troops  were  disembarked  from  the  ships,  and 
marched  towards  the  Hellespont,  in  order  to  secure  the  bridge, 
whilst  the  fleet  itself  was  ordered  to  leave  Phalerum  and  make 
for  Asia. 

These  dispositions  of  Xerxes  were  prompted  by  Mardonius. 
As  the  adviser  of  the  expedition,  Mardonius  felt  all  the  danger 
of  responsibihty  for  its  failure,  especially  if  the  personal  saiety 
of  his  sovereign  should  be  at  all  endangered.  With  adroit  flat- 
tery he  consulted  at  once  the  fears  and  the  vanity  of  Xerxes,  and 
his  own  personal  interests.  He  represented  to  his  master  that 
the  defeat,  afler  all,  was  but  slight,  and  had  fallen  entirely  upon 
the  foreign  auxiliaries ;  that  having  attained  one  of  the  great  ob- 
jects of  the  expedition  by  the  capture  of  Athens,  he  might  now 
retire  with  honour,  and  even  with  glory ;  and  that  for  the  rest 
he  (Mardonius)  would  undertake  to  complete  the  conquest  of 
Greece  with  300,000  men.  Xerxes  readily  listened  to  this  advice, 


B.C.  48a 


KETREAT  OF  XERXES. 


2)3 


which  accorded  so  well  with  his  own  inclinations,  and  which  was 
supported  by  his  courtiers,  as  well  as  by  Q^ueen  Artemisia. 

HO.  When  the  Greeks  learned  that  the  Persian  fleet  had  left 
Phalerum,  they  immediately  sailed  in  pursuit  of  it.  Themis- 
tocles  and  the  Athenians  are  represented,  but  probably  on  no 
sulficient  ground,  as  anxious  to  push  on  to  the  Hellespont,  and 
cut  ofl  the  retreat  of  the  Persians,  and  as  having  been  restrained 
only  by  the  more  prudent  counsels  of  Eurybiades  and  the  Pelo- 
iwnucsians.  The  moment  was  chosen  by  Themistocles  to  send 
a  second  message  to  Xerxes  of  a  much  more  questionable  cha- 
racter than  the  first.  Sicinnus  was  again  despatched  to  inform 
the  Persian  monarch  that  Themistocles,  cut  of  personal  friend- 
ship for  him,  had  restrained  the  Greeks  from  destroying  the 
bridge  over  the  Hellespont,  and  thus  cutting  ofl' his  retreat.  In 
this  communication  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  Themistocles 
can  have  had  anything  but  his  own  personal  interest  in  view. 
He  was  well  aware  that  the  Persian  cause  was  far  from  de^ 
sperate  ;  and  even  if  the  Greeks  should  prove  victorious  in  the 
end,  he  may  have  been  anxious  to  secure  a  safe  retreat  for  him. 
self,  if  he  should  be  detected  in  his  guilty  practices. 

The  Greeks  pursued  the  Persian  fleet  as  far  as  the  island  of 
Andros,  but  without  success.  To  punish  those  islands  which 
had  sided  with  Xerxes  was  a  natural  and  justifiable  act,  which 
the  large  naval  force  under  the  command  of  Themistocles  en- 
abled him  to  execute ;  but  he  abused  the  same  means  in  order  to 
gratify  his  private  rapacity.  The  Andrians,  indeed,  were  too 
poor  to  be  robbed ;  and  though  Themistocles  threatened  them 
with  two  great  gods — Persuasion  and  Necessity — they  found 
themselves  protected,  as  they  said,  by  two  others  equally  efii- 
cient— Poverty  and  Helplessness.  But  in  other  quarters  he 
succeeded  better.  From  Carj'stus,  Paros,  and  other  places,  he 
privately  extorted  bribes  by  engaging  to  preserve  them  from 
attack ;  and  after  a  short  time  employed  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
wring  something  from  Andros,  the  Grecian  fleet  returned  to 
Salamis. 

§  11 .  Meanwhile  Xerxes  pursued  his  homeward  march  through 
Bojotia  into  Thessaly.  In  the  latter  country  Mardonius  selected 
the  forces  with  which  he  proposed  to  conclude  the  war,  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  Persians,  Medes,  Sacae,  and  Bactrians,  to  the  number 
of  300,000  men.  But  as  autumn  was  now  approaching,  and  as 
60,000  of  these  troops  were  to  escort  the  march  of  Xerxes  as  far 
as  the  Hellespont,  Mardonius  resolved  to  postpone  all  further 
operations  till  the  spring. 

After  forty-flve  days'  march  from  Attica,  Xerxes  again  reached 
the  shores  of  the  Hellespont,  with  a  force  greatly  diminished  by 


214 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIX 


I 


famine  and  pestilence.  The  sufferings  of  his  army  were  exag- 
gerated by  ^schylus,  and  by  later  poets  and  moralists,  who  de- 
lighted iu  heightening  the  contrast  between  the  proud  magni- 
ficence of  the  monarch's  advance,  and  the  ignominious  humi- 
liation of  his  retreat.  Many  of  these  statements  cannot  be 
accepted  as  historical  facts ;  although  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
great  numbers  perished  from  want  of  provisions,  and  the  diseases 
which  always  follow  in  the  path  of  famine.  On  the  Hellespont 
Xerxes  found  his  fleet,  but  the  bridge  had  been  washed  away  by 
storms.  Landed  on  the  shores  of  Asia,  the  Persian  army  at 
length  obtained  abundance  of  provisions,  and  contracted  new 
maladies  by  the  sudden  change  from  privation  to  excess.  Thus 
terminated  this  mighty  but  unsuccessful  expedition.  Two  thou- 
sand years  later,  still  more  barbarous  eastern  hordes  were  des- 
tined to  find  a  settlement  on  the  lair  shores  of  Greece.  But 
Greece  had  then  worked  out  her  appointed  task,  and  had  trans- 
mitted her  arts,  her  literature,  and  her  civilization,  to  the  nations 
of  western  Europe. 

H2.  Among  the  Greeks  nothing  now  remained  to  be  done 
but  to  celebrate  their  victory  after  the  national  fashion  by  the 
distribution  of  rewards.  To  the  ^ghietans  was  adjudged  the 
chief  prize  for  valour,  whilst  the  Athenians  carried  off  the  second. 
Amongst  individual  combatants,  the  iEginetan,  Polycritus,  and 
the  Athenians,  Eumenes  and  Aminias,  obtained  the  first  rank. 
The  deities  also  received  their  share  of  honour.  Three  Phceni- 
cian  triremes  were  dedicated  respectively  to  Athena  at  Sunium, 
to  Poseidon  at  the  Corinthian  isthmus,  and  to  the  Salaminian 
hero,  Ajax.  The  shrine  of  the  Deljihian  Apollo  was  also  still 
further  enriched  by  the  offerings  of  grateful  superstition. 

Having  distributed  the  rewards  of  valour,  tlie  Greek  com- 
manders undertook  the  more  difficult  task  of  assigning  the  prizes 
of  wisdom  and  conduct.  Upon  the  altar  of  Poseidon,  at  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth,  wliither  the  Grecian  fleet  had  now  rej)aircd, 
each  chief  deposited  a  ticket  inscribed  with  two  names,  of  those 
whom  he  considered  entitled  to  the  first  and  second  prizes.  But 
in  this  adjudication  vanity  and  self-love  defeated  their  own 
objects.  Each  commander  had  put  down  his  own  name  for  the 
firet  prize ;  for  the  second,  a  great  majority  preponderated  in 
fjSLVour  of  Themistocles.  But  since  the  first  prize  thus  remained 
undecided,  and  as  the  second  could  not,  consequently,  be  adju- 
dicated, the  Athenian  leader  reaptsd  no  benefit  from  these  votes. 
From  the  Spartans,  however,  whom  he  shortly  afterwards  visited, 
he  received  the  honours  due  to  his  merit.  A  crown  of  olive, 
similar  to  that  which  rewarded  their  own  commander,  Eurj- 
biades,  was  conferred  upon  him,  together  with  one  of  the  most 


B.C.  48a  DEFEAT  OF  THE  CARTHAGINIANS.  216 

splendid  chariots  which  the  city  could  produce  ;  and  on  his  de- 
parture the  three  hundred  Hippeis,  or  knights,  the  youth  and 
flower  of  the  LacedaBmonian  militia,  accompanied  him  as  a  guard 
of  honour  as  far  as  Tegea.  In  fact,  the  honours  heaped  upon 
Themistocles  by  the  haughty  Spartans  were  so  extraordinary,  as 
to  excite,  it  is  said,  the  jealousy  of  the  Athenians  against  their 
distinguished  countryman. 

^  13.  On  the  very  same  day  on  which  the  Persians  were  de- 
feated at  Salamis,  another  portion  of  the  Hellenic  race,  the  Sici- 
lian Greeks,  also  obtained  a  victory  over  an  immense  barbarian 
force.     There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  invasion  of  Sicily  by 
the  Carthaginians  was  concerted  with  Xerxes,  and  that  the 
simultaneous  attack  on  two  distinct  Grecian  peoples,  by  two 
immense  armaments,  was  not  merely  the  result  of  chance.     It 
vjras,  however,  in  the  internal  aflairs  of  Sicily  that  the  Carthagi- 
nians sought  the  pretext  and  the  opportunity  for  their  invasion. 
About  the  year  481  ij.c,  Theron,  despot  of  Agrigentum,  a  relative 
of  Gelou's,  the  powerful  ruler  of  Syracuse,  expelled  Terillus  from 
Hiraera,  and  took  possession  of  that  town.     Terillus,  backed  by 
some  Sicilian  cities,  which  formed  a  kind  of  Carthaginian  party, 
applied  to  the  Carthaginians  to  restore  him.     The  Carthaginians 
complied  with  the  invitation ;  and  in  the  year  480  b.c,  Hamilcar 
landed  at  Panormus  with  a  force  composed  of  various  nations, 
which   is   said   to  have  amounted  to  the  enormous  sum  of 
300,000  men.     Having  drawn  up  his  vessels  on  the  beach, 
and  protected  them  with  a  rampart,  Hamilcar  proceeded  to 
besiege  the  Himeraeans,  who  on  their  part  prepared  for  an  obsti- 
nate defence.     At  the  instance  of  Theron,  Gelon  marched  to  the 
relief  of  the  town  with  50,000  foot  and  5000  horse.     An  obsti^ 
n.ite  and  bloody  engagement  ensued,  wliicli,  by  a  stratagem  of 
<T(4on's,  was  at  length  determined  in  his  favour.     The  ship.^  of 
the  Carthaginians  were  fired,  and  Hamilcar  himself  slain.     Ac- 
cording to  the  statement  of  Diodorus,  150,000  Carthaginians  fell 
in  the  engagement,  while  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  twenty  ships  alone  escaping  with  a  few 
fugitives.     This  account  may  justly  be  regarded  as  an  exaggera- 
tion ;  yet  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  victory  was  a  decisive 
one,  and  the  number  very  great  of  the  prisoners  and  slain. 

Thus  were  the  arms  of  Greece  victorious  on  all  sides,  and  the 
outposts  of  Europe  maintained  against  the  incursions  of  the 
semi-barbarous  hordes  of  Asia  and  Africa.  In  Sicily,  Greek  taste 
made  the  sinews  of  the  prisoners  subserve  the  purposes  of  art; 
and  many  of  the  public  structures  which  adorned  and  distin- 
guished Agrigentum,  rose  by  the  labor  of  the  captive  Carthagi- 
nians. 


il 


liil 


^mmt:iirjiS3^i:}s--':7:.'i'i:^iZF£^AK^     i 

1 

:(  1. 

If                         '                1                 1 

1 

11                 i                 '                1                1 

1 

'1                                         1 

1 

.1     [Jl' 

I'll                [                 1                 1                 i 

1 

m 

IV                  '            1            r 

1 

I1        1         1         1         1 

1 

I  {In 

1   ''":,. 

'  I'll 

]  '         1            1            1      '      ! 

\:mi 

Hi  ]H| 

1  MB.  .i;  11  „ . 

1 

W^WW^-^ 

W  /tf- P^^l 

n^l^gS 

^ 


tri 


JUiiii^^ 


Temple  of  Nike  Aptcros  (the  Wingless  Victory),  on  tlie  Acropolis  at  Athetur. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


Ml 


BATTLES    OF    PLATtEA    AND    MYCALE. 

§  1.  Position  of  the  Persian  and  Greek  fleets.  8  2.  Preparations  of  Mar- 
donius  for  the  campaign.  §  3.  He  solicits  the  Athenians  to  join  hini. 
Faithlessness  of  the  Spartans.  §  4.  Mardonius  occupies  Athens.  Athe- 
nian embassy  to  Sparta.  March  of  the  Spartan  ami}'.  §5.  Mardonius 
retires  into  Bceotia :  followed  by  the  Grecian  army.  Skirmishes.  §  6. 
The  Greeks  descend  into  the  plain.  Manoeuvres  ofthe  two  armies.  §7. 
Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  visits  the  Grecian  camp.  The  Greeks  re- 
solve to  change  their  ground :  their  disorderly  retreat.  §  8.  Battle  of 
Platiea.  Defeat  of  the  Persians.  §  9.  Division  of  the  spoil.  §  10.  Re- 
duction of  Thebes,  and  execution  of  the  Theban  leaders.  §  11.  Death 
ofAristodemus.  §  12.  League  of  Platroa.  Religious  ceremonies.  §13. 
Battle  of  Mycale.  Defeat  of  the  Persian*.  §  14.  Liberation  of  the 
Greek  islanils.     §  15.  Siege  and  capture  of  Sestos. 

\  1.  The  remnant  of  the  Persian  fleet,  after  conveying  Xerxes 
and  his  army  across  the  Hellespont,  wintered  at  Cyme  and 
Samos  ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing  spring,  the  whole  armament, 
to  the  number  of  about  400  vessels,  re-assembled  at  the  latter 
island.  This  movement  was  adopted  in  order  to  keep  a  watch 
over  Ionia,  which  showed  symptoms  of  an  inclination  to  revolt ; 
and  not  with  any  design  of  attacking  the  Grecian  fleet.  The 
latter,  consisting  of  about  110  ships,  under  the  command  of  the 
Spartan  king  Leotychides,  assembled  in  the  spring  at  JEgina. 
From  this  station  it  advanced  as  far  eastwards  as  Dclos ;  but 


B.C.  479. 


PREPARATIONS  OF  MARDONIUS. 


217 


tho  Ionian  envoys  despatched  to  the  Peloponnesians,  with  pro- 
mises tliat  the  lonians  would  revolt  from  Persia  as  soon  as  the 
Greek  fleet  appeared  off  their  coast,  could  not  prevail  upon  Leo- 
tychides to  venture  an  attack  upon  the  Persians. 

^  2.  Tho  disastrous  retreat  of  Xerxes  had  not  much  shaken 
the  fidelity  of  his  Grecian  allies.  Potidaea,  indeed,  and  the  other 
towns  on  the  isthmus  of  Pallene,  declared  themselves  indepen- 
dent ;  whilst  symptoms  of  disaliection  were  also  visible  among 
the  Phocians;  but  the  more  important  allies  rf  Persia,  the 
Macedonians,  tlie  Thessalians,  and  especially  the  iScBotians,  were 
still  disposed  to  co-operate  vigorously  with  Mardonius.  That 
general  prepared  to  open  the  campaign  in  the  spring.  As  a 
preliminary  measure,  adopted  probably  with  the  view  of  flatter- 
ing the  religious  prejudices  of  his  Greek  allies,  he  consulted  some 
of  the  most  celebrated  oracles  in  Boeotia  and  Phocis  respecting 
the  issue  of  the  war.  He  was  not  without  hopes  of  inducing 
the  Athenians  to  join  the  Persian  alliance ;  and,  in  order  to 
facilitate  such  a  step,  it  was  pretended  that  the  oracles  had  fore- 
told the  approach  of  the  time  when  the  Athenians,  united  with 
the  Persians,  should  expel  the  Dorians  from  Peloponnesus. 

^  3.  The  influence  of  superstition  was  aided  by  the  intrigues 
of  diplomacy.  Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  was  despatched  to 
conciliate  the  Athenians,  now  partially  re-established  in  their 
dilapidated  city.  His  oflers  on  the  part  of  the  Persians  were  of 
the  most  seductive  kind;  the  reparation  of  all  damage,  the 
friendship  of  the  Great  King,  and  a  considerable  extension  of  ter- 
ritory :  the  whole  backed  by  the  pressing  instances  of  Alexander 
liimself,  and  enforced  by  a  vivid  picture  of  the  exposed  and 
helpless  situation  of  Attica. 

The  temptation  was  certainly  strong.  On  the  one  hand, 
ruined  homes  and  empty  granaries,  the  result  of  the  last  cam- 
paign; the  first  shock  and  severest  brunt  of  the  war  to  be 
sustained  by  Attica,  as  the  outpost  of  southern  Hellas,  and  this 
for  lukewarm  and  selfish  allies,  to  whose  negligence  and  breach 
of  faith  the  Athenians  chiefly  owed  their  present  calamities : 
on  the  other  hand,  their  city  restored,  their  starving  population 
fed,  the  horrors  of  war  averted,  and  only  that  more  agreeable 
part  of  it  adopted  which  would  consist  in  accompanying  and 
aiding  an  overwhelming  force  in  a  career  of  almost  certain  vic- 
tory. The  Lacedasmonians  were  quite  alive  to  the  exigencies  of 
the  situation,  so  far,  at  least,  as  it  concerned  their  own  safety. 
They  also  had  sent  envoys  to  counteract  the  seductions  of  Alex- 
ander, and  to  teaider  rehef  to  the  distressed  population  of  Athens. 
The  answer  of  the  Athenians  was  magnanimous  and  dignified. 
They  dismissed  Alexander  with  a  iK)sitivo  refusal,  and  even  with 

L 


f 


III 


>ll 


I 


21 S 


fflSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XX 


I 

I 


I 


something  like  a  threat  of  personal  violence  in  case  he  should 
a^ain  be  the  bearer  of  such  proposals ;  whilst  to  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians they  protested  that  no  temptations,  however  great,  should 
ever  induce  them  to  desert  the  common  cause  of  Greece  and 
fireedom.  In  return  for  this  disinterested  conduct,  all  they 
asked  was  that  a  Peloponnesian  army  should  be  sent  into 
BcBotia  for  the  defence  of  the  Attic  frontier ;  a  request  which 
the  Spartan  envoys  promised  to  fulfil. 

No  sooner,  however,  had  they  returned  into  their  own  coun- 
try than  this  promise  was  completely  forgotten.  As  on  the 
former  occasion,  the  Lacedsemonians  covered  their  selfishness 
and  indifierence  beneath  the  hypocritical  garb  of  religion.  The 
omens  were  unfavourable;  the  sun  had  been  eclipsed  at  the 
moment  when  Cleombrotus,  the  Spartan  king,  was  consulting 
the  gods  respecting  the  expedition ;  and,  besides  this,  they  were 
engaged  in  celebrating  the  festival  of  the  Hyacinthia.  But  no 
omens  or  festivals  had  prevented  them  from  resuming  with 
unremitting  diligence  the  labour  of  fortifying  the  isthmus,  and 
the  walls  and  battlements  were  now  rapidly  advancing  towards 
completion. 

^  4.  When  Mardonius  was  informed  that  the  Athenians  had 
rejected  his  proposal,  he  immediately  marched  against  Athens, 
accompanied  by  all  his  Grecian  allies  ;  and  in  May  or  June,  B.C. 
479,  about  ten  months  after  the  retreat  of  Xerxes,  the  Persians 
again  occupied  that  city.  With  feelings  of  bitter  indignation 
against  their  faithless  allies,  the  Athenians  saw  themselves  once 
more  compelled  to  remove  to  Salamis.  But  even  in  this  de- 
pressed condition,  the  naval  force  of  the  Athenians  still  ren- 
dered them  formidable ;  and  Mardonius  took  advantage  of  his 
situation  to  endeavour  once  more  to  win  them  to  his  alliance. 
Through  a  Hcllesjwntine  Greek,  the  same  favourable  conditions 
were  again  offered  to  them,  but  were  again  refused.  One  voice 
alone,  that  of  the  senator  Lycidas,  broke  the  unanimity  of  the 
assembly.  But  his  opposition  cost  him  his  hfe.  He  and  his 
family  were  stoned  to  death  by  the  excited  populace. 

In  this  desperate  condition  the  Athenians  sent  ambassadors 
to  the  Spartans  to  remonstrate  against  their  breach  of  faith, 
and  to  implore  them,  before  it  was  too  late,  to  come  forwards 
in  the  conunon  cause  of  Greece.  The  ambassadors  were  also 
instructed  to  intimate  that  necessity  might  at  length  compel  the 
Athenians  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  enemy.  This  mes- 
sage, however,  was  very  coolly  received  by  the  LacedsBmonians. 
For  ten  days  no  answer  whatever  was  returned ;  and  it  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  reply,  which  they  at  last  thought 
lit  to  make,  would  have  been  a  negative,  but  lor  a  piece  of  advic« 


B.C.  479.        MARDONIUS  RETIRES  INTO  BCEOTIA 


219 


which  opened  their  eyes  to  the  consequences  of  their  selfish 
poHcy.  Chileos,  a  Tegean,  a  man  whose  wisdom  they  revered, 
and  whom  they  consulted  on  this  occasion,  pointed  out  to  them 
that  their  fortifications  at  the  isthmus  would  prove  of  no  avail 
in  case  the  Athenians  allied  themselves  to  the  Persians,  and 
thus,  by  means  of  their  fleet,  opened  a  way  into  the  heart  of 
Peloponnesus.  It  is  strange  that  the  Lacedaemonians  should 
have  needed  this  admonition,  which  seenLs  obvious  enough ;  but 
selfishness  is  proverbially  blind. 

The  conduct  of  the  Spartans  was  as  prompt  as  their  change 
of  resolution  had  been  sudden.  That  very  night  5000  citizens, 
each  attended  by  seven  Helots,  were  despatched  to  the  frontiers : 
and  these  were  shortly  followed  by  5000  Lacedsemonian  Periceci, 
each  attended  by  one  light-armed  Helot.  Never  before  had  the 
Spartans  sent  so  large  a  force  into  the  field.  Their  example 
was  followed  by  other  Peloponnesian  cities ;  and  the  Athenian 
envoys  returned  to  Salamis  with  the  joyful  news  that  a  large 
army  was  preparing  to  march  against  the  enemy,  under  the 
command  of  Pausanias,  who  acted  as  regent  for  Plistarchus,  the 
infant  son  of  Leonid  as, 

§  5.  Mardonius,  on  learning  the  approach  of  the  Lacedsemo- 
nians, abandoned  Attica,  and  proceeded  by  the  pass  of  Decelea, 
across  Mount  Parnes  into  Bceotia,  a  country  more  adapted. to 
the  operations  of  cavalry,  in  which  his  strength  principally  lay. 
Whilst  he  still  entertained  a  hope  that  the  Athenians  might  be 
induced  to  join  his  arms,  he  had  refrained  from  committing  any 
depredations  on  their  territory  ;  but  finding  this  expectation  vain, 
he  employed  the  last  days  of  his  stay  m  burning  and  devastating  all 
that  had  been  spared  by  the  army  of  Xerxes.     After  crossing  the 
frontiers  of  Bceotia,  and  marching  a  day  or  two  along  the  Asopus, 
he  finally  took  up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  and 
not  far  from  the  town  of  Plataea.     Here  he  caused  a  camp  to  be 
constructed  of  ten  furlongs  square,  and  fortified  with  barricades 
and  towers.     The  situation  was  well  selected,  since  he  had  the 
friendly  and  well  fortified  city  of  Thebes  in  his  rear,  and  was 
thus  in  no  danger  of  falling  short  of  provisions.     Yet  the  dispo- 
sition of  his  army  was  far  from  being  sanguine.     With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Thebans  and  Bceotians,  his  Grecian  allies  were 
become  lukewann  or  wavering ;  and  even  among  the  Persians 
themselves,  the  disastrous  flight  of  their  monarch  in  the  pre- 
ceding year  had  naturally  damped  all  hopes  of  the  successful 
issue  of  a  campaign  which  was  now  to  be  conducted  with  far 
inferior  forces. 

Meanwhile,  the  Lacedaemonian  force  collected  at  the  isthmus 
was  receiving  reinforcements  from  the  various  states  of  Pelo- 


(• 


11^ 


Nl 


\ 


220 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XX 


poimesus.  On  its  march  through  Megara  it  was  joined  by 
3000  Megarians ;  and  at  Eleusis  received  its  fmal  accession  of 
8000  Athenian  and  600  Plataean  Hoplites,  who  had  crossed  over 
from  Salaniis  under  the  command  of  Aristides.  The  Grecian 
army  now  consisted  of  38,700  heavy-armed  men,  attended  by 
Helots  and  hght-armed  troops  to  the  number  of  nearly  70,000  ; 
and,  together  with  1800  badly  armed  Thespians,  formed  a  grand 
total  of  about  110,000  men.  There  were,  however,  no  cavalry, 
and  but  very  few  bowmen. 

Having  consulted  the  gods  by  sacrifices,  which  proved  of  a 
favourable  nature,  the  Grecian  army  broke  up  from  Eleusis,  and 
directed  its  march  over  the  ridge  of  CithsBron.  On  descending 
its  northern  side,  the  Greeks  came  in  sight  of  the  Persian  army 
drawn  up  in  the  vaUey  of  the  Asopus.  Pausanias,  not  caring  to 
expose  his  troops  to  the  attacks  of  the  Persian  cavalry  on  the 
plain,  halted  tliem  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountain,  near  ErythrsB, 
where  the  ground  was  rugged  and  uneven.  (See  Plan,  First 
Position).  This  position  did  not,  however,  altogether  preserve 
them.  Skilled  m  the  use  of  the  bow  and  of  the  javelin,  the 
Persian  horsemen,  under  the  command  of  Masistiiis,  repeatedly 
charged  the  Greeks,  harassing  them  with  flights  of  missiles,  and 
taunting  them  with  cowardice  for  not  venturing  down  into  the 
plain.  The  Megarians,  especially,  suflered  severely  until  rescued 
by  a  body  of  300  chosen  Athenians,  who  succeeded  in  repulsing 
the  Persian  cavalry,  and  killing  their  leader,  Masistius,  a  man 
tall  in  stature  and  of  distinguished  bravery.  The  Greeks  cele- 
bxated  their  triumph  by  parading  the  corpse  through  the  army 
in  a  cart. 

k  6.  This  success  encouraged  Pausanias  to  quit  the  high 
ground  and  take  up  a  position  on  the  plaui.  Deiiliug  from  Er) - 
thra)  in  a  westerly  direction,  and  marcliing  by  Hysia3,  he  ibrmed 
his  army  in  a  hne  on  the  right  baids:  of  the  iVsopus.  In  this 
arrangement,  the  right  wing,  which  extended  to  the  fountain 
Gargaphia,  was  conceded,  as  the  post  of  honor,  to  the  Laceda)- 
monians  ;  the  occupation  of  the  left,  near  the  grove  of  the  hero 
Androcrates,  was  disputed  between  the  Tegeans  and  Athenians. 
The  matter  was  referred  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Lacedsemonian 
troops,  who  by  acclamation  declared  the  Athenians  entitled  to 
the  preference. 

On  perceiving  that  the  Greeks  had  changed  their  position, 
Mardonius  drew  up  his  army  opposite  to  tliem,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Asopus.  (See  Plan,  Second  Position).  He  himself, 
with  the  Persians  and  Medes,  the  flower  of  his  army,  tuok  his 
post  in  the  left  wing,  facing  the  Lacedamonians  on  the  Grecian 
right :  whilst  the  Greeks  and  Macedonians  in  the  Persian  service. 


B.a  479. 


BATTLE  OF  PLAT^EA 


221 


Battle  of  PlatJEa.     (From  Grote's  Greece.) 


a.  PerainnR. 

b.  Atheniuno. 

*.  Laoedajiiioninnii. 
il.  Various  GrtKk  alliM, 


I.  First  position  ocrupied  by 

tlie  op))(«ing  armies. 
II.  Seooiid  pimitiun. 
m.  Third  position. 


A.  Road  from  Flataea  toThebest 

B.  Roiid  from  Megara  to  Thebes. 

C.  Persian  camp. 

D.  Erj'thrae. 
K.  Uysio:. 


to  the  number,  probably,  of  50,000,  were  opposed  to  the  Athe- 
nians on  the  left.  The  centre  of  Mardonius  was  composed  of 
Bactrians,  Indians,  Saca?,  and  other  Asiatics  and  Egyptians ;  and 
his  whole  force  probably  amounted  to  about  300,000  men. 

But  tliough  the  armies  were  thus  in  presence,  each  was  reluc- 
tant to  commence  the  attack.  The  soothsayers  on  both  sides, 
whose  responses  were  probably  dictated  by  the  feeling  prevalent 
among  the  commanders,  declared  that  the  sacrifices  vi^re  un- 
favourable for  any  aggressive  movement.  For  eight  days  the 
armies  remained  inactive,  except  that  the  Persians  aimoyed  the 
Greeks  at  a  distance  with  their  missiles,  and  altogether  pre- 
vented them  from  watering  at  the  Asopus.     On  the  eighth  day 


I 

I 

I 

! 


i 


i 


Ms 


S«A 


mSTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XX 


k 


Mardonius,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Theban  leader  Timagenidas, 
employed  his  cavalry  in  cutting  off  the  supplies  of  the  Greeks, 
and  captured  a  train  of  500  beasts  of  burthen,  together  with 
their  escort,  as  they  were  defiUng  through  one  of  the  passes  of 
Cithajron.  Artabazus,  the  second  in  command,  advised  Mardo- 
nius  to  continue  this  policy  of  harassing  and  wearing  out  the 
Greeks,  without  risking  a  general  engagement ;  and  also  to  en- 
deavour, by  means  of  bribes,  to  corrupt  and  disunite  them. 
That  this  latter  step  was  feasible  appears  I'rom  what  actually 
occurred  among  the  Athenians.  Several  of  the  wealthier  Hop- 
lites  serving  in  their  ranks  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  establish 
at  Athens,  under  Persian  supremacy,  an  oligarchy  resembling 
that  at  Thebes.  Fortunately,  however,  the  plot  was  discovered 
and  repressed  by  Aristides.  But  Mardonius  was  too  impatient 
to  await  the  success  of  such  measures,  which  he  considered  as 
an  imputation  on  the  Persian  arms  ;  and,  overruling  the  opinions 
of  Artabazus  and  the  rest  of  his  officers,  gave  orders  to  prepare 
for  a  general  attack. 

§7.  On  the  night  after  Mardonius  had  taken  this  resolution, 
Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  leaving  the  Persian  camp  by  stealth, 
rode  up  to  the  Athenian  outposts,  and  desiring  to  speak  with 
Aristides  and  the  other  generals,  informed  them  of  the  intended 
attack  on  the  morrow.  "  I  risk  my  life,"  he  observed,  "  in  con- 
veying this  intelligence  ;  but  I  too  am  a  Greek  by  descent,  and 
with  sorrow  should  I  see  Hellas  enslaved  by  the  Persians." 

Aristides  immediately  communicated  this  news  to  Pausanias. 
On  hearing  it,  the  latter  made  a  proposal  savouring  but  little  of 
the  traditionary  Spartan  valour,  namely,  that  the  Athenians,  who 
had  had  experience  of  the  Persian  mode  of  fighting,  should 
change  places  with  the  Lacedasmonians  in  the  line.  The  Athe- 
nians readily  assented  to  this  arrangement.  Mardonius,  how- 
ever, on  perceiving  the  change  which  had  been  made,  eiiected 
a  corresponding  one  in  his  own  line.  Hereupon  Pausanias 
marched  back  to  the  Grecian  right,  and  was  again  followed  by 
Mardonius ;  so  that  the  two  armies  remained  in  their  original 
position. 

Keither  side,  however,  was  inclined  to  venture  a  general  at- 
tack. The  fighting  was  confined  to  the  Persian  cavalry,  which 
the  Greeks  had  no  adequate  means  of  repelling.  For  some  por- 
tion of  the  day  it  obtained  possession  of  the  fountain  of  Garga- 
phia,  the  only  source  from  whicli  the  Greeks  could  procure  their 
water,  and  succeeded  in  choking  it  up.  It  also  intercepted  the 
convoys  of  provisions  proceeding  to  the  Grecian  camp.  Under 
these  circumstances,  finding  the  ground  untenable,  Pausanias 
ftummoned  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  retreat 


,i| 


B.C.  479, 


BATTLE  OF  PLAT^EA. 


223 


during  the  night  to  a  place  called  the  Island,  about  ten  furlongs 
in  the  rear  of  their  present  position,  and  halfway  between  it  and 
the  town  of  Plataea.  The  spot  selected,  improperly  called  an 
island,  was  in  fact  a  piece  of  ground  about  three  furlongs  in 
breadth,  comprised  between  two  branches  of  the  river  Oeroe, 
which,  rising  from  distinct  sources  in  Cithaeron,  and  running  for 
some  space  nearly  parallel  with  one  another,  at  length  unite,  and 
flow  in  a  westerly  direction  into  the  gulf  of  Corinth.  The 
nature  of  the  ground  would  thus  afford  to  the  Greeks  both 
abundance  of  water  and  protection  from  the  enemy's  cavalry. 

The  retreat,  however,  though  for  so  short  a  distance,  was  ef- 
fected in  disorder  and  confusion.     The  Greek  centre,  chiefly 
composed  of  Megarians  and  Corinthians,  instead  of  taking  up  a 
position  on  the  Island,  as  commanded  by  Pausanias,  did  not  halt 
till  they  reached  the  town  of  Plataja,  where  they  formed  in  front 
of  the  Herajum  on  high  ground,  and  protected  by  buildings.    (See 
Plan,  Third  Position.)     Some  time  after  their  departure  Pau- 
sanias commanded  the  right  wing,  which,  as  we  have  said,  was 
composed  of  Lacedaemonians,  to  follow.     But  his  orders  were  dis- 
puted by  one  of  his  captains,  Amompharetus,  a  leader  of  one  of 
the  loclii,  who  had  not  been  present  at  the  council  of  war,  and  who, 
considering  this  retrograde  movement  as  a  retreat  derogatory  to 
Spartan  honour,  obstinately  refused  to  stir  from  his  post.     Mean- 
while, the  Athenians — not  unnaturally  distrustful  of  the  Spartans 
— before  they  broke  gromid  themselves,  despatched  a  mounted 
messenger  to  ascertain  whether  the  right  wing  was  really  pre- 
paring to  march.     The  messenger  fomid  the  Spartan  troops  in 
their  former  position,  and  Pausanias,  together  with  the  other 
generals,  engaged  hi  a  warm  dispute  with  the  refractory  captain. 
No  threats  of  being  left  alone  could  induce  him  to  move ;  and 
when  reminded  that  the  order  for  retreat  had  been  resolved 
upon  in  a  council  of  war,  he  took  up  a  huge  rock,  and  casting  it 
at  the  feet  of  Pausanias,  exclaimed — "  With  this  pebble  I  give  my 
vote  not  to  fly  from  the  foreigners." 

Meantime,  the  day  began  to  dawn  :  a  little  longer  delay  and 
retreat  would  become  impossible.  Pausanias  resolved  to  aban- 
don Amompharetus  and  his  lochus  to  their  fate,  should  he  really 
prove  so  obstinate  as  to  stand  his  ground  after  the  departure  of 
the  rest  of  the  army.  The  order  to  march  was  given.  The 
slant  rays  of  the  rising  sun  gleamed  on  the  tall  and  bristhng 
spears  of  the  Lacedaemonian  coliunns  as  they  slowly  ascended 
the  hills  which  separated  them  from  the  Island.  The  Athenians, 
posted  more  towards  the  east,  and  who  were  to  arrive  at  the 
appointed  spot  by  turning  the  hills,  began  their  march  at  the 
,^ame  time.     Amompharetus  was  not  so  madly  obstinate  as  to 


:! 


224 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XX 


m 


await  alone  the  approach  of  the  Persians.  Finding  that  his  com- 
rades had  really  departed,  he  gave  orders  to  follow,  and  overtook 
them  at  their  tirst  halt. 

^  8.  Mardonius  heheld  with  astonishment  and  disdain  the 
retreating  ranks  of  the  Spartans.  The  order  was  given  to  pursue. 
The  shout  of  victory  already  rang  through  the  Persian  host  as 
they  dashed  in  a  confused  mass,  cavalry  and  infantry,  through 
■  the  waters  of  the  Asopus,  and  up  the  hill  after  the  retreating 
foe.  Scarcely  had  Pausanias  time  to  deploy  on  the  spot  where 
he  had  halted  for  x\mompharetus,  when  the  Persian  cavalry  were 
upon  him.  These  were  soon  followed  by  the  infantry ;  who, 
planting  in  the  ground  their  long  wicker  shields,  or  gcrrfui,  and 
thus  forming  a  kind  of  breastwork,  annoyed  the  Lacedaemonians 
with  showers  of  arrows.  Even  in  these  circumstances  the  rites 
of  religion  were  not  neglected  by  Pausanias.  For  some  time  the 
isacrifices  were  unfavourable  for  an  attack ;  till  Pausanias  invoked 
the  assistance  of  Hera,  whose  temple  rose  conspicuous  at  Plataia. 
Hardly  had  the  prayer  been  uttered  when  the  victims  changed, 
and  the  order  to  charge  was  given.  The  line  of  wicker  shields 
fell  at  the  first  onset  of  the  Lacedajmonians.  The  hght-armed 
imdisciplined  Persians,  whose  bodies  were  unprotected  with 
armour,  had  now  to  maintain  a  very  unequal  combat  against  the 
serried  ranks,  the  long  spears,  and  the  mailed  bodies  of  the 
Spartan  phalanx.  Desperate  deeds  of  valour  they  performed, 
throwing  themselves  upon  the  Grecian  ranks  and  endeavouring 
to  get  into  close  combat,  where  they  could  use  their  javehns  and 
daggers.  Mardonius  at  the  head  of  his  body-guard  of  1000  picked 
men,  and  conspicuous  by  his  white  charger,  was  among  the  fore- 
most  in  tlie  fight,  till  struck  down  by  the  hand  of  Aimnestus,  a 
distinguished  Spartan.  The  fall  of  their  general  was  the  signal 
for  flight  to  the  Persians,  already  wearied  and  disheartened  by 
the  fruitless  contest.  The  panic  was  general  both  among  the 
Persians  themselves  and  their  Asiatic  allies ;  nor  did  they 
once  stop  till  they  had  again  crossed  the  Asopus  and  reached 
their  fortified  camp. 

The  glory  of  having  defeated  the  Persians  at  Platasa  rests, 
therefore,  "with  the  LacedsBmonians ;  yet  the  Athenians  also  were 
not  without  some  share  in  the  honour  of  the  day.  Pausanias, 
when  overtaken  by  the  Persians,  despatched  a  horseman  to  Aris- 
tides  to  request  him  to  hasten  to  his  assistance  ;  but  the  coming 
up  of  the  BcBotians  prevented  him  from  doing  so.  A  sharp 
conflict  ensued  between  tlie  latter  and  the  Athenians.  The 
Thebans,  especially,  fought  with  great  bravery ;  but  were  at 
length  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  Though  compelled  to 
giire  way,  they  retreated  in  good  order  to  Thebes,  being  covered 


B.C.  479. 


DEATH  OF  MARDONIUS. 


225 


by  their  cavalry  from  the  pursuit  of  the  Athenians.  None  of 
the  other  Greeks  in  the  Persian  service  took  any  share  iii  the 
fight,  but  turned  their  backs  as  soon  as  they  saw  that  the  day 
was  lost.  Of  the  Persians  themselves,  40,000  under  the  com- 
mand of  Artabazus  did  not  strike  a  blow.  The  eagerness  and 
impetuosity  of  Mardonius,  and  the  contempt  which  he  had  con- 
ceived for  the  Lacedaemonians  on  account  of  what  he  considered 
their  flight,  had  led  him  to  begin  the  attack  without  waiting  ibr 
the  corps  of  Artabazus  ;  and  when  that  general  arrived  upon  the 
field  the  rout  was  already  complete.  Artabazus,  indeed,  who  had 
always  deprecated  a  general  engagement,  was  probably  not  very 
zealous  on  the  occasion  ;  at  all  events  he  did  not  make  a  single 
attempt  to  restore  the  fortune  of  the  day  ;  and  instead  of  retreat- 
ing either  to  Thebes,  or  to  the  fortified  camp  oi' his  countrymen, 
he  gave  up  the  whole  expedition  as  irretrievably  lost,  and  directed 
his  march  towards  the  Hellespont. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  now  reinforced  by  the  Corinthians  and 
others  from  Platsea,  pursued  the  Persians  as  far  as  their  Ibrtified 
camp,  whose  barricades  proved  a  complete  check  to  them,  till 
the  Athenians,  more  skilled  in  that  species  of  warfare,  came  to 
their  assistance.  The  barricades  were  then  stormed  and  carried, 
after  a  gallant  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Persians.  The  camp 
became  a  scene  of  the  most  horrible  carnage.  Accordino-  to 
Herodotus,  only  3000  men,  exclusive  of  the  division  under  Arta- 
bazus, escaped  out  of  an  army  of  300,000.  These  numbers  are 
probably  exaggerated  ;  yet  the  Persian  loss  was  undoubtedly 
immense.  That  of  the  Greeks  was  comparatively  small,  and 
seems  not  to  have  exceeded  1300  or  1400  men. 

^  9.  It  remained  to  bury  the  dead  and  divide  the  booty ;  and 
so  great  was  the  task,  that  ten  days  were  consumed  in  it.    The 
body  of  Mardonius,  found  among  the  slain,  was  treated  by  Pau- 
sanias with  respect ;  on  the  morrow,  not,  perhaps,  without  his 
connivance,  it  was  secretly  conveyed  away  and  interred.     A 
monument  was  even  erected  over  it,  which  was  to  be  seen  several 
centunes  afterv^^ards.     His  scimitar  and  silver-footed  throne  feU 
to  the  share  of  the  Athenians,  by  vrhom  they  were  preserved 
along  with  the  breastplate  of  Masistius,  in  the  Acropolis  of 
Athens.      The  other  booty  was  ample  and  magnificent.     Gold 
and  silver  coined,  as  well  as  in  plate  and  trinkets  ;  rich  vests 
and  carpets  ;  ornamented  arms  ;  horses,  camels  ;  in  a  word,  all 
the  magnificence  of  eastern  luxury,  were  collected  together  ir 
order  to  be  divided  among  the  conquerors.     A  tithe  was  first 
selected  lor  the  Delphian  Apollo,  together  with  ample  oflerinrrg 
lor  the  Olympic  Jove,  and  the  Isthmian  Poseidon  :  then,  after\ 
large  share  had  been  appropriated  to  Pausanias,  the  remainder 


I 


il 


! 


226 


mSTOil¥  OP  GREECE. 


Chap.  XX. 


was  divided  among  the  Grecian  contingents  in  proportion  to 
their  numbtTs. 

HO.  The  reduction  of  Thebes,  which  had  proved  the  most 
formidable  ally  ot*  the  Persians,  was  still  necessary  to  complete 
the  victory.  On  the  eleventh  day  after  the  battle,  Pausanias 
invested  that  city,  and  demanded  that  the  leading  men  who  had 
espoused  the  Persian  cause,  especially  Timagenidas  and  Atta- 
ginus,  should  be  delivered  up  to  him.  The  Thebans  having 
refused  to  comply  with  this  demand,  Pausanias  began  to  batter 
their  walls,  and  to  lay  waste  the  country  around.  At  length, 
after  ihe  siege  had  lasted  twenty  days,  Timagenidas,  and  the 
other  Mfxtising  leaders,  voluntarily  ofiered  to  surrender  them- 
selves, hoping,  probably,  to  be  able  to  redeem  their  lives  for  a  sum 
of  money.  In  this  expectation,  however,  they  were  completely 
disappointed.  The  whole  of  them,  with  the  exception  of  Atta- 
ginus,  who  found  means  to  escape,  were  conveyed  to  Corinth,  and 
put  to  death  without  any  form  of  trial.  No  attempt  was  made 
txi  pursue  Artabazus,  who  escaped  safely  into  Asia. 

§11-  Among  the  slain  Sjiartans  was  Aristodemus,  the  sole  sur- 
vivor of  those  who  had  fought  at  Thermopyke.  The  disgrace  of 
having  outlived  that  battle  seems  to  have  rendered  life  a  burthen 
to  him.  In  order  to  wash  it  out,  he  stepped  forth  from  the  ranks 
at  the  battle  of  Plata^a,  and  after  performuig  prodigies  of  valour, 
received  from  the  enemy  the  death  which  htr  courted.  But  in 
the  distribution  of  funeral  honours,  this  conduct  could  extort  no 
favour  from  the  stern  justice  of  his  countrymen.  They  con- 
sidered that  desperate  rashness  and  contempt*  oi  discipline  were 
no  atonement  for  former  misconduct,  and  refused  to  put  him  on 
a  level  with  the  other  citizens  who  had  fallen  in  the  combat. 
Among  these  was  Amompharetus,  the  captain  whose  obstinacy 
had  precipitated  the  attack  of  the  Persians,  and  thus  perhaps, 
though  undesignedly,  contributed  to  secure  the  victory. 

f  12.  With  the  Greeks,  religion  and  polities  went  ever  hand 
in  hand  ;  and  if  the  town  and  territory  of  Platiea,  as  the  scene  of 
the  Persian  defeat,  were  signally  honoured  on  this  occasion  with 
the  grateful  ofierings  of  devotion,  it  was  not  probably  without  a 
view  to  the  services  which  might  be  hereafter  required  from  its 
citizens  in  the  cause  of  Grecian  independence.  In  the  market- 
place of  Plataja,  Pausanias,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
allies,  offered  up  a  sacrifice  and  thanksgiving  to  Jove  Eleuthe- 
rios,  or  the  liberator,  in  which  the  gods  and  heroes  of  the 
Plataean  territory  were  made  partakers.  The  Plata;ans  were  in- 
trusted with  the  duty  of  taking  care  of  the  tombs  of  the  slain  ; 
of  oflering  a  periodical  sacrifice  in  honour  of  the  victory ;  and  of 
celebrating  it  every  fifth  year  with  gymnastic  games,  in  a  grand 


B.C.  4*70. 


BATTLE  OF  MYCALE. 


227 


public  festival  to  be  called  the  Eleutheria.     For  these  services 
the  large  sum  of  eighty  talents  was  allotted  to  them  out  of  the 
spoil,  part  ol  which  was  employed  in  erecting  a  temple  to  Athena 
At  the  same  time  the  independence  of  Platsa,  and  the  inviola- 
bihty  of  her  terntory,  were  guaranteed  by  the  aUies ;  the  de- 
fensive league  against  the  Persians  was  renewed  ;  the  contingent 
which  each  ally  should  furnish  was  specified ;  and  it  was  arranged 
that  deputies  from  all  of  them  should  meet  annually  at  Plataea 
H3.  At  the  very  time  of  the  defeat  at  Plataea,  the  failure  of 
the  Persian  expedition  was  completed  by  the  destruction  of  their 
naval  armament.     Leotychides,  the  Spartan  admiral,  having  at 
length  sailed  across  the  ^gean,  found  the  Persian  fleet  at  Mycale, 
a  promontory  of  Asia  Minor  near  Miletus,  and  only  separated  by 
a  strait  of  about  a  mile  in  breadth  from  Cape  Poseidium,  the 
easternmost  extremity  of  Samos.     Their  former  reverses  ^em 
completely  to  have  discouraged  the  Persians  from  hazarding  an- 
other naval  engagement.     The  Phoenician  squadron  had  been 
permitted  to  depart ;  the  rest  of  the  ships  were  hauled  ashore 
and  surrounded  with  a  rampart ;  whilst  an  army  of  60,000  Per- 
sians, under  the  command  of  Tigranes,  lined  the  coast  for  their 
defence. 

The  Greeks  landed  on  the  4th  of  the  month  Boedromion 
(September),  in  the  year  479  b.c.  ;  the  very  day  on  which  the 
battle  of  Plataea  was  fought.     A  supernatural  presentiment  of 
that  decisive  victory,  conveyed  by  a  herald's  staff;  which  floated 
over  the  iEgean  from  the  shores  of  Greece,  is  said  to  have 
pervaded  the  Grecian  ranks  at  Mycale  as  they  marched  to  the 
attack.     As  at  Plataea,  the  Persians  had  planted  their  gerrha,  or 
wicker-shields,  before  them  ;  but  after  a  sharp  contest  this  bul- 
wark was  overthrown.     The  Persians  now  turned  their  backs, 
and  fled  to  their  fortifications,  pursued  by  the  Greeks,  who  en- 
tered It  almost  simultaneously.     Here  a  bloody  struggle  ensued. 
The  Persians  fought  desperately,  though  without  discipline,  and 
tor  some  time  maintained  an  unequal  conflict.     At  length  the 
arrival  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  composed  the  right  wing  of 
the  Greek  force,  and  who  had  been  retarded  by  the  hilly  ground 
which  they  had  to  traverse,  as  well  as  the  open  revolt  of  the 
lonians,  who  now  turned  upon  their  masters,  completed  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Persians.     A  large  number  of  them,  together 
with  both  their  generals,  Tigranes  and  Mardontes,  perished  on 
this  occasion ;  and  the  victory  was  rendered  still  more  decisive 
by  the  burning  of  their  fleet.     The  honour  of  the  day,  which, 
however,  was  not  won  without  the  sacrifice  of  many  fives,  was 
principally  due  to  the  Athenians,  as  the  Lacedaemonians  did  not 
arrive  till  the  battle  was  nearly  decided. 


I 


i 


I  II 


i 


Il 


i 


I 


M 


228 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XX. 


H4.  The  remnant  of  the  Persian  army  retreated  to  Sardis, 
where  Xerxes  had  lingered  ever  since  his  flight  from  Greece.  He 
was  not  in  a  position  to  avenge  this  aiiiront,  or  to  retain  the 
Ionian  cities  of  the  continent  in  obedience  ;  still  less  was  it  pos- 
sible lor  him,  after  the  destruction  of  liis  fleet,  to  preserve  his 
dominion  over  the  islands.  The  latter  were  immediately  ad- 
mitted into  the  Greek  confederation  ;  but  respecting  the  Ionian 
cities  on  the  continent  there  was  more  difficulty.  The  Greeks 
were  not  in  a  condition  to  guarantee  their  independence  ;  and 
therefore  the  Peloponnesian  commanders  oliered  to  transport 
their  inhabitants  into  Greece,  where  they  prepared  to  make  room 
for  them,  by  transplanthig  into  Asia  the  Greeks  who  had  espoused 
the  Persian  cause.  But  this  proposition  was  strenuously  opposed 
by  the  Athenians,  who  regarded  their  own  dignity  and  glory  as 
inseparably  bound  up  with  the  maintenance  of  their  Ionian  colo- 
nies ;  and  indeed  the  eilect  of  such  a  measure  must  have  been  to 
transfer  them  completely  to  the  Persians. 

Ho.  So  imperfect  in  those  times  was  the  transmission  of  in- 
tcUigence,  that  the  Greeks  still  believed  the  bridge  across  the 
Hellespont  to  be  entire,  though  it  was  broken  and  useless  al- 
most a  twelvemontli  previously,  during  the  retreat  of  Xerxes. 
At  the  instance  of  the  Athenians,  Leotychides  set  sail  with  the 
view  of  destroying  it ;  but  having  learnt  at  Abydos  that  it 
no  longer  existed,  he  departed  homewards  with  the  Pelopon- 
nesian vessels.  Xanthippus,  however,  the  Athenian  commander, 
seized  the  opportunity  to  recover  from  the  Persians  the  Thracian 
Chersonese,  which  had  long  been  an  Athenian  possession,  and 
proceeded  to  blockade  Sestos,  the  key  of  the  strait.  Being  thus 
taken  by  surprise,  the  Persians  flung  themselves  into  the  town 
without  having  time  to  collect  the  provisions  necessary  for  a 
siege.  Nevertheless,  amid  the  most  painful  privations,  they  con- 
trived to  protract  the  siege  till  a  late  period  olthe  autumn,  when 
famine  and  insubordination  reached  such  a  height,  that  the  Per- 
sian commanders,  (Eobazus  and  Artayctes,  were  fain  to  quit  the 
town  by  stealth,  which  was  immediately  surrendered.  Artayctes, 
having  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Greeks,  was  fixed  to  a  high 
pole,  and  left  to  perish  just  at  the  spot  where  the  bridge  of 
Xerxes  had  stood.  This  deviation  from  the  usual  humanity  of  the 
Greeks,  and  which  seems  to  have  been  sanctioned  by  Xanthippus, 
can  only  be  accounted  for  by  religious  exasperation  occasioned 
by  Artayctes  having  violated  and  insulted  the  grove  and  temple 
of  the  hero  Protesilaus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sestos. 

After  this  exploit  the  Athenians  returned  home,  carrying  with 
them  the  cables  of  the  bridge  across  the  Hellespont,  which  were 
afterwards  preserved  in  the  Acropolis  as  a  trophy. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


Bust  of  Pindar. 


HISTORY   OF    LITERATURE. 

§1.  General  characteristics.  §2.  Simonides.  §3.  Pindar.  S4.  Ibvcns 
and  Bacchyhdes.  §  5.  Rise  of  history  and  of  composition  m  prose. 
I  o'  ^^'^^^^^>  Charon  of  Lampsacus,  Hellanicus.  §  1.  Herodotus 
b  8.  Character  of  his  work.  Analysis.  §9.  Predilection  of  Herodotus 
for  Athens.     §  10.  Style  of  his  work. 

§  1.  During  the  period  which  we  have  been  surveying  in  the 
present  book,  Grecian  literature  was  gradually  assuming  a  more 
popular  form,  especially  at  Athens,  where,  since  the  expulsion  of 
the  Pisistratids,  the  people  were  rapidly  advancing  both  in  intel- 
lectual culture  and  in  political  importance.     Of  this  we  have  a 
strikmg  proof  in  the  rise  of  the  drama,  and  the  fomiding  of  a  regu- 
lar theatre  ;  for  dramatic  entertainments  must  be  regarded  as  the 
most  popular  form  which  literature  can  assume.     Nearly  half  a 
century  before  the  Persian  invasion,  Thespis  had  sketched  out 
the  first  feeble  rudiments  of  tragedy  ;  and  ^schylus,  the  real 
founder  of  tragic  art,  exhibited  a  play  nine  years  before  he  fought 
at  Marathon.     But  tragedy  stiU  awaited  its  final  improvements 
Irom  the  hand  of  Sophocles,  whilst  comedy  can  hardly  be  said  to 
have  existed.     For  these  reasons  we  shall  defer  an  account  of  the 
Greek  drama  to  a  later  period,  when  we  shall  be  enabled  to  pre- 
sent the  subject  as  a  whole,  and  in  a  connected  point  of  view. 
Tragedy,  the  noblest  emanation  of  ancient  genius,  was  in  fact 
only  the  final  development  of  lyric  poetry  ;  which,  in  the  period 
we  are  considernig,  had  attained  its  highest  pitch  of  excellence 
in  the  hands  of  S;  monides  and  Pindar.     These  two  great  masters 
ot  the  lyre  never  ventured,  however,  beyond  the  strictest  limits 
ol  that  species  of  composition,   and  left  their  contemporary, 


I        h 
I 


(II 


230 


HISTORY  OF  GEEECE. 


Chap.  XXI 


b 


V 


JEschylus,  to  gather  laurels  in  a  new  and  unexplored  field.  With 
Pindar  ends  the  ancient  school  of  lyric  poetry  ;  with  iEscliylus 
properly  begins  the  splendid  list  of  Athenian  dramatists. 

^  2.  Simonides  was  considerably  older  than  both  these  poets ; 
but  the  length  of  years  which  he  attained  made  him  their  con- 
temporary. He  was  born  at  lulis,  in  the  island  of  Ceos,  in  the 
year  55^  B.C.  His  family  had  cultivated  music  and  poetry  with 
diligence  and  success,  and  he  himself  was  trained  up  in  them 
as  a  profession.  From  his  native  island  he  proceeded  to  Athens, 
where  he  resided  some  years  at  the  court  of  Hipparchus,  together 
with  Anacreon  and  Lasus  of  Hermione,  tlie  teacher  of  Puidar  :  a 
society  which  could  not  but  serve  to  expand  and  mature  his 
powers,  more  especially  as  a  sort  of  rivalry  existed  between  him 
and  Lasus.  Here  he  seems  to  have  remained  till  the  expulsion 
of  Hippias  (b.c.  510).  Subsequently  he  spent  some  time  in  Thes- 
saly,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Aleuads  and  Scopads,  the  domi- 
nant families  of  the  cities  of  Larissa  and  Crannon.  The  poet 
seams,  however,  to  have  been  but  little  satisfied  with  his  visit. 
His  songs  were  unappreciated  by  the  rugged  Thessalians  and  ill- 
rewarded  by  their  vain  and  selhsh  masters.  Scopas  bespoke  a 
poem  on  his  own  exploits,  which  Simonides  recited  at  a  banquet 
In  order  to  diversify  the  theme,  Simonides,  as  was  customary  on 
such  occasions,  introduced  into  it  the  exploits  of  Castor  and 
Pollux.  An  ordinary  mortal  might  have  been  content  to  share 
the  praises  of  the  sons  of  Ledo  ;  but  vanity  is  exacting  ;  and  as 
the  tyrant  sat  at  his  festal  board  among  his  courtiers  and  syco- 
phants, he  grudged  every  verse  that  did  not  echo  his  own  praises. 
When  Simonides  approached  to  receive  his  promised  reward, 
Scopas  exclaimed,  "  Here  is  my  half  of  thy  pay  ;  the  Tyndarids 
who  have  had  so  much  of  thy  praise  will  doubtless  furnish  the 
other."  The  disconcerted  poet  retired  to  his  seat  amidst  the 
laughter  which  followed  the  great  man's  jest.  In  a  little  time  he 
received  a  message  that  two  young  men  on  horseback,  whose 
description  answered  in  every  resjwct  to  that  of  Castor  and 
Pollux,  were  waiting  without  and  wished  to  see  him.  Simonides 
hastened  to  the  door,  but  looked  in  vain  for  the  visitors.  Scarcely, 
however,  had  he  left  the  banqueting  hall,  when  the  building 
fell  in  with  a  loud  crash,  burying  Scopas  and  all  his  guests  be- 
neath the  ruins.  Into  the  authenticity  of  such  a  story  it  would 
be  idle  to  inquire.  It  is  enough  that  we  see  in  it  the  tribute 
which  a  lively  and  ingenious  people  paid  to  merit,  as  in  the  tales 
of  Arion  saved  by  the  dolphin,  and  of  Ibycus  avenged  by  the 
cranes. 

But  a  nobler  subject  than  the  praises  of  despots  awaited 
the  muse  of  Simonides — ^the  struggles  of  Greece  for  her  inde- 


Chap.  XXI. 


SIMONIDES. 


231 


pendence.  At  the  time  of  the  Persian  wars,  the  poet,  who  had 
then  reached  the  age  usually  allotted  to  man,  was  again  residing 
among  the  Athenians.  His  genius,  however,  was  still  fresh  and 
vigorous,  and  was  employed  in  celebrating  the  most  momentous 
events  of  that  memorable  epoch.  He  carried  away  the  prize 
from  ^schylus  with  an  elegy  upon  the  warriors  who  had  laUen 
at  the  battle  of  Marathon.  Subsequently  we  find  him  celebrat- 
ing the  heroes  of  Thermopylae ,  Artemisium,  Salamis,  and  Platsa. 
He  was  upwards  of  80  when  his  long  poetical  career  at  Athens 
was  closed  with  the  victory  which  he  gained  with  the  dithyram- 
bic  chorus  in  B.C.  477,  making  the  56th  prize  that  he  had 
carried  off.  Shortly  after  this  event  he  repaired  to  Syracuse  at 
the  invitation  of  Hiero.  Here  he  spent  the  remaining  ten  years 
of  his  life,  not  only  entertaining  Hiero  with  his  poetry,  but  in- 
structing him  by  his  wisdom ;  lor  Simonides  was  a  philosopher 
as  well  as  a  poet,  and  is  reckoned  among  the  sophists. 

Simonides  was  one  of  the  most  prolific  poets  that  Greece  had 
seen ;  but  only  a  few  fragments  of  his  compositici:3  have  de- 
scended to  us.  He  employed  himself  on  all  the  subjects  which 
fell  to  the  lyric  poet,  then  the  mouth-piece  of  human  life  with 
all  its  joys  and  sorrows,  its  hopes  and  disappointments.  He 
wrote  hymns,  paans,  elegies,  hyporchemes,  or  songs  for  dancing, 
dithyrambs,  epuiician  odes,  and  threnes,  or  dirges,  in  which  he 
lamented  the  departed  great.  In  the  last  species  of  composition 
he  particularly  excelled.  His  genius  was  inclined  to  the  pathetic, 
and  none  could  touch  with  truer  efiect  the  chords  of  human 
sympathy. 

\3.  Pindar,  though  the  contemporary  of  Simonides,  was  con- 
siderably his  junior.  He  was  born  either  at,  or  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of,  Thebes  in  Boeotia,  about  the  year  522  b.c.  His 
family  ranked  among  the  noblest  in  Thebes,  and  seems  to  have 
been  celebrated  for  its  skill  in  music,  though  there  is  no  authority 
for  the  assertion  that  they  were  hereditary  flute-players.  The 
youth  soon  gave  indications  of  a  genius  for  poetry,  which  in- 
duced his  father  to  send  him  to  Athens  to  receive  more  perfect 
instruction  in  the  art.  Later  vnriters  tell  us  that  his  future  glory 
as  a  poet  was  miraculously  foreshadowed  by  a  swarm  of  bees 
which  rested  upon  his  lips  while  he  was  asleep,  and  that  this 
miracle  first  led  him  to  compose  poetry.  At  Athens  he  became 
the  pupil  of  Lasus  of  Hermione,  who  was  the  founder  of  the 
Athenian  dithyrambic  school.  He  returned  to  Thebes  before 
he  had  completed  his  twentieth  year,  and  is  said  to  have  re- 
ceived instruction  there  from  Myrtis  and  Corinna,  two  poet- 
esses who  then  enjoyed  great  celebrity  in  Boeotia.  Corinna 
appears  to  have  exercised  considerable  influence  upon  th©  youth- 


\ 


232 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXI 


m 


fill  poet,  and  he  was  not  a  little  indebted  to  her  example  and 
precepts.  It  is  related  that  she  recommended  him  to  introduce 
mythical  narrations  into  his  poems,  and  that  when,  in  accordance 
with  her  advice,  he  composed  a  hymn  in  which  he  intei-wove 
almost  all  the  Theban  mythology,  she  smiled  and  said,  "  We 
ought  to  sow  with  the  hand,  and  not  with  the  whole  sack." 
With  both  these  poetesses  he  contended  for  the  prize  in  the  mu- 
sical contests  at  Thebes. 

Pindar  commenced  his  professional  career  at  an  early  age,  and 
Boon  acquired  so  great  a  reputation,  that  he  was  employed  by 
various  states  and  princes  of  the  Hellenic  race  to  compose  choral 
gongs.  He  was  courted  especially  by  Alexander,  king  of  Mace- 
donia, and  by  Hiero,  despot  of  Syracuse.  The  praises  which  he 
bestowed  upon  Alexander  are  said  to  have  been  the  chief  reason 
which  led  his  descendant,  Alexander  the  Great,  to  spare  the 
house  of  the  poet  when  he  destroyed  the  rest  of  Thebes.  About 
B.C.  473,  he  visited  Syracuse,  but  did  not  remain  more  than  four 
years  with  Hiero,  as  he  loved  an  independent  life,  and  did  not 
care  to  cultivate  the  courtly  arts  which  rendered  his  contempo- 
rary, Simonides,  a  more  welcome  guest  at  the  table  of  their 
patron.  But  the  estimation  in  which  Pindar  was  held,  is  still 
more  strikingly  shown  by  the  honours  conferred  upon  him  by 
the  free  states  of  Greece.  Although  a  Theban,  he  was  always  a 
great  favourite  with  the  Athenians,  whom  he  frequently  praised 
m  his  poems,  and  whose  city  he  often  visited.  The  Athenians 
testified  their  gratitude  by  making  him  their  public  guest,  and 
by  givmg  him  10,000  drachmas;  and  at  a  later  period  they 
erected  a  statue  in  his  honour. 

The  only  poems  of  Pindar  which  have  come  down  to  us 
entire  are  his  Epinicia  or  triumphal  odes,  composed  in  comme- 
moration of  victories  gained  in  the  great  public  games.  But 
these  were  only  a  small  portion  of  his  works.  He  also  wrote 
hymns,  p»ans,  dithyrambs,  odes  for  processions,  songs  of  maidens, 
mimic  dancing  songs,  drinking  songs,  dirges,  and  encomia,  or 
panegyrics  on  princes.* 

*  Most  of  them  are  mentioned  by  Horace : — 

"Seu  per  audaces  nova  dithyrambos 
A^erba  devolvit,  numerisque  fertur 
Lege  solutis ; 

Sen  deos  {hymns  andp(cans)  regesve  (encomia)  canity  deoruni 
Sanguinem : 

Sive  quos  Elea  domnm  rediicit 
Palma  ccelestea  {the  Epinicia). 

Flebili  sponsae  juvenemve  raptum 
Plorat"  {the  Dirg€s).^OD.  iv.  2. 


Chap.  XXL 


PINDAR. 


233 


The  style  of  Pindar  is  marked  by  daring  flights  and  abrupt 
transitions,  and  became  proverbial  lor  its  sublimity.  He  com- 
pared himself  to  an  eagle,— a  simile  which  has  been  beautifully 
expressed  in  the  hnes  of  Gray  : — 

"The  pride  and  ample  pinion 
That  the  Theban  eacjle  bare, 
Sailing  with  supreme  dominion 
Through  the  azure  deep  of  air." 

§  4.  The  only  other  poets  of  this  epoch  whom  we  need 
mention  are  Ibycus  and  Bacchylides.  Ibycus  was  a  native  of 
Rhegium,  and  flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the  sLxth  century 
before  the  Christian  era.  The  best  part  of  his  hfe  was  spent 
at  the  court  of  Polycrates  of  Samos.  The  story  of  his  death  is 
well  known.  While  travelling  through  an  unfrequented  place 
near  Corinth,  he  was  set  upon  by  robbers  and  mortally  wounded. 
As  he  was  on  the  point  of  expiring,  he  called  upon  a  flock  of 
cranes  that  happened  to  fly  over  the  spot  to  avenge  his  death. 
Soon  afterwards  the  cranes  were  beheld  hovering  over  the  theatre 
at  Corinth,  where  the  people  were  assembled ;  and  one  of  the 
murderers  who  were  present,  struck  with  remorse  and  terror,  in- 
voluntarily exclaimed,  "Behold  the  avengers  of  Ibycus!"  and  thus 
occasioned  the  detection  of  the  criminals.  The  poetry  of  Ibycus 
was  chiefly  of  an  amatory  character.  He  wrote  in  a  dialect  which 
was  a  mixture  of  the  Doric  and  iEolic. 

Bacchylides  was  a  native  of  lulis  in  the  island  of  Ceos,  and 
the  nephew  and  fellow-townsman  of  Simonides.  He  lived  with 
Simonides  and  Pindar  at  the  court  of  Hiero  at  Syracuse.  His 
odes  and  songs  turned  on  the  same  subjects  as  those  of  the  poets 
just  named ;  but  though  he  seems  to  have  rivalled  his  uncle  in 
the  grace  and  finish  of  his  compositions,  he  was  far  from  attaining 
to  the  strength  and  energy  of  Pindar.  He  wrote  in  the  Doric 
dialect,  with  a  mixture  of  the  Attic. 

Such  were  the  principal  characteristics  of  the  poetry  of  the 
epoch  which  we  are  considering,  and  such  the  chief  poets  who 
flourished  in  it.  Our  attention  must  now  be  directed  to  a 
striking  feature  in  the  literature  of  the  period,— the  rise  of  com- 
position in  prose,  and  of  history  properly  so  called. 

k  5.  The  Greeks  had  arrived  at  a  high  pitch  of  civilization 
before  they  can  be  said  to  have  possessed  a  history.  Nations 
far  behind  them  in  intellectual  development  have  infinitely  ex- 
celled them  in  this  respect.  Many  of  the  eastern  nations  had 
continuous  chronicles  from  a  very  remote  antiquity,  as  the  Egyp- 
tians, the  Babylonians,  and  the  Jews.  But  among  the  Greeks 
this  branch  of  literature  was  singularly  neglected.  Their  imagi- 
nation seems  to  have  been  entirely  dazzled  and  fascinated  with 


234 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXI. 


Chap.  XXI. 


EARLY  PROSE  WRITERS. 


the  glories  of  the  heroic  ages,  and  to  have  taken  but  little  in- 
terest in  the  events  which  were  daily  passing  around  them.  But 
a  more  critical  and  inquiring  spirit  was  now  beginning  to  spring 
up,  especially  among  the  lonians  of  Asia  Minor.  We  l.ave 
already  recorded  the  rise  of  natural  philosophy  among  that 
people,  and  we  are  now  to  view  them  as  the  originators  of  his- 
tory in  prose.  This  innovation  of  course  implies  a  more  ex- 
tended use  of  the  art  of  writing,  without  which  a  long  prose 
composition  could  not  be  remembered. 

$  6.  The  use  of  prose  in  writing  was  probably  coeval  with  the 
art  of  writing  itself;  but  its  first  application  was  oidy  to  objects 
of  essential  utility,  and  it  was  long  before  it  came  to  be  culti- 
vated as  a  branch  of  literature.  The  first  essays  in  literary  prose 
cannot  be  placed  earlier  than  the  sixth  century  before  the  Chris- 
tian sera.  Three  nearly  contemporary  authors,  who  flourished 
about  the  middle  of  that  century,  lay  claim  to  the  honour  of 
having  been  the  first  prose  writers ;  namely,  Cadmus  of  Mi- 
letus, Pherecydes  of  Syros,  and  Acusilaus  of  Argos ;  but  He- 
catseus  of  Miletus,  to  whom  Herodotus  frequently  refers  by 
name,  must  be  regarded  as  the  first  historical  prose  writer 
of  any  importance.  He  was  apparently  a  man  of  wealth  and 
importance,  and  distinguished  himself  by  the  sound  advice  which 
he  gave  the  lonians  at  the  time  of  their  revolt  from  Persia 
(b.c.  500).  He  lived  till  the  close  of  the  Persian  wars  in  Greece. 
Like  many  other  early  Greek  historians,  Hecatajus  was  a  great 
traveller,  lor  at  first  geography  and  history  were  almost  iden- 
tical. Egypt  especially  he  seems  to  have  carefully  explored. 
Two  works  are  ascribed  to  him ;  one  of  a  geographical  nature, 
called  "  Periodus,"  or  travels  round  the  earth,  and  the  other  of 
an  historical  kind,  which  is  sometimes  cited  by  the  name  of 
"Genealogies,"  and  sometimes  by  that  of  "Histories."  The 
former  of  these  seems  to  have  constituted  the  first  regular 
system  of  Grecian  geography  ;  but  it  was  probably  little  more 
than  a  "Periplus,"  or  circumnavigation  of  the  Mediterranean, 
and  its  adjoining  seas.  The  "  Genealogies"  related  to  the  descent 
and  exploits  of  the  heroes  of  mythology. 

Charon  of  Lampsacus,  an  Ionic  city  on  the  Hellespont,  is  re- 
markable as  the  first  prose  writer  whose  subjects  were  selected 
from  the  historical  times,  and  treated  in  a  rational  and  discrimi- 
nating manner ;  and  he  has  therefore  some  title  to  be  regarded 
as  the  first  historian  really  deserving  of  the  name.  He  flourished 
in  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century  b.c,  and  was  certainly  alive 
in  B.C.  464. 

The  only  other  prose  vnriter  previous  to  Herodotus,  whom  it 
is  necessary  to  mention,  is  Hellanicus  of  Mytilene.     Hellanicus 


235 


was  alive  at  the  commencement  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and 
was  therefore  a  coatemporary  of  Herodotus,  though  probably  a 
little  older.  He  was  by  ikr  the  most  eminent  and  most  volu- 
minous writer  of  history  before  the  time  of  Herodotus  and 
seems  to  have  been  the  author  of  at  least  ten  or  twelve  works  of 
considerable  size.  Many  others  were  ascribed  to  him  which  in 
all  probability  were  spurious.  Like  his  predecessors,  a  large 
lx>rtion  1)1  his  labors  was  dedicated  to  imaginary  pedigrees  but 
stmie  oi  them  were  historical  and  chronological.  He  seeiAs  to 
have  been  acquainted  with  the  early  history  of  Italy  and  Rome 
He  must  be  regarded  as  forming  the  chief  fink  between  the 
earlier  logographers  and  Herodotus ;  but  his  works  were  pro- 
bably very  far  Irom  exhibiting  the  unity  of  design  which  we  find 
m  that  of  the  latter  writer. 

j  7.  According  to  the  strict  order  of  chronology,  neither  He- 
rodotus nor  some  others  of  the  authors  just  mentioned  belong  to 
the  period  which  we  are  now  considering ;  but  the  subject  of  Hero- 
dotus connects  him  so  intimately  with  the  Persian  wars,  that  we 
have  prelerred  to  give  an  account  of  him  here,  rather  than  in 
a  subsequent  book.     Herodotus  was  bom  in  the  Dorian  colony 
ot  Hahcaruassus  m  Caria,  in  the  year  484  b.c,  and  accordingly 
about  the  time  of  the  Persian  expeditions  into  Greece.     He  was 
descended  irom  a  distinguished  Ikmily,  but  respecting  his  youth 
and  education  we  are  totally  in  the  dark.     One  of  the  earliest 
eveiits  ol  his  hfe  with  which  we  are  acquainted  is  his  retirement 
to  bamos,  m  order  to  escape  the  tyranny  of  Lygdamis,  a  grand- 
son ol  queen  Artemisia,  who  had  Ibuglit  so  bravely  at  Salamis 
It  was  ixjrliaps  m  iSamos  that  Herodotus  acquired  the  Ionic 
dialect.      The  celebrity  of  the  Ionian  writers  of  history  had 
caused  that  dialect  to  be  regarded  as  the  appropriate  vehicle  ibr 
that  species  ol  composition  ;  but  though  Herodotus  made  use  of 
It,  his  language  has  been  observed  not  to  be  so  pure  as  that  of 
Hecatffius  who  was  an  Ionian  by  birth.     Herodotus  was  pro- 
bably rather  more  than  thirty  years  of  age  when  he  went  to 
feamos.     How  long  he  remained  there  cannot  be  determined 
He  seems  to  have  been  recalled  to  his  native  city  by  some  poli- 
tical crisis ;  for  on  his  return  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  deii- 
vering  it  from  the  tyrant  Lygdamis.     The  dissensions,  however, 
which  prevailed  at  Halicarnassus  after  that  event,  compelled 
Herodotus  again  to  emigrate ;  and  it  was  probably  at  this  period 
that  he  undertook  the  travels  of  which  he  speaks  in  his  work. 
The  extent  of  them  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  there 
was  scarcely  a  town  in  Greece,  or  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor, 
with  which  he  was  not  acquainted ;  that  he  had  explored  Thrace 
and  the  coasts  of  the  Black  Sea ;  that  in  Egypt  he  had  penetrated 


Li 


8#6 


HISTORY  OP  GREECK 


Chap.  XXI 


as  far  south  as  Elephantine ;  and  that  in  Asia  he  had  visited  the 
cities  of  Babylon,  Ecbatana,  and  Susa.     The  latter  part  of  his 
life  was  spent  at  Thurii,  a  colony  founded  by  the  Athenians  in 
Italy  in  B.C.  443 ;  and  it  was  probably  at  this  place  that  he  com- 
posed the  greater  portion  of  his  history.     The  date  of  his  settle- 
ment at  Thurii  cainiot  be  accurately  fixed.    Some  accounts  make 
him  accompany  the  first  colonists  thither ;  but  there  are  reasons 
for  believing  that  he  did  not  take  up  liis  abode  tlicre  till  several 
years  al^erwards.     According  to  a  well-known  story  in  Lucian, 
Herodotus,  when  he  had  completed  his  work,  recited  it  publicly 
at  the  great  Olympic  festival,  as  the  best  means  of  procuring  for 
it  that  celebrity  to  which  he  felt  that  it  was  entitled.     Posting 
himself  on  the  platform  of  the  temple  of  Jove,  he  recited,  or 
rather  chaunted,  the  whole  of  his  work  to  the  assembled  Greeks. 
The  efiect  is  described  as  immediate  and  complete.     The  de- 
lighted audience  at  once  assigned  the  names  of  the  nine  Muses 
to  the  nuie  books  into  which  it  is  divided ;  whilst  the  celebrity 
of  the  author  became  so  great,  that  it  even  eclipsed  that  of  the 
victors  in  the  games.     A  still  later  author  (Suidas)  adds,  that 
Thucydides,  then  a  boy,  was  present  at  tlie  festival  with  his 
father  Olorus,  and  was  so  afiected  by  the  recital  as  to  shed  tears; 
upon  which  Herodotus  congratulated  Olorus  on  having  a  son 
who  possessed  so  early  such  a  zeal  for  knowledge.     But  there 
are  many  objections  to  the  probability  of  these  tales. 

The  time  and  manner  of  the  death  of  Herodotus  are  uncertain, 
but  we  know,  from  some  allusions  in  his  history,  that  he  was 
alive  subsequently  to  the  year  408  b.c.  According  to  one  tradi- 
tion he  died  at  Thurii,  according  to  another  at  Pella  in  Mace- 
donia. The  former  account  is  hardly  probable,  since  Thurii 
revolted  from  Athens  in  412,  when  the  old  Athenian  colonists 
who  sided  with  the  mother-country  were  driven  into  exile.  Un- 
less therefore  we  assume  that  Herodotus  took  part  with  the  in- 
surgents, it  seems  most  likely  that  he  quitted  Thurii  at  this 
period,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that,  like  Lysias  the  orator,  he 
returned  to  Athens. 

§  8.  Herodotus  interwove  into  his  history  all  the  varied  and 
extensive  knowledge  acquired  in  his  travels,  and  by  his  own  per- 
sonal researches.  The  real  subject  of  that  magnificent  work  is 
the  conflict  between  the  Greek  race,  in  the  widest  sense  of  the 
terra,  and  including  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  with  the  Asiatics. 
This  is  the  ground-plan  of  the  book,  and  was  founded  on  a  notion 
then  current  of  an  ancient  enmity  between  the  Greeks  and 
Asiatics,  as  exempUfied  in  the  stories  of  lo,  Medea,  and  Helen. 
Thus  the  historian  had  a  vast  epic  subject  presented  to  him, 
which  was  brought  to  a  natural  and  glorious  termination  by  the 


Chap.  XXI 


HERODOTUS. 


237 


defeat  of  the  Persians  in  their  attempts  upon  Greece.    He  touches 
the  ancient  and  mythical  times,  however,  but  lightly,  and  hastens 
on  to  a  more  recent  and  authentic  historical  period.      Crcesus, 
king  of  Lydia,  the  eariiest  Asiatic  monarch  who  had  succeeded 
in  reducing  a  portion  of  the  Greek  race  to  subjection,  first  en- 
gages his  attention  at  any  length.     The  quarrel  between  Crcesus 
and  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia,  brings  the  latter  power  upon  the  stage. 
The  destruction  of  the  Lydian  monarchy  by  the  Persians  is  re- 
lated, and  is  followed  by  a  retrospective  view  of  the  rise  of  the 
Persian  power,  and  of  the  Median  empire.     This  is  succeeded 
by  an  account  of  the  reduction  of  the  rest  of  Asia  Minor  and  of 
Babylonia ;  and  the  first  book  closes  with  the  death  of  Cyrus  in 
an  expedition  against  the  Massagetse,  a  race  inhabiting  the  plains 
beyond  the  Caspian  Sea.     Cambyses,  the  son  of  Cyrus,  under- 
takes an  expedition  against  Egypt,  which  gives  occasion  to  a 
description  of  that  country  occupying  the  whole  of  the  second 
book.     In  the  third  book  the  annexation  of  Egypt  to  the  Persian 
empire  is  related,  as  well  as  the  abortive  attempts  of  Cambyses 
against  the  M  fehiopians  and  Ammonians.  The  death  of  Cambyses, 
the  usurpation  of  the  false  Sinerdis,  and  the  accession  of  Darius 
form  the  remainder  of  the  third  book.    The  fourth  book  is  chiefly 
occupied  with  the  Scythian  expedition  of  Darius;  whilst  at  the 
same  time  a  Persian  armament  fitted  out  in  Egypt  for  the  con- 
quest of  Libya,  serves  to  introduce  an  account  of  the  discovery 
and  colonization  of  the  latter  country  by  the  Greeks.     In  the 
fifth  book  the  termination  of  the  Thracian  expedition  under  the 
satrap  Megabazus  is  related,  and  a  description  given  of  the 
Thracian  people.     This  book  also  contains  an  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  quarrel  between  Persia  and  the  Greek  colonies  in 
Asia  Minor.     The  history  of  the  wars  between  the  Greeks  and 
1  ersians  then  runs  on  with  little  interruption  in  the  remainder 
oi  this  book,  and  in  the  four  last  books.     The  work  concludes 
witli  the  reduction  of  Sestos  by  the  Athenians. 

^  9.  The  love  and  admiration  of  Herodotus  for  Athens  are  ap- 
parent throughout  his  work ;  he  sided  with  her  with  all  his  soul, 
and  declared  her  to  be  the  saviour  of  Grecian  hberty.  This  at- 
tachment was  not  unrewarded  by  the  Athenians,  and  a  psc- 
phisma,  or  vote  of  the  people,  is  recorded,  granting  him  the  sum 
ot  1 0  talents  out  of  the  public  treasury.  It  was  this  not  unfounded 
admiration  of  Herodotus  for  Athens  that  gave  occasion  to  Plu- 
tarch, or  some  writer  who  assumed  Plutarch's  name,  to  charge 
him  with  partiality,  and  malice  towards  other  Grecian  states. 

HO.  The  ease  and  simplicity  of  the  style  of  Herodotus  lend 
It  an  indescribable  charm,  and  we  seem  rather  to  be  conversing 
with  an  intelligent  traveller  than  reading  an  elaborately  com- 


■  ( 

.1 

fi 


I 


888 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXI 


posed  history.  On  the  other  hand  a  certain  want  of  skill  in 
composition  may  be  observed  in  it.  Prose  style  does  not  arrive 
at  perfection  till  much  has  been  written,  and  with  Herodotus  it 
was  still  in  its  infancy.  Nor  must  we  seek  in  him  for  that 
depth  of  philosophical  reflection  which  we  find  in  Thucydides. 
Sometimes,  indeed,  he  exhibits  an  ahnost  childish  credulity. 
Yet  he  had  formed  a  high  notion  of  the  value  of  history,  and 
was  evidently  a  sincere  lover  of  truth.  He  may  sometimes  have 
received  the  accounts  of  others  with  too  trusting  a  simplicity, 
yet  he  always  gives  them  for  what  they  are  worth,  leaving  the 
reader  to  form  his  own  judgment,  and  often  cautioning  him  a^ 
to  their  source  and  value.  On  the  other  hand,  where  he  speaks 
from  his  own  observation,  his  accounts  may  be  implicitly  relied 
upon ;  and  many  of  them,  which  were  formerly  doubted  as  im- 
probable, have  been  confirmed  by  the  researches  of  modern  tra- 
vellers. In  short,  Herodotus  is  the  Homer  of  history.  He  has 
all  the  majesty  and  simphcity  of  the  great  epic  bard,  and  all 
the  freshness  and  vivacity  of  colouring  which  mark  the  founder 
of  a  new  literary  epoch. 


Bust  or  Herodotu;; 


The  Theseum  at  Athens. 


BOOK  IV. 

THE  ATIIEIIAJf  SUPREMACY  AND  THF 
PELOPOINESIAN  WAR  ^ 

B.C.  477 — 404. 


'I 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

PEOM   THE   EXPULSION  Or   T„K   PERSUNS   TO    THE   DEATH  OF 

THEMISTOCLES. 

^  Ji'o7pi\r„ifI"f  3"^Tt^  tl.e  Pe^ians.     §  a.  Misconduct  and 

Cimon.    8  6.  Growth  of  t.h*  AVl,.„i        S  *•  The  combined  fleet  under 
g V.  RebulldingSeL   T^fr 3 ^°'"^--    ^'»'" ""hemistoclcs. 

b;eWf„rtifi„d.S'rFortifirtio„TfPr;u?"8^^^ 

Athens.     Misconduct  of  ThemistoclMS^n     fe  »•  »tnfe  of  parties  at 

Pausanias  convicted  of  MedlZ    sT^  tL    ■  ?* ,"  "?'"•".':'««''•     §  '  '• 
puilt     He  escapes  in  to  Atil      8  1  s  ^■-Jj!"""^^''}^^  implicated  in  his 

Arta,er,e.     H^  death  t„a%h!rL^tef|  ^rSlirteSf''^ 

fj;  J/Jbi^P  "^"P^'f"  had  effectually  delivered  Greece  from  aU 
fcar  of  the  Persian  yoke;  but  the  Persiaiis  still  held  some^l^ 


:i 


ftl 


(   I 


240 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  ZXH 


from  which  it  concerned  both  the  interests  and  the  honour  of 
the  Greeks  to  expel  them.  They  were  in  possession  of  tho 
island  of  Cyprus  and  of  the  important  town  of  Byzantium ;  to- 
gether with  Eiou  on  the  Strymon,  Doriscus,  and  several  other 
places  in  Thrace.  A  fleet  was  therefore  fitted  out  (d.c.  478)  the 
year  after  the  battle  of  Plataea,  and  placed  under  the  command 
of  the  Spartan  regent,  Pausanias.  Of  this  fleet  only  twenty  ships 
belonged  to  the  Peloponnesians,  whilst  thirty,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Aristides  and  Cimon,  were  furnished  by  Atliens  alone. 
After  delivering  most  of  the  Grecian  towns  in  Cyprus  from  the 
Persians,  this  armament  sailed  up  the  Bosporus  and  laid  siege 
to  Byzantium,  which  was  garrisoned  by  a  large  Persian  force 
commanded  by  some  kinsmen  of  Xerxes.  The  town  surrendered 
after  a  protracted  siege ;  but  it  was  during  this  expedition  that 
the  conduct  of  the  Spartan  commander  struck  a  fatal  blow  at  tho 
interests  of  his  country. 

f  2.  The  immense  booty,  as  well  as  the  renown,  which  Pau- 
sanias had  acquired  at  Plattca,  had  lilled  hhn  with  pride  and 
ambition.  When  he  returned  home,  he  felt  it  irksome  to  con- 
form to  the  simplicity  and  sobriety  of  a  Spartan  life,  and  to 
submit  to  the  commands  of  the  Ephors.  He  had  given  a  signal 
instance  of  the  pride  with  which  he  was  inflated  by  causing 
Simonides  to  attribute  the  glory  of  the  Persian  defeat  solely  to 
himself  in  the  epigram  which  he  composed  for  the  tripod  dedi- 
cated at  Delphi ;  a  piece  of  vanity  which  gave  such  ollence  to 
the  Lacedaemonians  that  they  caused  the  inscription  to  be 
erased,  and  another  to  be  substituted  in  its  place.  Nevertheless, 
in  spite  of  these  symptoms,  he  had  been  again  entrusted  with 
the  command.  During  the  whole  course  of  it  his  conduct  was 
marked  by  the  greatest  vanity  and  insolence ;  towards  the  end 
it  was  also  sullied  by  treason.  After  the  capture  of  Byzantium, 
he  put  himself  in  coimnunication  with  the  Persian  court,  through 
Gongylus,  an  Eretrian  exile  and  subject  of  Persia.  He  sent  Gon- 
gylus  clandestinely  to  Xerxes  with  those  members  of  the  royal 
family  who  had  been  taken  at  Byzantium,  and  assured  the  allies 
that  they  had  escaped.  At  the  same  time  he  despatched  the 
following  letter  to  Xerxes  : — 

"  Panamas,  the  Spartan  commander,  wishing  to  ohlige  thee, 
sends  back  these  prisoners  of  war.  I  am  minded,  if  it  please 
thee,  to  marry  thy  daughter,  and  to  bring  Sparta,  and  the  rest 
of  Greece  under  thy  dominion.  This  I  hold  myself  able  to  do 
with  the  help  of  thy  counsels.  If,  therefore,  the  project  at  all 
pleases  thee,  send  down  some  trustworthy  mjui  to  the  coast, 
through  whom  we  may  carry  on  our  future  correspondence." 

Xerxes  was  highly  delighted  with  tliis  letter,  and  sent  a  reply 


HC.  478.         MARITIME  SUPREMACY  OF  ATHENS.  241 

in  which  he  urged  Pausanias  to  pursue  his  project  night  and  dav 
and  promised  to  supply  him  with  all  the  money  and  troops  that 
might  be  neediul  lor  its  execution.  At  the  same  time  he  appointed 
Artabazus,  who  had  been  second  in  command  in  Bceotia,  to  be  sa- 
trap ol  Dascyhum,  where  he  would  be  able  to  co-operate  with  the 
fepartan  cornmander.     But  the  childish  vanity  of  Pausanias  be- 
trayed his  plot  beiore  it  was  ripe  for  execution.     Elated  by  the 
confidence  of  Xerxes,  and  by  the  money  with  which  he  was 
avishly  supphed,  he  acted  as  if  he  had  already  married  the 
(xreat  King  s  daughter.      He  assumed  the  Pcr.'.an  dress  •  he 
made  a  progress   through    Thrace,   attended  by  Persian   and 
Egyptian  guards  ;  and  copied,  in  the  luxury  of  his  table  and  the 
dissoluteness  o   Ins  manners,  the  example  of  his  adopted  coun- 
try      Above  all,  he  oflended  the  alhes  by  his  haughty  reserve 
and  imperiousness. 

}  3.  His  designs  were  now  too  manifest  to  escape  attention 
His  proceedings  reached  the  ears  of  the  Spartans,  who  sent  out 
Dorcis  to  supersede  him.     But  when  Dorcis  arrived,  he  found 
lliat  the  allies  had  transferred  the  command  of  the  fleet  to  tk 
Athenians. 

There  were  other  reasons  for  this  step  besides  the  dis-ust 
occasioned  by  the  conduct  of  Pausanias.     Even  before  the  battle 
ol  fealamis,  the  preponderating  naval  power  of  Atliens  had  raised 
the  question  whether  she  was  not  entitled  to  the  command  at 
sea  ;  and  the  victory  gained  there,  under  the  auspices  of  Themis- 
tocles,  had  strengthened  her  claim  to  that  distinction.     But  the 
delivery  of  the  Ionian  colonies  from  the  Persian  yoke  was  the 
immediate  cause  for  her  attaining  it.     The  lonians  were  not  only 
attracted  to  Athens  by  affinity  of  race,  but,  from  her  naval  su- 
periority,  regarded  her  as  the  only  power  capable  of  securinff 
them  in  their  newly  acquired  independence.     Disgusted  by  the 
mgoience  of  Pausanias,  tlie  lonians  now  serving  in  the  combined 
txrecian  fleet  addressed   themselves  to  Aristides   and    Cimon 
whose  manners  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  those  of  the  Spar* 
tan  leader,  and  begged  them  to  assume  the  command.     Aristides 
was  the  more  inclined  to  listen  to  this  request  as  it  was  made 
precisely  at  the  time  when  Pausanias  was  recalled.     The  Spartan 
squadron  had  accompanied  him  home ;    so  that  when  Dorcis 
arrived  with  a  few  ships,  he  found  himself  in  no  condition  to  as- 
lert  ins  pretensions. 

I  4.  This  event  was  not  a  mere  empty  question  about  a  point 
ot  honour  It  was  a  real  revolution,  tenninated  by  a  solemn 
league,  of  which  Athens  was  to  be  the  head  ;  and  though  it  is 
wrong  to  date  the  Athenian  e?npire  from  this  period,  yet  it  can- 
not 1x3  doubted  that  this  eonfedi'iacy  formed  her  jiist step  toward* 

M 


y 


Il 


MS 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


-^ 


Chap.  XXII. 


it.  Aristides  took  the  lead  in  this  matter,  for  which  his  pro- 
verbial justice  and  probity,  and  his  concihatory  manners,  emi- 
nently qualified  him.  The  league  obtained  the  name  of  "  the 
Confederacy  of  Delos,"  from  its  being  arranged  that  deputies  of 
the  allies  belonging  to  it  should  meet  periodically  for  deliberation 
in  the  temple  of  Apollo  and  Artemis  in  that  island.  The  league 
was  not,  however,  confined  to  the  loniaus.  It  was  joined  by  all 
who  sought,  in  the  maritime  power  of  Athens,  a  protection 
against  the  attacks  of  Persia.  Besides  the  Ionic  islands  of  Samos 
and  Chios,  it  was  joined  by  Rhodes,  Cos,  Lesbo's,  and  Tenedos. 
Among  the  continental  towns  belonging  to  it  we  find  Miletus, 
the  Greek  towns  on  the  peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  and  the  recently 
delivered  Byzantium.  Each  state  was  assessed  in  a  certain  con- 
tribution either  of  money  or  ships,  as  proposed  by  the  Athenians 
and  ratified  by  the  Synod.  The  assessment  was  intrusted  to 
Aristides,  whose  justice  and  impartiality  were  universally  ap- 
plauded. Of  the  details,  however,  we  only  know  that  the  first 
assessment  amounted  to  460  talents  (about  1G0,000Z.  sterling) ; 
that  certain  officers  called  Hellenotamiae  were  appointed  by  the 
Athenians  to  collect  and  administer  the  contributions;  that 
Delos  was  the  treasury  ;  and  that  the  tax  was  called  j^haros  ;  a 
name  which  afterwards  became  odious  when  the  tribute  was 
abused  for  the  purposes  of  Athenian  ambition. 

k  5.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.  Soon 
afler  its  formation  Aristides  was  succeeded  in  the  command  of 
the  combined  fleet  by  Cimon,  whose  first  important  action  seems 
to  have  been  the  capture  of  Eion  on  the  Strymon.  This  place 
was  bravely  defended  by  Boges,  the  Persian  Governor,  who  re- 
fused all  offers  of  capitulation ;  and  when  his  provisions  were 
exhausted  and  all  further  defence  impracticable,  he  caused  a  large 
funeral  pile  to  be  kindled  into  which  he  cast  his  wives,  liis  con- 
cubines, and  children,  and  lastly  himself 

The  next  event  of  any  moment  was  the  reduction  of  the  island 
of  Scyros,  probably  in  B.C.  470.  A  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Scyros,  had  been  condenmed  by  the  Amphictyonic  council  as  guilty 
sif  piracy,  and  in  order  to  avoid  payment  of  the  fine  imposed  upon 
them,  appealed  to  Cimon ;  who  took  possession  of  the  island,  and 
after  expelling  the  natives,  colonised  it  with  Athenians.  The 
hero  Theseus  had  been  buried  in  Scyros ;  and  now,  by  command 
of  an  oracle,  his  bones  were  disinterred  and  carried  to  Athens, 
where  they  were  deposited  with  much  solemnity  in  a  temple 
called  the  Theseum,  which  exists  at  the  present  day. 

§  6.  The  isle  of  Scyros  is  small  and  barren,  but  its  position  and 
excellent  harbour  rendered  it  an  important  naval  station.  The 
occupation  of  it  by  the  Athenians  seems  to  have  been  the  first 


B.C.  477. 


CONFEDERACY  OF  DELOa 


24& 


actual  step  taken  by  them  in  the  career  of  aggrandizement  on 
which  they  were  now  about  to  enter ;  but  the  rapid  growth  of 
their  maritime  power,  and  especially  the  formation  of  the  Con- 
federacy of  Delos,  had  already  roused  the  jealousy  and  suspicion 
of  Sparta  and  other  states.  It  was,  probably,  a  lingering  dread 
of  the  Persians,  against  whose  attacks  the  Athenian  fleet  was 
indispensably  necessary,  which  had  prevented  the  Lacedajrao- 
niaiis,  from  at  once  resenting  that  encroachment  on  their  supre- 
macy. Up  to  that  time  Sparta  had  been  regarded  as  entitled  to 
take  the  lead  in  Grecian  affairs,  and  for  a  moment  the  le^ue 
formed  at  Plataja  after  the  defeat  of  Mardonius  seemed  to  con- 
firm her  in  that  position.  But  she  was  soon  deprived  of  it 
by  the  misconduct  of  her  leaders,  and  by  the  skill  and  enterprise 
of  Athens. 

That  city  was  the  only  one  which,  during  the  Persian  wars, 
had  displayed  ability  and  heroism  equal  to  the  crisis.  She  had 
taken  a  large  share  in  the  battle  of  Plataja,  whilst  the  glory  of 
Marathon,  and  Salamis,  and  Mycale  was  almost  entirely  her  own. 
Above  all,  the  sufferings  which  she  had  voluntarily  undergone  in 
the  common  cause  entitled  her  to  the  love  and  sympathy  of 
Greece.  It  was  not,  however,  the  gratitude  of  her  allies  which 
placed  her  in  the  commanding  situation  she  was  now  about  to 
seize.  She  owed  it  rather  to  the  eminent  qualities  of  two  of  her 
citizens — to  the  genius  of  Themistocles,  and  to  the  virtue  of 
Aristides.  It  was,  as  we  have  seen,  tlirough  the  immediate 
agency  of  Aristides  that  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  was  esta- 
blished :  a  matter  which  his  able  but  unprincipled  rival,  owing 
to  the  want  of  confidence  felt  in  his  character,  would  hardly  have 
been  able  to  carry  out.  But  it  was  Themistocles  who  had  first 
placed  Athens  in  a  situation  which  enabled  her  to  aspire  to  the 
chief  command.  His  genius  had  mastered  all  the  exigencies  of 
the  crisis.  His  advice  to  the  Athenians  to  rely  on  their  ships, 
and  to  abandon  their  city  to  its  fate,  had  not  only  saved  Athens 
but  Greece.  He  was  now  engaged  in  measures  which  might 
enable  Athens  by  the  same  means  to  consolidate  and  extend  her 
power ;  and  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  promised  to  bring  his 
plans  to  an  earlier  maturity  than  even  he  had  perhaps  ventured 
to  anticipate.  But  in  order  to  understand  the  plans  of  Themis- 
tocles, it  will  be  necessary  to  revert  to  the  city  of  Athens 
itself,  and  to  trace  its  progress  after  the  close  of  the  Persian  war. 

§  7.  The  Athenians,  on  their  return  to  Attica  after  the  defeat 
of  the  Persians,  found  their  city  ruined  and  their  country  deso- 
late. Their  first  care  was  to  provide  shelter  for  the  hcuseless  fa. 
milies  which  had  been  transported  back  from  TroBzen,  ^gina,  and 
Salamis.     When  this  had   been  accomplished,  they  began  ta 


M 


t 


9^\ 


I .  il 


3S44 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIL 


I 


rebuild  their  city  on  a  larger  scale  than  beibrc,  and  to  fortify  it 
with  a  wall.     Those  allies  to  whom  the  increasing  maritime 
power  of  Athens  was  an  object  of  suspicion,  and  especially  the 
^gmetans,  to  whom  it  was  more  particularly  Ibrmidable,  beheld 
her  rising  fortifications  with  dismay.     In  order  to  prevent  the 
completion  of  these  fortifications,  they  endeavored  to  inspire 
the  Lacedaemonians  with  their  own  fears,  and  urged  them  to 
surest  the  work.     But,  though  Sparta  shared  the  jealousv  of  the 
jEgmetans  on  this  occasion,  she  could  not  with  any  decency 
interfere  by  force  to  prevent  a  friendly  city  from  exercising  a 
right  mherent  m  all  independent  states.     She  assumed,  there- 
fore, the  hypocritical  garb  of  an  adviser  and  counsellor.     Con- 
cealing her  jealousy  under  the  pretence  of  zeal  for  the  common 
interests  of  Greece,  she  represented  to  the  Athenians  that,  in 
the  event  of  another  Persian  invasion,  fortified  towns  would  serve 
the  enemy  for  camps  and  strongholds,  as  Thebes  had  done  in  the 
last  war ;  and  proposed  that  the  Athenians  should  not  only  desist 
from  completmg  their  own  fortifications,  but  help  to  demolish 
those  which  already  existed  in  other  towns. 

The  object  of  this  proposal  was  too  transparent  to  deceive  so 
acute  a  statesman  as  Themistocles.     Athens  was  not  yet,  how- 
ever, in  a  condition  to  incur  the  danger  of  openly  rejecting  it ;  and 
he  therefore  advised  the  Athenians  to  dismiss  the  Spartan  envoys 
with  the  assurance  that  they  would  send  ambassadors  to  Sparta 
to  explain  their  views.     He  then  caused  himself  to  be  appointed 
one  oi  these  anabassadors,  together  with  Aristides  and  Abronychus ; 
and  setting  ofi'  at  once  for  Sparta,  directed  his  colleagues  to  linger 
behind  as  long  as  possible.    At  Sparta,  the  absence  of  his  colleagues, 
at  which  he  afiected  to  be  surprised,  aflbrded  him  an  excuse  for 
not  demanding  an  audience  of  the  Ephors.     During  the  interval 
thus  gamed  the  whole  population  of  Athens,  of  both  sexes  and 
every  age,  worked  day  and  night  at  the  walls,  which,  when  Aris- 
tides and  Abronychus  at  length  arrived  at  Sparta,  had  attained  a 
height  sufficient  to  afford  a  tolerable  defence.     Meanwhile,  the 
suspicions  of  the  Spartans  had  been  more  than  once  aroused  by 
messages  from  the  -Sginetans  respecting  the  progress  of  the 
walls.      Themistocles,  however,  positively  denied  their  state- 
ments, and  urged  the  Spartans  to  send  messengers  of  their  own 
to  Athens  in  order  to  learn  the  true  state  of  afiiiirs  ;  at  the  same 
time  instructing  the  Athenians  to  detain  them  as  hostages  for 
the  safety  of  himself  and  colleagues.     As  there  was  now  no 
longer  any  motive  of  concealment,  Themistocles  openly  avowed 
the  progress  of  the  works,  and  his  intention  of  securing  tho 
independence  of  Athens,  and  enabling  her  to  act  for  herself.     As 
the  walk  were  now  too  far  advanced  to  be  easily  taken,  tho 


1 


B.C.  4*78. 


FORTIFICATION  OF  ATHENS. 


245 


. 


Spartans  found  themselves  compelled  to  acquiesce,  and  the  works 
were  completed  without  further  hindrance. 

{  8.  Having  thus  secured  the  city  from  all  danger  of  an  imme- 
diate attack,  Themistocles  pursued  liis  favourite  project  of  ren- 
dering Athens  the  greatest  maritime  and  commercial  power  of 
Greece.  The  large  fleet  which  he  had  called  into  existence,  and 
which  he  had  persuaded  the  Athenians  to  increase  by  building 
twenty  triremes  every  year,  was  destitute  of  a  strong  and  com- 
modious harbour  such  as  might  aflbrd  shelter  both  against  the 
weather  and  the  attacks  of  an  enemy.  The  open  roadstead  of  Pha- 
lerum  was  quite  inadequate  for  these  purposes  ;  and  during  his 
administration  three  years  before,  Themistocles  had  persuaded  his 
countrymen  to  improve  the  natural  basins  of  Pira;us  and  Muny- 
chia.  The  works  had  been  interrupted  and  jierhaps  ruined  by 
the  Persians  ;  but  he  now  resumed  his  scheme  on  a  still  more 
magnificent  scale.  Piraeus  and  Munychia  were  both  enclosed  in 
a  wall  as  l.i-ge  in  extent  as  that  of  the  city  itself,  but  of  vastly 
greater  height  and  thickness.  In  his  own  magnificent  ideas, 
which  already  beheld  Athens  the  undisputed  mistress  of  the  sea, 
the  wall  which  sheltered  her  fleet  was  to  be  perfectly  unassaila- 
ble. Its  height  was  to  be  such  that  boys  and  old  men  might 
suffice  for  its  defence,  and  leave  the  men  of  military  age  to  act 
on  board  the  fleet.  It  seems,  however,  to  have  been  fomid  either 
unnecessary  or  impossible  to  carry  out  the  design  of  Themistocles. 
The  wall  rose  only  to  about  sixty  feet,  or  half  the  projected 
height ;  but  this  was  always  found  amply  sufficient. *= 

^  9.  The  ancient  rivalry  between  Themistocles  and  Aristides 
had  been  in  a  good  degree  extinguished  by  the  danger  which 
threatened  their  common  country  during  the  Persian  wars. 
Aristides  had  since  abandoned  his  former  prejudices,  and  was 
willing  to  conform  to  many  of  the  democratical  iimovations  of 
his  rival.  In  fact,  the  crisis  through  which  Athens  had  recently 
passed,  had  rendered  the  progress  of  the  democratical  sentiment 
irresistible.  Whilst  the  greater  part  of  the  male  population  was 
serving  on  shipboard  without  distinction  of  rank,  and  the  re- 
mainder dispersed  in  temporary  exile,  political  privileges  had 
been  necessarily  suspended  ;  and  the  whole  body  of  the  people, 
rendered  equal  by  the  common  danger,  became  also  equal  in 
their  civil  rights.  The  effect  of  this  was  to  produce,  soon  after 
their  return  to  Attica,  a  still  further  modification  of  the  consti- 
tution of  Clisthenes.  The  Thetes,  the  lowest  of  the  four  classes 
of  Athenian  citizens,  were  declared  eligible  for  the  magistracy, 
from  which  they  had  been  excluded  by  the  laws  of  Solon.    Thus 

*  For  a  furtlier  account  of  the  topography  of  Athens  and  the  Piraeufi^ 
Bee  Chap.  XXXIV. 


246 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


cmap.  xxn. 


"i»l 


not  only  the  archonship,  but  consequently  the  Council  of  Areo- 
pagus, was  thrown  open  to  them ;  and,  strange  to  say,  this  reform 
was  proposed  by  Aristides  himself. 

Nevertheless,  party  spirit  still  ran  high  at  Athens.     Cimon 
and  Alcma3on  were  violent  opponents  of  Themistocles   and  of 
their  party  Aristides  was  still  the  head.     The  iK)pularity  of  Aris- 
tid«  was  never  greater  than  at  the  present  time,  owing  not  only 
to  the  moderation  and  the  more  liberal  spirit  which  he  exhibited 
but  also  to  his  great  services  in  establishing  the  Confederacy  of 
Bern.     He  was,  therefore,  more  than  ever  to  be  dreaded  as  an 
adversary ;  and  the  conduct  of  Themistocles  soon  laid  him  open 
to  the  attacks  of  his  enemies.     He  oflended  the  Athenians  by 
his  ostentation  and  vanity.     He  was  continually  boasting  of  his 
services  to  the  state ;  but  worse  than  all  this,  his  conduct  was 
stamed  with  positive  guilt.     There  was  much  to  be  done  after 
the  close  ol  the  Persian  wars  in  restoring  order  in  the  Grecian 
conununities  ;  in  deposing  corrupt  magistrates,  in  punishing  evil 
doers,  and  m  replacing  fugitives  and  political  exiles  in  their 
possessions.    All  these  things  opened  up  a  great  field  for  bribery 
and  corruption ;  and  whilst  Themistocles,  at  the  head  of  an 
Atheman  squadron,  was  sailing  among  the  Greek  islands  for  the 
ostensible  purpose  of  executing  justice,  there  is  little  room  to 
doubt  that  he  corrupted  its  very  source  by  accepting  large  sum«  of 
money  from  the  cities  which  he  visited. 

^  10.  The  influence  of  the  Lacedaemonians  was  still  considera- 
ble at  Athens.     The  conservative  party  there,  and  especially  Ci- 
mon, one  of  its  principal  leaders,  regarded  with  love  and  venera- 
tion the  stable  institutions  of  Sparta,  which  formed  a  strikincr 
contrast  to  the  democratical  innovations  which  were  makincr  such 
rapid  progress  in  their  own  city.     The  Lacedaemonians  on"  their 
side  were  naturally  inimical  to  the  Athenian  democracy,  as  the 
party  most  opposed  to  their  interests  and  power ;  and  to  Themis- 
tocles himself  they  were  personally  hostile,  on  account  of  the 
deception  which  he  had  lately  practised  upon  them.    Hence  when 
Fausamas  became  suspected  oiMedimi,  they  urged  the  political 
opponents  of  Themistocles  to  accuse  him  of  being  implicated 
m  the  same  crime.     This  accusation  was  at  all  events  prema- 
ture ;  nor  is  it  surprising  that  the  Athenian  statesman  should 
have  been  acquitted  of  a  charge  which  could  not  at  that  time  be 
brought  home  to  Pausanias  himself.    The  result,  however,  of  this 
accusation  was  to  embitter  party  spirit  at  Athens  to  such  a  de- 
gree  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  resort  to  ostracism,  and 
Ihemistoclos  was  conderaned  to  a  temporary  banishment  (b.c. 
471).    He  retired  to  Argos,  and  had  been  residing  in  that  city  for  a 
Bpace  of  about  five  years  when  indubitable  proofs  were  discovered 


B.C.  471.   TREASON  AND  FALL  OF  PAUSANIAS. 


24*7 


of  his  being  implicated  in  the  treasonable  correspondence  of 
Pausanias  with  the  Persians.  But  in  order  to  explain  the  fall  of 
the  Athenian  statesman,  we  must  first  relate  that  of  the  Spartan 
regent  with  which  it  was  intimately  connected. 

Hi-  The  recall  of  Pausanias  from  Byzantium  has  been  already 
mentioned.  On  his  arrival  at  home  he  seems  to  have  been  ac- 
quitted of  any  definite  charges  ;  yet  the  general  presumption  of 
his  guilt  was  so  strong  that  he  was  not  again  entrusted  with  the 
command  of  the  fleet.  This  was  perhaps  an  additional  motive 
with  him  to  complete  his  treachery.  Under  pretence  of  serving 
as  a  volunteer,  he  returned  to  Byzantium  with  a  single  trireme, 
and  renewed  his  negotiations  with  Artabazus.  Here  he  seems 
to  have  again  enjoyed  a  sort  of  ascendency,  till  his  conduct 
obliged  the  Athenians  to  expel  him  from  this  city.  He  then 
retired  to  Colonae,  in  the  Troad,  where  he  still  pursued  his  de- 
signs ;  employing  both  Persian  gold,  and  perhaps  the  influence 
of  the  Spartan  name,  in  order  to  induce  various  Grecian  cities 
to  participate  in  his  schemes. 

At  the  news  of  these  proceedings  the  Spartans  again  ordered 
Pausanias  home,  under  pain  of  being  denounced  as  a  public 
enemy.  With  this  order  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  comply ;  fore- 
seeing that,  if  proscribed,  his  influence  would  be  at  an  end,  and 
relying,  probably,  on  his  riches  to  bribe  his  judges  and  procure 
an  acquittal.  But,  though  at  first  imprisoned  by  the  Ephors, 
nobody  was  bold  enough  to  come  forward  as  his  accuser.  His 
treachery,  though  sufficiently  palpable,  seems  to  have  offered  no 
overt  and  legally  tangible  act,  and  he  was  accordingly  set  at 
liberty.  He  now  employed  himself  in  hatching  treason  nearer 
homo.  He  tampered  with  the  Helots,  and  by  promises  of  en- 
franchisement and  political  rights,  endeavoured  to  persuade 
them  to  overthrow  the  Ephors,  and  make  him  sole  sovereign. 
Though  these  plots  were  communicated  to  the  Ephors,  they 
were  still  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  prosecute  so  powerful  a 
criminal.  Meanwhile,  he  continued  his  correspondence  with 
Persia ;  and  an  accident  at  length  afforded  convincing  proofs  of 
liis  guilt. 

A  favourite  slave,  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  a  letter  to  Ar- 
tabazus, observed  with  dismay  that  none  of  the  messengers 
employed  in  this  service  had  ever  returned.  Moved  by  these 
fears,  he  broke  the  seal  and  read  the  letter,  and  finding  his 
suspicions  of  the  fate  that  awaited  him  confirmed,  he  carried  the 
document  to  the  Ephors.  But  in  ancient  states  the  testimony 
of  a  slave  was  always  regarded  with  suspicion.  The  Ephors  re- 
fused to  believe  the  evidence  offered  to  them  unless  the  slave 
placed  them  in  a  position  to  have  it  confirmed  by  their  own 


li 


248 


HISTORY  OF  GEEECE. 


Cbaf.XXU 


earn     For  this  purpose  they  directed  him  to  plant  himself  as  a 
suppliant  m  the  grove  of  Poseidon,  near  Cape  Tsnarus,  in  a  hut 
behmd  which  two   of  their  body  might  conceal  themselves 
Pausamas,  as  they  had  expected,  anxious  and  sui-prised  at  the 
step  taken  by  his  slave,  hastened  to  the  spot  to  question  him 
about  It.     The  conversation  which  ensued  between  them   and 
which  was  overheard  by  the  Ephors,  rendered  it  impossible  for 
them  any  longer  to  doubt  the  guilt  of  Pausanias.     They  now 
determined  to  arrest  him  on  his  return  to  Sparta.     Thev  met 
him  m  the  street  near  the  temple  of  Athena  Chalcicecus  (of  the 
Jirazen  House) ;  when  Pausanias,  cither  alarmed  by  his  Vuiltv 
conscience,  or  put  on  his  guard  by  a  secret  signal  from  one  of 
the  Ephors,  turned  and  lied  to  the  temple,  where  he  took  refucre 
in  a  small  chamber  belonging  to  the  building.     From  this  sanc- 
tuary It  was  unlawful  to  drag  him ;  but  the  Ephors  caused  the 
doore  to  be  built  up  and  the  roof  to  be  removed  ;   and  his  own 
mother  is  said  to  have  placed  the  first  stone  at  the  doors.    When 
at  the  point  of  death  from  starvation,  he  was  cairied  from  the 
sanctuary  before  he  polluted  it  with  his  corpse. 

H2.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  victor  of  Platsa.  After  his 
death  proofs  were  discovered  among  his  correspondence  that 
Themistocles  was  implicated  in  his  guilt.  The  Lacedemonians 
now  again  called  ui^u  the  Athenians  to  prosecute  their  great 
statesman  before  a  synod  of  the  allies  assembled  at  Sparta  •  and 
joint  envoys  were  sent  from  Athens  and  Sparta  to  arrest  hi'm. 

Themistocles  avoided  the  impending  danger  by  flying  from 
Argos  to  Corcyra.    The  Corcyraeans,  howevcrr  refushig  to  shelter 
hmi,  lie  passed  over  to  the  continent ;  where,  being  still  pursued 
he  was  forced  to  seek  refuge  at  the  court  of  Adiiietus,  king  of 
the  Molossians,  thougli  he  had  made  Admetus  his  personal  ene- 
my by  opposing  him  on  one  occasion  in  some  favour  which  the 
king  begged  of  the  Athenians.    Fortunately,  Admetus  happened 
to  be  from  home.      The  forlorn  condition  of  Themistocles  ex- 
cited  the  compassion  of  the  wife  of  the  Molossian  king,  who 
placed  her  child  in  his  arms,  and  bade  him  seat  himselfon  the 
hearth  as  a  suppHant.     As  soon  as  the  king  arrived,  Themis- 
tocles explained  his  peril,  and  adjured  him  by  the  sacred  laws 
ol  hospitahty  not  to  take  vengeance  upon  a  fallen  foe.    Admetus 
accepted  his  appeal  and  raised  him  from  the  hearth ;  he  refused 
to  deliver  lum  up  to  his  pursuers,  and  at  last  only  dismissed  him 
on  his  own  expressed  desire  to  proceed  to  Persia.     Haviimr  tra- 
versed the  mountains,  Themistocles  readied  Pydna,  on  the  Tlier- 
maic  gulf,  where,  under  an  assumed  name,  he  took  a  passage  in 
a  merchant  vessel  bound  for  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.     The  ship 
was  driven  by  stress  of  weather  to  the  island  of  Naxos,  which 


; 


B.C.  449. 


DEATH  OF  THEMISTOCLES. 


249 


happened  at  that  very  moment  to  be  blockaded  by  an  Athenian 
fleet.  In  this  conjuncture  Themistocles  adopted  one  of  those 
decisive  resolutions  which  never  failed  him  in  the  hour  of  dan- 
ger. Having  summoned  the  master  of  the  vessel,  he  disclosed 
to  him  his  real  name,  and  the  peril  which  menaced  him  in  case 
of  discovery.  He  then  conjured  the  master  not  to  make  the 
land,  at  the  same  time  threatening  that,  if  detected,  he  would 
involve  him  in  his  own  ruin  by  representing  him  as  the  accom- 
plice of  his  flight ;  promising,  on  the  other  hand,  a  large  reward 
if  he  would  secure  his  escape.  These  representations  induced 
the  master  to  keep  the  sea  in  spite  cf  the  weather  ;  and  Themis- 
tocles landed  safely  at  Ephesus. 

§  13.  Artaxerxes,  the  son  of  Xerxes,  was  now  upon  the  throne 
of  Persia,  and  to  him  Themistocles  hastened  to  announce  himself 
Having  been  conducted  to  Susa,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Per- 
sian king,  in  which  he  claimed  a  reward  for  his  past  services  in 
favouring  the  escape  of  Xerxes,  and  promised  to  eflect  much  for 
Persian  interests  if  a  year  were  allowed  him  to  mature  his  plans. 
Artaxerxes  welcomed  the  arrival  of  the  illustrious  stranger  and 
readily  granted  his  request.     According  to  the  tales  current  at  a 
later  period,  the  king  was  so  transported  with  joy  as  to  start 
from  his  sleep  at  night  and  thrice  to  cry  out,  "  I  have  got  The- 
mistocles the  Athenian."     At  the  end  of  the  year,  Themisttcles 
having  acquired  a  suflicient  knowledge  of  the  Persian  language 
to  be  able  to  converse  in  it,  entertained  Artaxerxes  with  magni- 
ficent schemes  for  the  subjugation  of  Greece,  and  succeeded 
in  gaining  his  entire  confidence  and  favour.     Artaxerxes  loaded 
him  with  presents,  gave  him  a  Persian  wife,  and  appointed  Mag- 
nesia, a  town  not  lar  from  the  Ionian  coast,  as  his  place  of 
residence.     In  accordance  with  Eastern  magnificence,  the  reve- 
nues of  that  place,  amounting  to  the  yearly  sum  of  fifty  talents, 
were  assigned  to  him  for  bread,  whilst  Myos  was  to  supply  con- 
diments, and  Lampsacus  wine.     At  Magnesia  Themistocles  was 
joined  by  his  family;  and  after  living  there  some  time,  was 
carried  ofl'  by  disease  at  the  age  of  sixty-five,  without  having 
realized,  or  apparently  attempted,  any  of  those  plans  with  which 
he  had  dazzled  the  Persian  monarch.     Rumour,  which  ever  dogs 
the  footsteps  of  the  great,  ascribed  his  death  to  poison,  which  he 
took  of  his  own  accord,  from  a  consciousness  of  his  inabihty  to 
perform  his  promises ;  but  this  report,  which  was  current  in  the 
time  of  Thucydides,  is  rejected  by  that  historian,  though  it  was 
subsequently  adopted  by  writers  of  no  mean  note.     The  tale  was 
probably  propagated  by  the  friends  of  Themistocles,  who  also 
asserted  that,  at  his  express  command,  they  had  carried  his 
bones  to  Attica,  and  had  secretly  buried  them  in  his  native  land 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXH 


In  the  tune  of  the  Roman  empire  his  tomb  was  shown  upon  the 
promontory  at  the  right  hand  of  the  entrance  of  the  great  har- 
bour of  Piraeus.  This  was  doubtless  the  invention  of  a  later 
age ;  but  the  imagination  could  not  have  chosen  a  fitter  spot  for 
the  ashes  of  the  founder  of  the  maritime  greatness  of  Athens. 
Hence  we  find  in  an  ancient  epigram,  supposed  to  have  been 
inscnbed  upon  his  tomb  : — 

"Bv  the  sea's  margin,  on  the  watery  strand. 
Thy  monument,  Themistocles,  shall  stand: 
By  this  directed  to  thy  native  shore 
The  merchant  shall  convey  his  freighted  store; 
And  when  our  fleets  are  summoned  to  the  fight, 
Athens  shall  conquer  with  thy  tomb  in  sight" 

Themistocles  is  one  of  those  characters  which  exhibit  at  onco 
all  the  greatness  and  all  the  meanness  of  human  nature.  Acute- 
ness  m  Ibreseeing,  readiness  and  wisdom  in  contriving,  combined 
with  vigour  and  decision  in  acting,  were  the  characteristics  of 
this  great  statesman,  and  by  these  quaUties  he  not  only  rescued 
his  country  from  the  imminent  danger  of  the  Persian  yoke,  but 
enabled  her  to  become  one  of  the  leading  states  of  Greece.  Yet 
his  lofty  genius  did  not  secure  him  from  the  seductions  cf 
avarice  and  pride,  which  led  him  to  sacrifice  both  his  honour 
and  his  country  ibr  the  tinsel  of  Eastern  pomp.  But  the  riches 
and  luxury  which  surrounded  him  served  only  to  heighten  his 
infamy,  and  were  dearly  bought  with  the  hatred  of  his  country- 
men, the  reputation  of  a  traitor,  and  the  death  of  an  exile. 

$  14.  Aristides  died  about  four  years  after  the  banishment  of 
Themistocles.  The  common  accounts  of  his  poverty  are  pro- 
bablyexaggerated,  and  seem  to  have  been  founded  on  the  circum- 
stances of  a  public  funeral,  and  of  handsome  donations  made  to 
his  three  children  by  the  state.  But  in  ancient  times  these  were 
mo  unusual  marks  of  respect  and  gratitude  towards  merit  and 
virtue  ;  and  as  he  was  mclimi  ejmiymus  at  a  time  when  only  the 
first  class  of  the  Solonian  census  was  admissible  to  this  oflice, 
he  must  have  enjoyed  a  certain  amount  of  property.  But  what- 
ever his  property  may  have  been,  it  is  at  least  certain  that 
he  did  not  acquire  or  increase  it  by  unlawful  means ;  and  not 
even  calumny  has  ventured  to  assail  his  well  earned  title  of  the 
Just, 


m 


,L 


Pericles  and  Aspasia. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


RISE     AND     GROWTH     OF     THE     ATHENIAN     EMPIRE. FROM     THE 

BATTLE   OF  EURYMEDON  TO    THE    THIRTY  YEARS'  TRUCE   WITH 
SPARTA. 


§ 


1.  Ciraon  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party  at  Athens.  §  2.  Revolt 
of  Naxos.  §  3.  Battle  of  Eurymedon.  §  4.  The  Athenians  blockade 
Thasos,  and  attempt  to  found  colonies  in  Thrace.  §  5.  Earthquake 
at  Sparta  and  revolt  of  the  Helots.  §  6.  Decline  of  Spartan  power. 
§  7.  Cimon  assists  the  Spartans  to  suppress  the  revolt,  but  without 
success.  The  Spartans  offend  the  Athenians  by  dismissing  their  troops. 
§  8.  Parties  at  Athens.  Character  of  Pericles.  §  9.  Attack  upon  the 
Areopagus.  §  10.  Ostracism  of  Cimon.  §  11.  Administration  and 
foreign  policy  of  Pericles.  §  12.  Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into 
Egypt  against  the  Persians.  §  13.  Hostilities  with  Corinth  and  ^gina. 
Defeat  of  the  Corinthians  at  Megara.  §  14.  The  long  walls  of  Athens 
commenced.  §  15.  The  Lacedaemonians  march  into  Boeotia.  Battle 
ofTanagra.  §16.  Recall  of  Cimon.  §17.  Battle  of  (Enophyta,  and 
conquest  of  Boeotia.  Conquest  of  ^gina.  §  18.  The  five  years'  truce. 
Expedition  of  Cimon  to  Cyprus.  His  death.  §19.  Conclusion  of  the 
war  with  Persia.  §  20.  The  Athenian  power  at  its  height.  §  21. 
Decline  of  Athenian  power.  Revolution  in  Bceotia.  Other  Athe- 
nian reverses.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedaemonians  under 
Pleistoanax.  §  22.  Pericles  recovers  Euboea.  Thirty  years'  truce 
with  Sparta. 


f  1 .  On  the  death  of  Aristides,  Cimon  became  the  undisputed 
leader  of  the  aristocratical  or  conservative  party  at  Athens.  Cimon 


lit 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIII 


S.t.^£{, 


I 


was  generous,  aflable,  magnificent ;  and,  notwithstanding  his  po^ 
htical  views,  of  exceedingly  popular  maimers.    He  had  inherited 
the  raUitary  genius  of  his  father,  and  was  undoubtedly  the 
greatest  commander  of  his  time.     He  employed  the  vast  wealth 
acquired  in  his  expeditions  in  adorning  Athens  and  gratifying 
his  fellow-citizens.     He  kept  open  house  for  such  of  his  demos 
(the  Laciada))  as  were  in  want  of  a  meal,  and  appeared  in  pub- 
lic attended  by  well-dressed  slaves,  who  were  often  directed  to  ex- 
change their  comfortable  garments  with  the  thread-bare  clothes 
of  needy  citizens.     But  liis  mind  was  uncultivated  by  arts  or 
letters,  and  what  eloquence  he  possessed  was  rough  and  soldier- 


h  2.  The  capture  of  Eion  and  reduction  of  Scyros  by  Cimon 
have  been  already  related.     It  was  two  or  three  years  after  the 
latter  event  that  we  find  the  first  symptoms  ol'  discontent  amono- 
the  members  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.     Naxos,  one  of  the 
confederate  islands,  and  the  largest  of  the  Cyclades,  revolted  in 
B.C.  466,  probably  from  a  feehng  of  the  growing  oppres-^^iveness 
of  the  Athenian  headsliip.     It  was  immediately  invested  by  the 
confederate  fleet,  and  after  a  blockade  of  unknown  duration  re- 
duced and  made  tributary  to  Athens.     It  was  during  this  block- 
ade that  Themistocles,  as  before  related,  passed  the  island  in  his 
flight  to  Asia.     This  was  another  step  towards  dominion  gained 
by  the  Athenians,  whose  pretensions  were  assisted  by  the  im- 
prudence of  the  allien.     Many  of  the  smaller  states  belonging  to 
the  confederacy,  wearied  with  perpetual  hostihties,  conTmuted 
lor  a  money  payment  the  ships   which  they  were  bound  to 
supply;  and  thus,  by  depriving  themselves  of  a  navy  lost  the 

""^FJ^^^  ^^  "^'^^'^^  ^^""y  "^^"^^  ^^^^^  t^^eir  independence. 

$  3.  The  sams  year  was  marked  by  a  memorable  action  against 
the  Persians.    Cimon,  at  the  head  of  200  Athenian  triremes,  and 
100  lurmshed  by  the  allies,  proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
where  he  expeUed  the  Persians  from  several  Grecian  towns  in 
Cana  and  Lycia.    Meanwhile  the  Persians  had  assembled  a  larffe 
fleet  and  army  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Eurymedon  in  Pam- 
phylia.     Their  fleet  already  consisted  of  200  vessels,  chiefly  Pha3- 
mcian;  and  as  a  reinforcement  of  80  more  was  expected,  Cimon 
resolved  to  lose  no  time  in  making  an  attack.     After  speedily 
defeating  the  fleet,  Cimon  landed  his  men  and  marched  against 
the  Persian  army,  which  was  drawn  up  on  the  shore  to  protect 
the  fleet     The  land-force  fought  with  bravery,  but  was  at  lencrth 
put  to  the  rout.     These  victories  were  still  further  enhanced'bv 
the^destruction  of  the  80  vessels,  with  which  Cimon  happened 
U  lall  in  on  his  return.    A  victory  gained  on  the  same  day  both 
hv  sea  and  land  added  greatly  to  the  renown  of  Cimon.  and  was 


B.C.  466. 


BATTLES  AT  THE  EURYMEDON. 


253 


commemorated  on  the  tripod  dedicated  to  Apollo  as  one  of  the 
most  glorious  of  Grecian  exploits. 

^  4.  The  successes  of  the  Athenians,  and  their  undisputed 
power  at  sea,  led  them  to  extend  their  empire  by  means  of  co- 
lonies. Some  of  the  Athenians  who  had  settled  at  Eion  on  the 
Strymon  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Persians,  had  an  opportunity 
of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  surrounding  country,  which 
was  principally  occupied  by  Edoiiian  Thracians,  and  was  distin- 
guished not  only  by  the  lertihty  of  its  soil,  but  also  by  its  gold 
mines  on  Mount  Pangaeus.  But  in  their  attempts  to  form  a 
.permanent  settlement  on  this  coast,  the  Athenians  were  opposed 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  opposite  island  of  Thasos,  who  were 
possessed  of  considerable  territory  upon  the  continent  of  Thrace, 
and  derived  a  large  revenue  from  the  mines  of  Scapte  Hyle  and 
other  places. 

The  island  of  Thasos  was  a  member  of  the  Confederacy  of 
Delos,  with  whicli,  however,  this  quarrel  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  in  any  way  connected.  Tlie  ill-feeling  soon  reached  such  a 
pitch,  that  Cimon  was  despatched  in  b.c.  405  with  a  powerful 
fleet  agahist  the  Thasians.  In  this  expedition  the  Athenians 
gained  various  successes  both  by  sea  and  land,  but  totally  failed 
in  their  attempt  to  found  a  colony  on  the  main  land,  near  Eion. 
This  result,  however,  was  owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  native 
tribes.  A  body  of  ten  thousand  Athenians  and  their  allies,  who 
had  taken  possession  of  Ennea  Hodoi,  a  place  on  the  Strymon, 
about  three  miles  above  Eion,  were  attacked  by  the  Thracians 
and  nearly  all  of  them  slain.  Nevertheless  the  Athenians  did 
not  abandon  the  blockade  of  Thasos.  After  a  siege  of  more  than 
two  years  that  island  surrendered,  when  its  fortifications  were 
razed,  its  fleet  and  its  possessions  in  Thrace  were  confiscated, 
and  it  was  condemned  to  pay  an  annual,  as  well  as  an  imme- 
diate, tribute. 

^  5.  The  expedition  to  Thasos  was  attended  with  a  circum- 
stance which  first  gives  token  of  the  coming  hostilities  between 
Sparta  and  Athens.  At  an  early  period  of  the  blockade  the 
Thasians  secretly  applied  to  the  Lacedaemonians  to  make  a  diver- 
sion in  their  favour  by  invading  Attica ;  and  though  the  Lace- 
dajmonians  were  still  ostensibly  allied  with  Athens,  they  were 
base  enough  to  comply  with  this  request.  But  their  treachery 
was  prevented  by  a  terrible  calamity  which  befel  themselves. 
In  the  year  b.c.  464,  their  capital  was  visited  by  an  earthquake 
which  laid  it  in  ruins  and  killed  20,000  of  the  citizens,  besides  a 
large  body  of  their  chosen  youth,  who  were  engaged  in  a  build- 
ing in  their  g>Tiinastic  exercises.  But  this  was  only  part  of  the 
calamity.     The  earthquake  was  immediately  followed  by  a  revolt 


II 


L 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXUL 


II 


d.^.*f  6  V  of  the  Helots,  who  were  always  ready  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
weakness  of  their  tyrants.  Some  of  that  oppressed  people  had 
been  dragged  irom  the  sanctuary  of  Poseidon  at  Taenarus  proba- 
bly in  connexion  with  the  aiiair  of  Pausanias,  related  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter;  and  now  the  whole  race,  and  even  the  Lace- 
daemonians themselves,  believed  that  the  earthquake  was  caused 
by  the  anger  of  that "  earth-shaking"  deity.  Encouraged  by  this 
signal  of  the  divine  favour,  and  being  joined  by  some  of  the 
Periasci,  the  Helots  rushed  to  arms,  and  marched  straight  upon 
Sparta.  In  this  attempt  to  seize  the  capital  they  were  repulsed  ; 
nevertheless  they  were  still  able  to  keep  the  field ;  and  being 
joined  by  the  Messenians,  fortified  themselves  in  Mount  Ithome 
in  Messenia.  Hence  tliis  revolt  is  sometimes  called  the  third 
Messenian  war.  After  two  or  three  years  spent  in  a  vain  at- 
tempt to  dislodge  them  from  this  position,  the  Lacedaemonians 
found  themselves  obliged  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  their  allies, 
and  among  the  rest  of  the  Atheruans. 

\  6.  That  Sparta  should  thus  have  condescended  to  solicit  the 
assistance  of  her  rival  to  quell  a  domestic  feud,  shows  that  she 
must  have  fallen  greatly  from  her  former  power  and  station. 
During  the  period,  indeed,  in  which  we  have  traced  the  rise  of 
Athens,  Sparta  had  been  proportionably  declining.  Of  the  causes 
of  this  decline  we  can  only  mention  some  of  the  more  prominent. 
Foremost  among  them  was  the  misconduct  of  her  leaders.  The 
misconduct  of  Pausanias,  by  which  the  maritime  supremacy  was 
transferred  to  Athens,  has  been  already  related .  His  infamy  found 
a  counterpart  in  the  infamy  of  Leotychides,  another  of  her  kings, 
and  the  conqueror  of  Mycalc  ;  who,  being  employed  in  arranging 
the  affairs  of  Thessaly  after  its  evacuation  by  the  Persians,  was 
convicted  of  taking  bribes  from  the  Persian  king.  The  Lacedaemo- 
nians committed,  moreover,  a  great  political  blunder  in  the  set- 
tlement of  BoBotia,  whose  affairs  had  been  so  thoroughlv  shaken 
by  the  Persian  invasion.  Thebes,  convicted  of  Medism.  was, 
with  the  concurrence  of  Sparta,  degraded  from  her  former  rank 
and  influence  ;  whilst  Plata;a  and  Thespiaj,  which  stood  opposed 
to  the  capital,  were  strengthened,  and  the  latter  repeopled.  Thus 
the  influence  of  Athens  in  Bceotia  was  promoted,  in  proportion 
as  Thebes,  her  ancient  enemy,  was  weakened  and  degraded.  The 
affairs  of  the  Peloponnesus  itself  had  been  unfavourable  to  the 
Spartans.  They  had  been  engaged  in  a  harassmg  war  with  the 
Arcadians,  and  were  also  cramped  and  menaced  by  the  growing 
power  of  EHs.  And  now  all  these  causes  of  weakness  were  aggra- 
vated by  the  earthquake,  and  consequent  revolt  of  the  Helots. 

^  7.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Cimon  persuaded  his 
countrymen  to  assist  the  Lacedaemonians  in  quelling  this  revolt. 


B.C.  464. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  MESSENIANS. 


255 


His  power  was  now  somewhat  waning  before  the  rising  influence 
of  Pericles.  Notwithstanding  what  he  had  accomplished  at 
Thasos,  it  is  even  said  that  more  had  been  expected  by  the  Athe- 
nians, and  that  Pericles  actually  accused  him,  though  without  suc- 
cess, of  having  been  diverted  from  the  conquest  of  Macedonia,  by 
the  bribes  of  Alexander,  the  king  of  that  country.  Cimon,  however, 
at  length  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Athenians  to  despatch  him 
with  a  force  of  4000  hoplites,  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians ;  but  the  ill-success  of  this  expedition  still  further 
strengthened  the  hands  of  his  political  opponents. 

The  aid  of  the  Athenians  had  been  requested  by  the  LacedsB- 
monians  on  account  of  their  acknowledged  superiority  in  the  art 
of  attacking  fortified  places.  As,  however,  Cimon  did  not  succeed 
in  dislodging  the  Helots  from  Ithome,  the  Lacedaemonians,  pro- 
bably from  a  consciousness  of  their  own  treachery  in  the  aflkir 
of  Thasos,  began  to  suspect  that  the  Athenians  were  playing 
them  false.  The  conduct  of  the  latter  does  not  fceni  to  have 
aflbrded  the  least  ground  for  this  suspicion,  and  Cimon,  their 
general,  was  notoriously  attached  to  Sparta.  Yet  the  Lacedae- 
monians, fearing  that  the  Athenians  intended  to  join  the  Helots, 
abruptly  dismissed  them,  stating  that  they  had  no  longer  any 
occasion  for  their  services ;  although  the  other  allies  were  re- 
tained, and  the  siege  of  Ithome  still  proceeded. 

§  8.  This  rude  dismissal  gave  great  offence  at  Athens,  and 
annihilated  for  a  time  the  political  influence  of  Cimon.  The  de- 
mocratical  party  had  from  the  first  opposed  the  expedition  ;  and 
it  afibrded  them  a  great  triumph  to  be  able  to  point  to  Cimon  re- 
turning not  only  unsuccessful  but  insulted.  That  party  was  now 
led  by  Pericles.  A  sort  of  hereditary  feud  existed  between  Pe- 
ricles and  Cimon  ;  for  it  was  Xanthippus,  the  lather  of  Pericles, 
who  had  impeached  Miltiades,  the  father  of  Cimon.  The  cha- 
racter of  Pericles  was  almost  the  reverse  of  Cimon's.  Although 
the  leader  of  the  popular  party,  his  manners  were  reserved.  He 
was  of  high  family,  being  descended  on  his  mother's  side  from 
the  princes  of  Sicyon  and  the  Alcmaeonidae,  whilst,  on  his 
father's,  he  was  connected  with  the  family  of  Pisistratus,  to 
which  tyrant  he  is  said  to  have  borne  a  striking  personal  resem- 
blance. He  appeared  but  little  in  society  or  in  public,  reserving 
himself  for  great  occasions  ;  a  conduct  which,  when  he  did  come 
forward,  enhanced  the  effect  of  his  dignified  bearing  and  impres- 
sive eloquence.  His  military  talents  were  but  slender,  and  in 
fact  in  this  department  he  was  frequently  unsuccessful.  But  his 
mind  had  received  the  highest  polish  which  that  period  was 
capable  of  giving.  He  constantly  conversed  with  Anaxagoras, 
Protagoras,  Zeno,  and  other  eminent  philosophers.     To  oratory 


260 


HBTORT  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXm 


RC.  468. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  PERICLES. 


21!7 


m  particu  ar  he  had  devoted  much  attention,  as  an  indispensable 
instruraen  for  swaymg  the  publie  assemblies  of  Athens  Tand  he 
«  said  to  have  been  the  first  who  committed  his  spe;ches  to 
vmting.  He  was  not  much  distinguished  for  private  hberality  • 
but  he  made  amends  for  the  popularity  jvhieh  he  lost  in  this  wa^ 
by  his  kv.sh  distribution  of  the  public  money.  Such  was  the 
rf  AtS.      "  ""'^'^'"'^^^  P«ri«»  ^'^  to  administer  the  affair 

Cii!n  ^i^t^T  ^'^«J  *«, <«:<;asion  presented  by  the  ill-succcss  of 
Cimon,  both  to  rum  that  leader  and  to  strike  a  fatal  blow  at  the 
anstocratical  party.     The  latter  object  he  sought  to  accomnlish 

S^JT"  "^T'r  '"  »^^t'^-'-  constitution  a^dT£ 
Sh/  "^  T'"'^  T"  *"  Areopagus.  That  venerable  and 
tune-honoured  assembly  contained  the  very  pith  and  marrow 

exercised  a  kind  of  general  censorship  over  the  citizens     By  he 

years,  aiid  oi  Ingh  position  in  the  state.  The  measure  of  Aris- 
tides,  already  mentioned,  opened  it,  at  least  ostensibly  even 
to  the  lowest  class  of  citizens;  but  this  innovation,  whkh  wa^ 

whtrtf  ^  'T""'  '°  ''T  "«■*'>'-  •""'«  Berious  chl^ 
which  the  rapid  progress  of  democratical  opinion  seemed  to 
Areaten,  was  probably  but  of  little  practical  eLt.  ^Zt  ^ 
magistracies  contmued  to  be  elective,  there  can  be  Uttle  douS 

A  fU^w"*7°"'''  '""^  *"'»■  *°  '^^  ^^clusion  of  the  tor 
i    l!i^  r      '^'^''"'r^  P«^"  ^a^.  however,  struck  aCit 
inZ    toZ^T'^  the  election  to  magistracies  depended 
^  ..i  V  ^^?  "  '^  uncertain  whether  this  measure  was  ori- 
ginated by  Pericles.     We  are  also  ignorant  ol'  the  predsTnaturl 

Icl^^'^r  ^'"*  ^'  '"V'*^"*^  '»t°  *«  con^stiS  a"  d 
luncUons  of  the  Areopagus,  though,  with  regard  to  their  result 

Itefo^erLt*  ^'"^  'f  ''"''  ""^If  ^y  '"^^  n Jiow  of 
Its  lonner  mfluence  and  power.     Other  changes  which  accom- 

Slrof"::d'T-f  ™*  '*  """^^  be  called-we~ 
institution  of  paid  dimstenes  or  juiy-courts,  and  the  ahnost 

t"  i^^ohiat'  X"^}  ""^  ^rJ^'  "f  '^"^  momentous  iimova! 
113;..  ,^^  I  '  V^l  ("""•*  f  ^«"''''^'  """^  the  tablets  con- 
taimng  tlie  laws  of  Solon  to  be  brought  down  from  the  Acrouohs 

Ijud  deposited  m  the  market-place,  alif  to  signify  that  theXr! 
dianship  oi  the  la,^  had  been  transferred  to  thc>ople 
w»L     ff-   .L™"°V'*  ™PP««ed  that  such  fuiidaiicntal  chan-es 
b^^  r^hi::^'^""*  violent  party  strife.     Even  the  theal^ 

the  agora.     In  the  drama  of  the  Eumenides,  .Eschylus  L  vain 


mJ 


exerted  all  the  powers  of  his  genius  in  support  of  the  aristocra- 
tical  party  and  of  the  tottering  Areopagus;  his  exertions  on 
this  occasion  resulted  only  in  his  own  flight  from  Athens.  The 
same  fate  attended  Cimon  himself  In  the  heat  of  political  con- 
tention, recourse  was  had  to  ostracism,  the  safety-valve  of  the 
Athenian  coiLstitution,  and  Cimon  was  condemned  to  a  ten 
years'  banishment.  Nay,  party  violence  even  went  the  length  of 
assassination.  Ephialtes,  who  had  taken  the  lead  in  the  attacks 
upon  the  Areopagus,  and  whom  Pericles,  in  conformity  with  his 
policy  and  character,  seems  to  have  put  forward  throughout  as 
the  more  active  and  ostensible  agent,  fell  beneath  the  dagger 
of  a  Boeotian,  hired  by  tlie  conservative  party  to  despatch  hhn. 
This  event  took  place  after  the  banishment  of  Cimon,  who  was 
guiltless  of  all  participation  in  so  Ibul  a  deed. 

k  11.  It  was  from  this  period  that  the  long  administration  of 
Pericles  may  be  properly  said  to  have  commenced.    The  effects  of 
his  accession  to  power  soon  became  visible  in  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  Athens.     Pericles  had  succeeded  to  the  political  prin- 
ciples of  Themistocles,  and  his  aim  was  to  render  Athens  the 
leading  power  of  Greece.    The  Confederacy  of  Delos  had  already 
secured  her  maritime  ascendency ;  Pericles  directed  his  poHcy 
to  the  extension  of  her  influence  in  continental  Greece.     The 
insult  offered  by  Sparta  to  Athens  in  dismissing  her  troops  had 
highly  inflamed  the  Athenians  against  that  power,  whose  sup- 
porters at  Athens  were  designated  with  the  contemptuous  name 
of  Laconizers.    Pericles  and  the  democratic  party  improved  the 
conjuncture  not  only  by  persuading  the  people  to  renounce  the 
Spartan  alliance,  but  to  join  her  bitterest  enemies.     Argos,  the 
ancient  rival  of  Sparta,  claimed  the  headship  of  Greece  rather 
from  the  recollections  of  her  former  mythical  renown  than  from 
her  present  material  power.     But  she  had  availed  herself  of  the 
embarrassment  which  the  revolt  of  the  Helots  occasioned  to 
Sparta,  to  reduce  to  subjection  MycenaB,  Tiryns,  and  some  other 
neighbouring  towns.      With  Argos  thus  strengthened  Athens 
now  formed  a  defensive  alliance  against  Sparta,  which  the  Thes- 
sahans  were  also  induced  to  join.     Soon  afterwards  Athens  stiU 
further  extended  her  influence  in  continental  Greece  by  an  alli- 
ance with  Megara.     This  step,  which  gave  signal  offence  both 
at  Sparta  and  Corinth,  greatly  increased  the  power  of  the  Athe- 
nians, not  only  by  opening  to  them  a  communication  with  the 
CrisssBan  gulf,  but  also  by  giving  them  the  key  to  the  passes  of 
Momit  Geraneia,  and  thus  enabling  them  to  arrest  the  progress 
of  an  invading  army  from  Peloponnesus.    In  order  to  strengthen 
Megara  the  Athenians  adopted  a  contrivance  which  they  after- 
wards applied  to  their  own  city.     Megara  was  seated  on  a  hill. 


It 


'I 


258 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXIIL 


Ra  U1.- 


LONG  WALLS  OF  ATHENa 


259 


at  the  distance  of  nearly  a  mile  from  its  port,  Nisaea.  To  pre- 
vent the  communication  between  the  port  and  city  from  being 
cut  off,  the  Athenians  caused  them  to  be  connected  together  bv 
two  parallel  lines  of  wall,  and  placed  a  permanent  garriscn  of 
their  own  in  the  place. 

\  1 2.  Whilst  these  things  were  passing  in  Greece,  the  Athenians 
were  still  actively  engaged  in  prosecuting  the  war  against  Persia. 
The  confederate  fleet  was  hovering  about  the  coasts  of  Cypnis 
and  PhcBuicia;  and  the  revolt  of  Inarus  (b.c.  460)  gave  them 
an  opportunity  to  carry  the  war  into  Eg>'pt.     Inaros,  a  Libyan 
prince,  and  son  of  Psanunetichus,  was  bent  on  expelling  the  Per- 
sians from  Egypt  and  obtaining  the  sovereignty  of  that  country; 
and  with  this  view  he  soUcitfed  the  assistance  of  the  Greeks! 
The  Athenian  fleet  at  Cyprus,  amounting  to  200  triremes,  accord- 
ingly sailed  to  the  Nile,  and  proceeded  up  that  river  as  far  as 
Memphis.     From  tliis  city  they  succeeded  in  expelling  the  Per- 
sians, who,  however,  maintained  themselves  in  a  kind  of  citadel 
or  fortification  called  "  the  White  Fortress."     The  siege  of  this 
fortress  had  already  lasted  four  or  five  years,  when  Artaxerxes 
sent  a  large  army,  together  with  a  Phoenician  fleet,  into  Egypt, 
under  the  command  of  Megabyzus,  who  compelled  the  Athenians 
to  raise  the  siege  and  to  retire  to  an  island  in  the  Nile,  called 
Prosopitis,  as  the  Persians  had  prevented  their  further  retreat 
by  obstructing  the  lower  part  of  the  river.     Here  the  Athenians 
oflered  a  long  and  heroic  resistance,  till  at  length  Megabyzus, 
having  diverted  one  of  the  channels  which  formed  the  island, 
was  enabled  to  attack  them  by  land.    The  Athenians,  who  had 
previously  burnt  their  ships,  were  now  obliged  to  capitulate. 
The  barbarians  did  not,  however,  observe  the  terms  of  the  capi- 
tulation, but  perfidiously  massacred  the  Athenians,  with  the 
exception  of  a  small  body,  who  succeeded  in  cutting  their  way 
through  the  enemy,  and  escaping  to   Cyrene,  and  thence  to 
Greece.    Inaros  himself  was  taken  and  crucified.    As  an  aggra- 
vation of  the  calamity,  a  reinforcement  of  50  Athenian  vessels, 
whose  crews  were  ignorant  of  the  defeat  of  their  countrymen,' 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy  and  were  almost  entirely  de- 
stroyed.   Thus  one  of  the  finest  armaments  ever  sent  forth  from 
Athens  was  all  but  annihilated,  and  the  Persians  regained  pos- 
Bession  of  the  greater  part  of  Egypt  (b.c.  455.) 

§  13.  It  may  well  excite  our  astonishment  that  while  Athens 
was  eniploying  so  large  an  armament  against  the  Persians,  she 
was  still  able  to  maintain  and  extend  her  power  in  Greece  by 
force  of  arms.  Corinth,  Epidaurus,  and  vEgina,  were  watching 
her  progress  with  jealousy  and  awe.  At  the  time  of  the  Mega- 
rian  aUiance  no  actual  blow  had  yet  been  struck;  but  that 


important  accession  to  the  Athenian  power  was  speedily  followed 
by  open  war.  The  iEginetans,  in  conjunction  with  the  Co- 
rintliians,  Epidaurians,  and  other  Peloponnesians,  fitted  out  a 
large  fleet.  A  battle  ensued  near  the  island  of  JEgina,  in  which 
the  Athenians  gained  a  decisive  victory,  and  entirely  ruined  the 
naval  power  of  the  iEginetans.  The  Athenians  captured  seventy 
ol' their  ships,  and,  landing  a  large  force  upon  the  island,  laid  siege 
to  the  capital. 

The  growth  of  the  Athenian  power  was  greatly  promoted  by 
the  continuance  of  the  revolt  of  the  Helots,  which  was  not  put 
down  till  the  year  b.c.  455.  This  circumstance  prevented  the 
Lacedemonians  from  opposing  the  Athenians  as  they  would 
otherwise  probably  have  done.  All  the  assistance  afiorded  by 
the  allies  to  the  ^Eginetans  consisted  of  a  miserable  detachment 
of  300  men  ;  but  the  Corinthians  attempted  to  divert  the  Athe- 
nians by  making  an  attack  upon  Megara.  Hereupon  Myronides 
marched  from  Athens  at  the  head  of  the  boys  and  old  men,  and 
gave  battle  to  the  enemy  near  Megara.  The  aflair  was  not  very 
decisive,  but  the  Corinthians  retired,  leaving  their  adversaries 
masters  of  the  field.  On  their  return  home,  however,  the  taunts 
which  they  encountered  at  having  been  defeated  by  so  unwarlikc 
a  force  incited  them  to  try  their  fortune  once  more.  The  Athe- 
nians again  marched  out  to  the  attack,  and  this  time  gained  a 
decisive  victor}',  rendered  still  more  disastrous  to  the  Corinthians 
by  a  large  body  of  their  troops  having  marched  by  mistake  into  an 
enclosed  place,  where  they  were  cut  up  to  a  man  by  the  Athenians. 

H4.  It  was  about  this  time  (b.c.  458 — 457^^  that  the  Athe- 
nians, chiefly  through  the  advice  of  Pericles,  began  to  construct 
the  long  walls  which  connected  the  Pii-aBus  and  Phalerum  with 
Athens.  They  were  doubtless  suggested  by  the  apprehension 
that  the  Lacedaemonians,  though  now  engaged  with  domestic 
broils,  would  sooner  or  later  take  part  in  the  confederacy  which 
had  been  organized  against  Athens.  This  gigantic  undertaking 
was  in  conformity  with  the  pohcy  of  Themistocles  for  rendering 
the  maritime  power  of  Athens  wholly  unassailable  ;  but  even  the 
magnificent  ideas  of  that  statesman  might  perhaps  have  deemed 
the  work  chimerical  and  extravagant.  The  wall  from  Phalerum 
was  35  stadia,  or  about  4  miles  long,  and  that  from  Pirjeus 
40  stadia,  or  about  4  J  miles  in  length.  The  plan  of  these  walls 
was  probably  taken  from  those  aheady  erected  at  Megara,  which 
had  been  recently  tried,  and  perhaps  found  to  be  of  good  service 
in  the  war  which  had  taken  place  there.  The  measure  was  vio- 
lently opposed  by  the  aristocratic  party,  but  without  success. 

sW5.  The  progress  of  Athens  had  now  awakened  the  serious 
jealousy  of  8parta,  and  though  she  was  still  engaged  in  the  eiege 


Il 


260 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIII 


of  Ithome,  she  resolved  on  taking  some  steps  against  the  Athe- 
nians.    Under  pretence  of  assisting  the  Dorians,  whose  territory 
had  heen  invaded  hy  the  Phocians,  1500  Spartan  lioplites,  sup- 
ported by  10,000  aUies,  were  despatched  into  Doris.     The  mere 
approach  of  so  large  a  force  speedily  efiected  the  ostensible 
object  of  the  expedition,  and  compelled  the  Phocians  to  retire. 
The  Lacediemonians  now  proceeded  to  efiect  their  real  design, 
which  was  to  prevent  the  Athenians  from  gaining  such  an  ascend- 
ency in  BoBotia  as  they  had  gained  in  other  places.     In  conse- 
quence of  the  part  she  had  played  during  the  Persian  wars, 
Thebes  had  lost  much  of  her  Ibrmer  influence  and  power  ;  and 
the  conduct  of  Sparta  herself  in  the  subsequent  settlement  of 
Greece,  had,  as  betbre  related,  been  conducive  to  the  same  result. 
The  Lacedemonians  seem  to  have  now  become  sensible  of  the 
mistake  which  they  had  committed ;  and  though  their  general 
policy  was  adverse  to  the  confederation  of  cities,  yet  they  were 
now  induced  to  adopt  a  different  course,  and  to  restore  the  power 
of  Thebes  by  way  of  counterpoise  to  that  of  Athens.     With  this 
view  the  Lacedsemonian  troops  were  marched  into  Boeotia,  where 
they  were  employed  in  restoring  the  fortifications  of  Thebes,  and 
in  reducing  the  Boeotian  cities  to  her  obedience.     The  designs 
of  Sparta  were  assisted  by  the  traitorous  co-operation  of  some 
of  the  oligarchical  party  at  Athens.     The  faction,  finding  itself 
foiled  in  its  attempt  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  long  walls,  not 
only  mvited  the  Lacedemonians  to  assist  them  in  this  attempt, 
but  also  to  overthrow  the  democracy  itself    The  Lacedaemonians 
listened  to  these  proposals,  and  their  army  took  up  a  position  at 
Tanagra,  on  the  very  borders  of  Attica,     the  Athenians,  suspect- 
ing that  some  treason  was  in  progress,  now  considered  it  high 
time  to  strike  a  blow.     Witli  such  of  their  troops  as  were  not 
engaged  at  ^gina,  together  with  a  thousand  Argeians,  and  some 
Thessalonian  horse,  they  marched  out  to  oppose  the  Laceda)- 
moniaiis  at  Tanagra.     Here  a  bloody  battle  ensued  (d.c.  4o7). 
in  which  the  Lacedaemonians  gained  the  advantage,   chiefly 
through  the  treacherous  desertion  of  the  Thessalians  in  the  very 
heat  of  the  engagement.     The  victory  was  not  sufficiently  deci- 
sive to  enable  the  Lacedaemonians  to  invade  Attica ;  but  it  served 
to  secure  them  an  unmolested  retreat,  after  partially  ravaging 
the  Megarid,  through  the  passes  of  the  Geraneia. 

f  16.  Previously  to  the  engagement,  the  ostracised  Ciraon, 
who  was  grievously  suspected  of  being  irapficated  in  the  treach- 
erous correspondence  of  some  of  his  party  with  the  Lacedemo- 
nians, presented  himself  before  the  Athenian  army  as  soon  as  it 
had  crossed  the  border,  and  earnestly  entreated  permission  to 
place  himself  in  the  ranks  of  the  hoplites.     His  request  being 


B.C.  456. 


BATTLE  OF  CENOPHYTA. 


261 


refused,  he  left  his  armour  with  some  friends,  conjuring  them  to 
wipe  out,  by  their  conduct  in  the  field,  the  imputation  under 
which  they  laboured.  Stmig  by  the  unjust  suspicions  of  their 
countrymen,  and  incited  by  the  exhortations  of  their  beloved 
and  banished  leader,  a  large  band  of  his  most  devoted  followers, 
setting  up  his  annour  in  their  ranks,  fought  side  by  side  with 
desperate  valour,  as  if  he  still  animated  them  by  his  presence. 
A  hundred  of  them  fell  in  the  engagement,  and  proved  by  their 
conduct  that,  with  regard  at  least  to  the  majority  of  Cimon's 
party,  they  were  unjustly  suspected  of  collusion  with  the  enemy. 
Cimon's  request  had  also  stimulated  Pericles  to  deeds  of  extra- 
ordinary valour  ;  and  thus  both  parties  seemed  to  be  bidding  for 
public  favour  on  the  field  of  battle  as  they  foiTnerly  had  done  in 
the  bloodless  contentions  of  the  Athenian  assembly.  A  happy 
result  of  this  generous  emulation  was  that  it  produced  a  great 
change  in  public  feeling.  Cimon's  ostracism  was  revoked,  and 
the  decree  for  that  purpose  was  proposed  by  Pericles  himself 

H7.  The  healing  of  domestic  faction  gave  a  new  impulse  to 
public  spirit  at  Athens.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  b.c.  456. 
and  only  about  two  months  after  their  defeat  at  Tanagra,  the 
Athenians  again  marched  into  Boeotia.  The  Boeotians  went  out 
to  meet  them  with  a  numerous  army  ;  but  in  the  battle  of  (Eno- 
phyta,  which  ensued,  the  Athenians  under  Myronides  gained  a 
brilliant  and  decisive  victory,  by  which  ThebeS  itself,  and  conse- 
quently thj  other  Boeotian  towns,  fell  into  their  power.  The 
Athenians  now  proceeded  to  reverse  all  the  arrangements  which 
had  been  made  by  the  Lacedemonians,  banished  all  the  leaders 
who  were  favourable  to  Spartan  ascendency,  and  established  a 
democratical  form  of  government.  To  these  acquisitions  Phocis 
and  Locris  were  soon  afterwards  added. 

From  the  gulf  of  Corinth  to  the  straits  of  Thermopyle 
Athenian  influence  was  now  predominant.  In  tlie  year  after  the 
battle  of  Oilnophyta  (b.c.  455),  the  Athenians  finished  the  build- 
ing of  the  long  walls  and  completed  the  reduction  of  jEgina, 
which  became  a  subject  and  tributary  ally.  Their  expedition 
into  Egypt,  and  its  unfortunate  catastrophe  in  this  year,  has  been 
already  related.  But  notwithstanding  their  efforts  and  reverses 
in  that  quarter,  they  were  strong  enough  at  sea  to  scour  the 
coasts  of  Greece,  of  which  they  gave  a  convincing  proof  An 
Athenian  fleet,  under  the  command  of  Tolmides,  sailed  round 
Peloponnesus,  and  insulted  the  Lacedemonians  by  burning  their 
ports  of  Methone  and  Gythium.  Naupactus,  a  town  of  the  Ozo- 
han  Locrians  near  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  was  cap- 
tured ;  and  in  the  latter  place  Tolmides  established  the  Helots 
and  Messenians,  wiiu  in  the  course  of  this  year  had  been  subdued 


I 


I 


i 


f61 


niSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIIt 


i^.C,  ¥#*• 


by  the  LaccdaBmonians,  and  compelled  to  evacuate  Ithomc. 
During  the  course  of  the  same  expedition  the  islands  of  Za- 
cynthus  and  Cephallenia  were  gained  over  to  the  Athenian  alli- 
ance, and  probably  also  some  towns  on  the  coast  of  Achaia. 

1 18.  Alter  the  battle  of  Tanagra  the  Lacedemonians  made  for 
a  while  no  further  attempts  to  oppose  its  progress,  and  quietly 
beheld  the  occupation  of  Bceotia  and  Phocis.     Even  after  the 
surrender  of  Ithome  they  still  remained  inactive;    and  three 
years  aller  that  event  (u.c.  452),  concluded  a  five  years'  truce 
with  the  Athenians.     This  truce  was  eflected  through  the  medi- 
ation of  Cimon,  who  was  anxious  that  no  dread  of  hostilities 
at  home  should  divert  him  from  resuming  operations  against  the 
Persians  ;  nor  perhaps  was  Pericles  unwiUing  that  so  lormidablc 
a  rival  should  be  absent  on  foreign  service.     Cimon  sailed  to 
Cyprus  with  a  fleet  of  200  triremes  belonging  to  the  confede- 
racy ;  whence  he  despatched  GO  vessels  to  Egj-pt,  to  assist  the 
rebel  prince  AmjTtams,  who  still  held  out  against  the  Persians 
among  the  marshes  of  the  Delta.     But  this  expedition  proved 
fatal  to  the  preat  Athenian  commander.     With  the  remainder 
of  the  fleet,  Cimon  undertook  the  siege  of  Citium  in  Cyprus ; 
but  died  during  the  progress  of  it,  either  from  disease  or  from 
the  efleets  of  a  wound.     The  command  now  devolved  on  Anaxi- 
crates ;  who,  being  straitened  by  a  want  of  provisions,  raised  the 
siege  of  Citium,  «nd  sailed  for  Salamis,  a  town  in  the  same 
island    in  order  to  engage  the  Phoenician  and  Cihcian  fleet. 
Here  he  gamed  a  ccrnplete  victory  both  on  sea  and  land,  hut 
was  deterred,  either  by  pestilence  or  famine,  from  the  further 
prosecution  of  the  war;  and  having  been  rejoined  by  the  sixty 
ships  from  Egypt,  sailed  home  to  Athens. 

f  19.  After  these  events  a  pacification  was  concluded  with 
Persia,  which  has  sometimes,  but  erroneously,  been  called  "  the 
A-C.i^uf     peace  of  Cimon."     It  is  stated  that  by  this  compact  the  Persia 
monarch  agreed  not  to  tax  or  molest  the  Greek  colonies  on  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor,  nor  to  send  any  vessels  of  war  westwards  of 
Pha^sehs  m  Lycia,  or  within  the  Cyanean  rocks  at  the  junction 
oi  the  Euxme  with  the  Thracian  Bosporus ;  the  Athenians  on 
their  side  undertaking  to  leave  the  Persians  in  undisturbed  pos- 
session of  C>T>rus  and  Egypt.     Even  if  no  treaty  was  actually 
concluded,  the  existence  of  such  a  state  of  relations  between 
Greece  and  Persia  at  this  time  must  be  recognized  as  an  histo- 
ncal  fact,  and  the  war  between  them  considered  as  now  brought 
to  a  conclusion. 

^  20.  During  the  progress  of  these  events  the  states  which 
ionned  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  with  the  exception  of  Chics, 
liesbos,  and  Samos,  had  gradually  become,  instead  of  the  active 


B.C.  447.        DECLINE  OF  TIIE  ATHENIAN  POWER. 


2C3 


allies  of  Athens,  her  disarmed  and  passive  tributaries.  Even  the 
custody  of  the  fund  had  been  transferred  from  Delos  to  Athens,  but 
we  are  unable  to  specify  the  precise  time  at  which  this  change  took 
place.  This  transfer  marked  the  subjection  of  the  confederates 
as  complete ;  yet  it  is  said  to  have  been  made  with  the  con- 
currence of  the  Samians ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Delos  would 
have  been  an  unsafe  place  for  the  deposit  of  so  large  a  treasure. 
The  purpose  for  which  the  confederacy  had  been  originally  orga- 
nized disappeared  with  the  Persian  peace  ;  yet  what  may  now  be 
called  imperial  Athens  continued,  lor  her  own  ends,  to  exercise 
her  prerogatives  as  head  of  the  league.  Her  alliances,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  likev.ise  been  extended  in  continental  Greece, 
where  they  embraced  Megara,  Boeotia,  Phocis,  Locris ;  together 
with  TroBzen  and  Achaia  in  Peloponnesus.  Of  these  allies  some 
were  merely  bound  to  military  service  and  a  conformity  of 
foreign  policy,  whilst  others  were  dependent  tributaries.  Of  the 
former  kind  were  the  states  just  mentioned,  together  with  Chios, 
Lesbos,  and  Samos  ;  whilst  in  the  latter  were  comprehended  all 
the  remaining  members  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  as  well  as 
the  recently  conquered  ^Egina.  Such  was  the  position  of  Athens 
in  the  year  448  b.c,  the  period  of  her  greatest  power  and  pros- 
perity. From  this  time  her  empire  began  to  decline ;  whilst 
Sparta,  and  other  watchful  and  jealous  enemies,  stood  ever  ready 
to  strike  a  blow. 

§  21.  In  the  following  year  (b.c.  447")  a  revolution  in  Boeotia 
deprived  Athens  of  her  ascendency  in  that  couutry.  This,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  altogether  political,  being  founded  in  the  de- 
mocracies which  she  had  established  in  the  Boeotian  towns  after 
the  battle  of  CEnophyta.  These  measures  had  not  been  eflected 
without  producing  a  numerous  and  powerful  class  of  discon- 
tented exiles,  who,  being  joined  by  other  malcontents  from 
Phocis,  Locris,  and  other  places,  succeeded  in  seizing  Orcho- 
menus,  Chaeronea,  and  a  few  more  unimportant  towns  of  Boeotia. 
With  an  overweening  contempt  of  their  enemies,  a  small  band  of 
1000  Athenian  hoplites,  chiefly  composed  of  youthful  volunteers 
belonging  to  the  best  Athenian  families,  together  with  a  few 
auxiliaries,  marched  under  the  command  of  Tolmides  to  put 
down  the  revolt,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  advice  of  Pericles, 
who  adjured  them  to  wait  and  collect  a  more  numerous  force. 
The  enterprise  proved  disastrous  in  the  extreme.  Tolmides  suc- 
ceeded, indeed,  in  retakmg  Chaeronea  and  garrisoning  it  with  an 
Athenian  force  ;  but  wliilst  his  small  army  was  retiring  from  the 
place,  it  was  surprised  by  the  enemy  and  totally  defeated.  Tol- 
mides himself  fell  in  the  engagement,  together  with  many  of  the 
hophtes,  whilst  a  still  larger  number  were  taken  prisoners.    This 


264 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIU. 


last  circumstanco  proved  fatal  to  the  interests  of  Athens  in 
BflBotia.  In  order  to  recover  these  prisoners,  she  agreed  to  eva- 
cuate Bojotia,  to  restore  the  exiles,  and  to  permit  tlie  re-esta- 
blishment of  the  aristocracies  which  she  had  formerly  overtlirown. 
Thus  all  BcBotia,  with  the  exception  of  Plataea,  once  more  stood 
opposed,  and  indeed  doubly  hostile,  to  Athens. 

But  the  Athenian  reverses  did  not  end  here.  The  ex- 
pulsion of  the  partizans  ol*  Athens  from  the  government  of 
Phocis  and  Locris,  and  the  revolt  of  Eubcea  and  Megara,  were 
announced  in  quick  succession  ;  whilst  to  crown  all,  the  Spartans, 
who  were  now  set  free  to  act  by  the  termination  of  the  five 
years'  truce,  were  preparing  to  invade  Attica  itself  The  youthful 
Pleistoanax,  king  of  Sparta,  actually  penetrated,  with  an  army  of 
Lacedaemonians  and  Peloponnesian  allies,  as  far  as  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Eleusis ;  and  the  capital  itself,  it  is  said,  was  saved 
only  by  Pericles  having  bribed  the  Spartan  monarch,  as  well  as 
Cleandrides,  his  adjutant  and  counsellor,  to  evacuate  the  country. 
The  story  was  at  least  believed  at  Sparta  ;  for  both  Pleistoanax 
and  Cleandrides  were  found  guilty  -^f  corruption  and  sent  into 
banishment. 

§  22.  Pericles  had  been  recalled  by  the  Spartan  invasion  from 
an  expedition  which  he  had  imdertaken  for  the  reconquest  of  Eu- 
bflca,  and  which  he  resumed  as  soon  as  the  Spartans  had  departed 
from  Attica.  With  an  overwhelming  force  of  50  triremes  and 
5000  hoplites  he  soon  succeeded  m  reducing  the  island  to  obe- 
dience, in  some  parts  of  which  the  landowners  were  expelled  and 
their  properties  given  to  Athenian  cleruchs  or  colonists.  But 
this  was  the  only  possession  which  Athens  succeeded  in  recover- 
ing. Her  empire  on  land  had  vanished  more  speedily  than  it 
had  been  acquired  ;  whilst  in  the  distance  loomed  the  danger  of 
an  extensive  and  formidable  confederacy  against  her,  realized 
some  years  afterv/ards  by  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  not  unde- 
servedly provoked  by  her  aggressive  schemes  of  conquest  and 
empire.  Thus  both  her  present  position  and  her  future  prospects 
were  well  calculated  to  fill  the  Athenians,  and  their  leader  Peri- 
cles, with  apprehension  and  alarm ;  and  under  these  feehngs  of 
despondency  they  were  induced  to  conclude,  at  the  begimiing  of 
the  year  b.c.  445.  a  thirty  years*  tmce  with  Sparta  and  her  allies. 
by  which  they  consented  to  abandon  all  the  acquisitions  whicli 
they  had  made  in  Peloponnesus,  and  to  leave  Megara  to  be 
included  among  the  Peloponnesian  allios  of  Sparta. 


The  Acropolis  restored. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


FROM  THE  THIRTY  YEARS'  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BET^VEEN  C^.ltlNTH 

AND  CORCYRA. 

§  1.  State  of  parties  at  Athens.  Tluicydides.  §  2.  Opposite  political 
views.  §  3.  Ostracism  of  Thucydides.  Administration  of  Pericles. 
He  adorns  Athens.  His  foreign  policy.  §  4.  Athenian  colonization. 
Clernchiaj.  Thurii  and  Amphipolis.  §  5.  Nature  of  the  Athenian 
maritime  empire.  Amount  of  tribute.  Oppressions.  §  6.  Revolt 
of  Samos.     Reduction  of  the  island  by  Pericles. 

§  1.  The  aristocratical  party  at  Athens  had  been  nearly  anni- 
hilated by  the  measures  of  Pericles  recorded  in  the  preceding 
chapter.  In  order  to  make  a  final  eflbrt  against  the  policy  of 
that  statesman,  the  remnant  of  this  party  had  united  them- 
selves under  Thucydides,  the  son  of  Melesias.     Thucydides 

who  must  not  be  confounded  with  his  namesake,  the  great 
historian — was  a  relative  of  Cimon's,  to  whose  poUtical  prin- 
ciples he  succeeded.  In  ability  and  character  he  difiered 
considerably  from  Cimon.  He  was  not  much  distinguished 
as  a  military  man ;  but  as  a  statesman  and  orator  he  might 
even  bear  some  comparison  with  his  great  opponent  Pericles. 
Thucydides,  however,  had  not  the  advantage  of  being  on  the 
popular  side  ;  and  his  manner  of  leading  the  opposition  soon 
proved  the  ruin  both  of  himself  and  of  his  party.  The  high 
character  and  great  services  of  Aristides  and  Cimdn,  the  con- 
ciliatory manners  of  both,  and  especially  the  affable  and  generous 

N 


266 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXIV, 


temper  of  Cimon,  had,  in  spite  of  their  unpopular  views,  se- 
cured them  considerable  influence.  Thucydides,  on  the  con- 
trary, does  not  appear  to  have  been  distinguished  by  any  of 
these  quahties ;  and  though  the  steps  which  he  took  to  give  hia 
party  a  stronger  organization  in  the  assembly  at  first  enabled 
him  to  make  head  against  Pericles,  yet  they  ultimately  proved 
the  cause  of  his  overthrow.  Not  only  were  his  adherents  urged 
to  a  more  regular  attendance  in  the  assembly,  but  they  were 
also  instructed  to  take  up  a  separate  and  distinct  position  on 
the  benches ;  and  thus,  instead  of  being  mixed  as  before  with 
the  general  mass  of  citizens,  they  became  a  regularly  organized 
party.  This  arrangement  seemed  at  first  to  lend  them  strength. 
Their  applause  or  dissent,  being  more  concentrated,  produced  a 
greater  elTect.  At  any  sudden  turn  in  a  debate  they  were  in  a 
better  position  to  concert  their  measures,  and  could  more  readily 
put  forwards  their  best  speakers  according  to  emergencies.  But 
these  advantages  were  counterbalanced  by  still  greater  draw- 
backs. A  little  knot  of  men,  who  from  a  particular  corner  of 
the  ecclesia  were  constantly  opposing  the  most  popular  mea- 
Bures,  naturally  incurred  a  great  share  of  odium  and  suspicion ; 
hut  what  was  still  worse,  the  paucity  of  their  immbers — and 
from  their  position  they  could  easily  be  counted — was  soon  re- 
marked ;  and  they  then  began  to  fall  into  contempt,  and  were 
designated  as  Tfie  Fetv. 

§  2.  The  points  of  dispute  between  the  two  parties  were  much 
the  same  as  they  had  been  in  the  time  of  Cimon.  Thucydides  and 
liis  followers  were  for  maintaining  amicable  relations  with  the 
rest  of  Greece,  and  were  opposed  to  the  more  popular  notion  of 
extending  the  Athenian  dominion  even  at  the  risk  of  incurring 
the  hostility  of  the  other  Grecian  states.  They  were  of  opinion 
that  all  their  efibrts  should  be  directed  against  the  conunon 
enemy,  the  Persians ;  and  that  the  advantages  which  Athens 
derived  from  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  should  be  strictly  and 
honestly  applied  to  the  purposes  for  which  that  confederacy 
had  been  formed.  With  regard  to  this  subject  the  administra- 
tion of  Pericles  had  produced  a  fresh  point  of  contention.  The 
vast  amount  of  treasure  accumulated  at  Athens  from  the  tribute 
paid  by  the  allies  was  more  than  sufficient  for  any  apprehended 
necessities  of  defence,  and  Pericles  applied  the  surplus  to 
strengthening  and  beautifying  the  city.  Thucydides  complained 
that,  by  this  raisappUcation  of  the  common  fund,  Athens  was  dis- 
graced in  the  eyes  of  Greece.  Pericles,  on  the  other  hand,  con- 
tended that  so  long  as  he  reserved  sufficient  to  guarantee  secu- 
rity against*  the  Persians,  he  was  perfectly  at  liberty  to  apply  the 
surplus  to  Athenian  purjioses.     This  argument  is  the  aigument 


B.C.  445. 


PERICLES  ADORNS  ATHENS 


267 


of  the  strongest,  and,  if  valid  in  this  case,  might  at  any  time  be 
applied  to  justify  the  grossest  abuses  of  power.  The  best  that 
we  can  say  in  favour  of  the  Athenians  is  that,  if  they  were  strong 
enough  to  commit  this  injustice,  they  were  also  enlightened 
enough  to  apply  the  proceeds  in  producing  works  of  art  that 
have  excited  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the  world.  Other 
conquerors  have  often  contented  themselves  with  caiTying  off 
the  works  of  others — the  Athenians  had  genius  enough  to  pro- 
duce their  own.  But  we  can  hardly  justify  the  means  by  point- 
ing to  the  result. 

§  3.  From  the  opposition  of  Thucydides,  Pericles  was  released 
by  ostracism ;  though  by  which  party  such  a  step  mus  proposed 
cannot  be  determined.  Thucydides  went  into  banishment.  This 
event,  which  probably  took  place  about  two  years  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce,  completely  broke  up  the 
aristocratical  party;  and  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  Pericles 
enjoyed  the  sole  direction  of  aHairs.  His  views  were  of  the 
most  lofty  kind.  Athens  was  to  become  the  capital  of  Greece, 
the  centre  of  art  and  refinement,  and  at  the  same  time  of  those 
democratical  theories  which  formed  the  beau  ideal  of  the  Athe- 
nian notions  of  government.  In  her  external  appearance  the 
city  was  to  be  rendered  worthy  of  the  high  position  to  which 
she  aspired  by  the  beauty  and  splendour  of  her  public  buildings, 
by  her  works  of  art  in  sculpture,  architecture,  and  painting,  and 
by  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of  her  religious  festivals.  All 
these  objects  Athens  was  enabled  to  attain  in  an  incredibly 
short  space  of  time,  through  the  genius  and  energy  of  her  citi- 
zens and  the  vast  resources  at  her  command.  No  state  has  ever 
exhibited  so  much  intellectual  activity  and  so  great  a  progress 
in  art  as  was  displayed  by  Athens  in  the  period  which  elapsed 
between  the  Thirty  Years'  Tmce  and  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war.  But  of  the  literature  of  this  period,  as  well 
as  of  the  great  works  of  art  produced  in  it,  an  account  is  given 
in  another  place,*  and  it  will  suffice  to  mention  briefly  here  the 
more  important  structures  with  which  Athens  was  adorned  dur- 
ing the  administration  of  Pericles.  On  the  Acropolis  rose  the 
magnificent  temple  of  Athena,  called  the  Parthenon,  built  from 
the  plans  of  Ictinus  and  Callicrates,  but  under  the  direction  of 
Phidias,  who  adorned  it  with  the  most  beautiful  sculptures,  and 
especially  with  a  colossal  statue  of  Athena  in  ivory,  47  feet  in 
height.  At  the  same  time  a  theatre  designed  for  musical  per- 
formances, called  the  Odeum,  was  erected  at  the  south-eastern 
foot  of  the  Acropohs.     Both  these  structures  appear  to  have  been 


*  See  below,  Chap.  XXXIV.,  XXXV. 


268 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Cbaf.  ZXIY. 


finished  by  437  b.c.  Somewhat  later  were  erected  the  Propy- 
laBa,  or  magnificent  entrance  to  the  Acropolis,  on  the  western 
side.  Besides  these  vast  works,  others  were  commenced  which 
were  interrupted  by  the  breaking  out  of  the  Peloponnesian  war, 
as  the  reconstruction  of  the  Erechtheum,  or  ancient  temple  of 
Athena  Polias;  the  building  of  a  great  temple  of  Demeter,  at 
Eleusis,  for  the  celebration  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries ;  an- 
other of  Athena  at  Sunium,  and  one  of  Nemesis  at  Rhamnus. 
Besides  these  ornamental  works,  Pericles  imdertook  others  of  a 
more  useful  kind.  In  order  to  render  the  communication  be- 
tween Athens  and  Pincus  still  more  secure,  he  constructed  a 
third  long  wall  between  the  two  already  built,  ruiming  parallel 
to,  aiid  at  a  short  distance  from,  the  one  which  united  the  city 
to  Piraeus.  At  the  same  time  Piraeus  itself  was  improved  and 
beautified,  and  a  new  dock  and  arsenal  constructed,  said  to  have 
cost  1000  talents.  The  whole  cost  of  these  improvements  was 
estimated  at  3000  talents,  or  neariy  700,000/. 

In  this  part  of  his  plans  Pericles  may  be  said  to  have  been 
entirely  successful.  The  beautiful  works  which  arose  under  his 
superintendence  established  the  empire  of  Athenian  taste,  not 
only  for  his  own  time  but  for  all  succeeding  ages.  But  the  other 
and  more  substantial  part  of  his  projects — the  establishment  of 
the  material  empire  of  Athens,  of  which  these  works  were  to 
be  but  the  type  and  ornament — ^was  founded  on  a  miscalcula- 
tion of  the  physical  strength  and  resources  of  his  country ;  and 
after  involving  Athens,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  in  a  long 
series  of  suffering  and  misfortune,  ended  at  last  in  her  degrada- 
tion and  ruin. 

§  4.  Colonization,  for  which  the  genius  and  inclination  of  the 
Athenians  had  always  been  suited,  was  another  and  safer  method 
adopted  by  Pericles  for  extending  the  influence  and  empire  of 
Athens.  The  settlements  made  under  his  auspices  were  of  two 
kinds,  Cleruchies*  and  regular  colonies.  Tlie  former  mode  was 
exclusively  Athenian.  It  consisted  in  the  allotment  of  land  in 
conquered  or  subject  countries  to  certain  bodies  of  Athenians, 
who  continued  to  retain  all  their  original  rights  of  citizenship. 
This  circiunstance,  as  well  as  the  convenience  of  entering  upon 
land  already  in  a  state  of  cultivation,  instead  of  having  to  re- 
claim it  from  the  rude  condition  of  nature,  seems  to  have  render- 
ed such  a  mode  of  settlement  much  preferred  by  the  Athenians. 
The  eariiest  instance  which  we  find  of  it  is  in  the  year  b.c.  506, 
when  four  thousand  Athenians  entered  upon  the  domains  of  the 
Chalcidian  knights.     But  it  was  under  Pericles  that  this  system 

•  KXifpovxiau 


B.C.  443. 


ATHENIAN  COLONIES. 


269 


was  most  extensively  adopted.  During  his  administration  1000 
Athenian  citizens  were  settled  in  the  Thracian  Chersonese,  500 
in  Naxos,  and  250  in  Andros.  His  expeditions  for  this  purpose 
even  extended  into  the  Euxine.  From  Sinope,  on  the  shores  of 
that  sea,  he  expelled  the  despot  Timesilaus  and  his  party,  whose 
estates  were  confiscated,  and  assigned  for  the  maintenance  of 
600  Athenian  citizens.  The  islands  of  Lemnos,  Imbros,  and 
Scyros,  as  well  as  a  large  tract  in  the  north  of  Euboea,  were  also 
completely  occupied  by  Athenian  proprietors. 

The  most  important  colonies  settled  by  Pericles  were  those  of 
Thurii  and  Amphipolis.  Since  the  destruction  of  Sybaris  by  the 
Crotoniates,  in  b.c.  509,  the  former  inhabitants  had  lived  dis- 
persed in  the  adjoining  territory  along  the  gulf  of  Tarentum. 
They  had  in  vain  requested  Sparta  to  recolonize  them,  and  now 
applied  to  Pericles,  who  granted  their  request.  In  b.c.  443  he 
sent  out  a  colony  to  found  Thurii,  near  the  site  of  the  ancient 
Sybaris.  But  though  established  imder  the  auspices  of  Athens, 
Thurii  can  hardly  be  considered  an  Athenian  colony,  since  it 
contained  settlers  from  almost  all  parts  of  Greece.  Among 
those  who  joined  this  colony  were  the  historian  Herodotus  and 
the  orator  Lysias.  The  colony  of  Amphipolis  was  founded  some 
years  later  (b.c.  437),  under  the  conduct  of  Agnon.  But  here 
also  the  proportion  of  Athenian  settlers  was  small.  Amphipolis 
was  in  fact  only  a  new  name  for  Ennea  Hodoi,  to  colonize 
which  place  the  Athenians,  as  before  related,  had  already  made 
some  unsuccessful  attempts.  They  now  succeeded  in  maintain- 
ing their  ground  against  the  Edonians,  and  Amphipolis  became 
an  important  Athenian  dependency  with  reference  to  Thrace  and 
Macedonia. 

^  5.  Such  were  the  schemes  of  Pericles  for  promoting  the  em- 
pire of  Athens.  That  empire,  since  the  conclusion  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  Truce,  had  again  become  exclusively  maritime.  Yet  even 
among  the  subjects  and  allies  united  with  Athens  by  the  Con- 
federacy of  Delos,  her  sway  was  borne  with  growing  discontent. 
One  of  the  chief  causes  of  this  dissatisfaction  was  the  amount  of 
the  tribute  exacted  by  the  Athenians,  as  well  as  their  misappli- 
cation of  the  proceeds.  During  the  administration  of  Pericles, 
the  rate  of  contribution  was  raised  upwards  of  thirty  per  cent., 
although  the  purpose  for  which  the  tribute  was  originally  levied 
had  almost  entirely  ceased.  In  the  time  of  Aristides  and  Cimon, 
when  an  active  war  was  carrying  on  against  the  Persians,  the 
sum  annually  collected  amounted  to  460  talents.  In  the  time  of 
Pericles,  although  that  war  had  been  brought  to  a  close  by  what 
has  been  called  the  peace  of  Cimon,  and  though  the  only  arma- 
ment still  maintained  for  the  ostensible  purposes  of  the  con- 


210 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXIV, 


federacy  was  a  fleet  of  sixty  triremes,  which  ciiiised  in  the 
JEgseaii,  the  trihute  had  nevertheless  increased  to  the  annuai 
sum  of  600  talents.  The  importance  of  this  tribute  to  the 
Athenians  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  it  formed  con- 
siderably more  than  half  of  their  whole  revenue  ;  for  their  in- 
come from  other  sources  amounted  only  to  400  talents.  It  may  be 
said,  indeed,  that  Greece  was  not  even  yet  wholly  secure  from 
another  Persian  invasion  ;  and  that  Athens  was  therefore  justified 
in  continuing  to  collect  the  tribute,  out  of  which  it  must  injustice 
to  Pericles  be  admitted,  a  large  sum  had  been  laid  by,  amounting, 
when  the  Peloptinnesian  war  broke  out,  to  6000  talents.  But 
that  there  was  no  longer  much  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  Persians  is  shown  by  subsequent  events ;  and  though  it  is 
true  that  Pericles  saved  a  large  sum,  yet  he  had  spent  much  in 
decorating  Athens  ;  and  the  surj>lus  was  ultimately  applied,  not 
for  the  purposes  of  the  league,  but  in  defending  Athens  from 
enemies  which  her  aggressive  policy  had  provoked. 

But  the  tribute  was  not  the  only  grievance  of  which  the  allies 
had  to  complain.  Of  all  the  members  of  the  Confederacy  of 
Delos,  the  islands  of  Chios,  Samos,  and  Lesbos  "w  ere  the  only 
states  which  now  held  the  footing  of  independent  a  llies  :  that  is, 
they  alone  were  allowed  to  retain  their  ships  and  fortifications, 
and  were  only  called  upon  to  furnish  military  aud  naval  aid 
when  required.  The  other  members  of  the  league,  some  of  liiem 
indeed  with  their  own  consent,  had  been  deprived  of  their  navy 
and  reduced  to  the  condition  of  tributaries.  The  deliberative 
synod  for  discussing  and  conducting  the  alFairs  of  the  league 
had  been  discontinued,  probably  from  the  time  when  the  trea- 
sury was  removed  from  Delos  to  Athens ;  whilst  the  Helleno- 
tamise  had  been  converted  into  a  board  consisting  solely  of 
Athenians.  Notwithstanding,  therefore,  the  seeming  independ- 
ence of  the  three  islands  just  mentioned,  the  Athenians  were  in 
fact  the  sole  arbiters  of  the  afiairs  of  the  league,  and  the  sole 
administrators  of  the  fund.  Another  grievance  was  the  trans- 
ference to  Athens  of  all  lawsuits,  at  least  of  all  public  suits  ;  for 
on  this  subject  we  are  unable  to  draw  the  line  distinctly.  In 
criminal  cases,  at  all  events,  the  allies  seem  to  have  been 
deprived  of  the  power  to  inflict  capital  punishment.  It  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  even  private  suits  in  which  an  Athe- 
nian was  concerned  were  referred  to  Athens.  In  some  cases,  it 
i«  true,  the  allies  may  have  derived  benefit  from  a  trial  before 
the  Athenian  people,  as  the  dicasteries  were  then  constituted ; 
but  on  the  whole,  the  practice  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  means 
and  a  badge  of  their  subjection.  Besides  aU  these  causes  of 
complaint,  the  allies  had  often  to  endure  the  oppressions  and 


B.C.  440. 


REDUCTION  OF  SAMOa 


271 


exactions  of  Athenian  ofiicers  both  military  and  naval,  as 
well  as  of  the  rich  and  powerful  Athenian  citizens  settled  among 
them. 

Many  of  these  abuses  had  no  doubt  arisen  before  the  time  of 
Pericles ;  but  the  excuse  for  them  had  at  all  events  ceased  to 
exist  with  the  death  of  Cimon  and  the  extinction  of  the  Persian 
war.  To  expect  that  the  Athenians  should  have  voluntarily 
relinquished  the  advantages  derived  from  them  might  be  to  de- 
mand too  much  of  human  nature,  especially  as  society  was  then 
constituted  ;  and  the  Athenians  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  did  not 
abuse  their  power  to  a  greater  extent  than  many  other  nations 
both  in  ancient  and  modern  times.  With  this  argument  for 
their  exculpation  we  must  rest  content;  for  it  is  the  only 
one.  They  were  neither  better  nor  worse  than  other  people. 
The  allurement,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  a  splendid  one.  By 
means  of  the  league  Athens  had  become  the  mistress  of  many 
scattered  cities,  formerly  her  equals  ;  and  the  term  of  despot  over 
them  was  applied  to  her  not  only  by  her  enemies,  but  adopted 
in  her  overweening  confidence  and  pride  by  herself 

h  6.  The  principal  event  in  the  external  history  of  Athens 
during  the  period  comprised  in  the  present  chapter  was  the 
subjugation  of  the  island  of  Samos,  the  most  important  of 
the  three  islands  which  still  retained  their  independence.  In 
B.C.  440,  the  Milesians,  who  had  been  defeated  by  the  Samians 
in  a  war  respecting  the  possession  of  Priene,  lodged  a  formal 
complaint  in  Athens  against  the  Samians  ;  and  it  was  seconded 
by  a  party  in  Samos  itself,  who  were  adverse  to  the  oligar- 
chical form  of  government  established  there.  As  the  Sa- 
mians refused  to  submit  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Athenians, 
the  latter  resolved  to  reduce  them  to  obedience  by  force  ;  and 
for  that  purpose  despatched  an  annam'^nt  of  forty  ships  to 
Samos,  mider  the  command  of  Pericles,  who  established  a  demo- 
cratical  form  of  government  in  the  island,  and  carried  away 
hostages  belonging  to  the  first  Samian  families,  whom  he  de- 
posited in  the  isle  of  Lcmnos.  But  no  sooner  had  Pericles 
departed  than  some  of  the  oligarchical  party,  supported  by 
Pissuthnes,  satrap  of  Sardis,  passed  over  in  the  night  time  to 
Samos,  overpowered  the  small  Athenian  garrison  which  had  been 
left  by  Pericles,  and  abolished  the  democracy.  They  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Lemnos,  and  having  regained  possession  of  the  hos- 
tages, proclaimed  an  open  revolt  against  Athens,  in  which  they 
were  joined  by  Byzantium. 

When  these  tidings  reached  Athens  a  fleet  of  sixty  triremes 
immediately  sailed  for  Samos.  Pericles  was  again  one  of  the  ten 
strateg^i  or  generals  in  command  of  the  expedition,  and  among  his 


272 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXIV. 


< 


colleagues  was  Sophocles,  the  tragic  poet.  After  several  engage- 
ments between  the  hostile  fleets,  the  Samians  were  obliged  to 
abandon  the  sea  and  take  reluge  in  their  city,  which,  alter  en- 
during a  siege  of  nine  montlis,  was  forced  to  capitulate. 

The  iSamians  were  compelled  to  raze  their  fortifications,  to 
surrender  their  fleet,  to  give  hostages  for  their  future  conduct, 
and  to  pay  the  exjienses  of  the  war,  amounting  to  1000  talents. 
The  Byzantines  submitted  at  the  same  time.  During  these 
operations,  it  was  a  fjoint  di&puted  among  the  states  opposed  to 
Athens  whether  the  Samians  should  be  assisted  in  their  revolt ; 
a  question  decided  in  the  negative,  chiefly  through  the  influence 
of  the  Corinthians,  who"  maintanied  the  right  of  every  confe- 
deracy to  punish  its  refractory  members. 

The  triumphs  and  the  power  of  Athens  were  no  doubt 
K^arded  with  fear  and  jealousy  by  her  rivals  ;  but  the  conquest 
of  Samos  was  not  followed  by  any  open  manifestation  of  hos- 
tility. A  general  impression  however  prevailed  that  sooner 
or  later  a  war  must  ensue  ;  but  men  looked  forward/^  to  it 
with  fear  and  trembling  from  a  conviction  of  the  internecine 
character  which  it  must  necessarily  assume.  It  was  a  hollow 
peace,  which  the  most  trifling  events  might  disturb,  The  train 
was  already  laid  ;  and  an  apparently  unimportant  event,  which 
occurred  in  B.C.  435  in  a  remote  comer  of  Greece,  kindled  the 
sparK  which  was  to  produce  the  conflagration.  This  was  the 
quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra,  which  will  be  detailed  in 
the  following  chapter. 


»3Uat  ufthc  poet  Sophodoa 


The  Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

CAUSES   OF    THE    PELOrONNESIAN  WAR. 

§  1.  Quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra.  §  2.  Corcyrean  embassy 
to  Athens.  Decision  of  the  Athenians.  §  3.  They  send  a  fleet  to 
Corcyra.  Naval  engagements.  Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  §  4.  Re- 
volt of  Potidaea.  §  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponnesian  allies  at  Sparta. 
Tlie  Spartans  decide  for  war.  §  6.  Second  congress.  The  allies  re- 
solve upon  war.  §  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  require  the  Athenians  to 
expel  Pericles.  §  8.  Attacks  upon  Pericles,  Aspasia,  and  Anaxagoras. 
Imprisonment  and  death  of  Phidias.  §  9.  Further  requisitions  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  Rejected  by  the  Athenians.  §  10.  The  Thebans 
surprise  Plataea.  §  11.  The  Athenians  prepare  for  war.  Portents. 
§  12.  Forces  of  the  Lacedajmonians  and  Athenians.  §  13.  The  Pelo- 
ponnesian array  assembles  at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 

sM.  On  the  coast  of  lUyria,  near  the  site  of  the  modem  Du- 
razzo,  the  Corcyraeans  had  founded  the  city  of  Epidamnus.  Cor- 
cyra (now  Corfu)  was  itself  a  colony  of  Corinth  ;  and,  though 
long  at  enmity  with  its  mother  country,  was  forced,  according  to 
the  time-hallowed  custom  of  the  Greeks  in  such  matters,  to 
select  the  founder  or  oecist  of  Epidamnus  from  the  Corinthians. 
Accordingly  Corinth  became  the  metropolis  of  Epidamnus  also. 
At  the  time  of  which  we  speak,  the  Epidamnians  were  hard 
pressed  by  the  Illyrians,  led  by  some  oligarchical  exiles  of  their 
own  city,  whom  they  had  expelled  in  consequence  of  a  domestic 
sedition.     In  their  distress  they  apphed  to  Corcyra  for  assist- 


lU 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXV. 


ance  ;  whjch  the  CorcyraBans.  being  principally  connected  with 
the  Epidamnian  oligarchy,  refused.  The  Epidamnians,  after  con- 
sulting the  oracle  of  Delphi,  then  sought  help  from  the  Corin- 
thians, who  undertook  to  assist  them,  and  organized  an  expedi- 
tuon  for  that  purpose,  consisting  partly  of  new  settlers,  and  partly 
of  a  mihtary  force.  The  Corcyraeans  highly  resented  this  inter- 
ference, proceeded  to  restore  the  Epidarmiian  ohgarchs,  and  with 
a  fleet  of  40  sliips  blockaded  the  town  and  its  new  Corinthian 
garrison.  Hereupon  the  Cormthians  fitted  out  a  still  stroun^er 
expedition,  ibr  which  they  coUected  both  ships  and  money  frSm 
their  allies.  The  Corcyra3ans,  having  made  a  fruitless  attempt 
to  persuade  the  Corinthians  to  refer  the  matter  to  arbitration 
prepared  to  meet  the  blow.  Their  fleet,  the  best  in  Greece  after 
that  of  Athens,  completely  defeated  the  Corinthians  olf  Cape 
Actiuna  ;  and  on  the  same  day  Epidamnus  surrendered  to  their 
blockading  squadron  (b.c.  435). 

^  2-  Deeply  humbled  by  this  defeat,  the  Corinthians  spent  the 
two  following  years   in   active  preparations   for   retrievinor  it 
They  got  ready  90  well-manned  ships  of  their  own ;  and  by  active 
exertions  among  their  allies,  they  were  in  a  condition,  in  the 
third  year  after  their  disgrace,  to  put  to  sea  with  a  fleet  of  150 
iail.     The  Corcyrajans,  who  had  not  eiux)lled  themselves  either 
m  the  Laceda3monian  or  Athenian  alliance,  and  therefore  stood 
alone,  were  greatly  alarmed  at  these  preparations.     They  now 
resolved  to  remedy  this  deficiency  ;  and  as  Corinth  beloncred  to 
the  LacedsBmonian  alliance,  the  Corcyrajans  had  no  option,  and 
were  obliged  to  apply  to  Athens.     Ambassadors  were  accord- 
mgly  despatched  to  that  city,  who,  bemg  introduced  into  the 
assembly,  endeavoured  to  set  in  a  striking  light  the  great  acces- 
sion of  naval  power  which  the  Athenians  would  derive  from  an 
aUiance  with  the  Corcyraeans.     The  Corinthians,  who  had  also 
sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  rephcd  to  the  arguments  of  the 
Corcyrajan  envoys,  appealing  to  the  terms  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
Truce,  and  reminding  the  Athenians  that  it  was  throunrh  the 
representations  of  the  Corintliians  that  the  Peloponnesian  allies 
had  not  assisted  the  Samians  in  their  late  revolt.     The  opinions 
of  the  Athenian  assembly  were  much  divided  on  the  subject ; 
but  the  views  of  Pericles  and  other  speakers  at  length  pre- 
vailed.    They  urged  that  whatever  course  might  now  be  taken, 
war  could  not  ultimately  be  avoided  ;  and  that  therefore  the 
more  prudent  course  was  to  avail  themselves  of  the  increase 
of  strength  offered  by  the  Corcyraean  alliance,  rather  than  to  be 
at  last  driven  to  undertake  the  war  at  a  comparative  disadvantage. 
To  avoid,  however,  an  open  infringement  of  the  Thirty  Yeara* 
Truce,  a  middle  course  was  adopted.     It  was  resolved  to  con- 


B.O.  433. 


CORINTH  AND  CORCYRA 


276 


elude  only  a  defensive  aUiance  with  Corcyra  ;  that  is,  to  defend 
the  Corcyraeans  in  case  their  territories  were  actually  invaded  by 
the  Corinthians,  but  beyond  that  not  to  lend  them  any  active 
assistance. 

^  3.  By  entering  upon  this  merely  defensive  alliance  the  Athe- 
nians also  hoped  to  stand  aloof  and  see  the  Corinthian  and  Cor- 
cyrajan  fleets  mutually  destroy  one  another  ;  and  it  was  probably 
in  accordance  with  this  policy  that  only  a  small  squadron  of 
ten  triremes,  under  the  command  of  Lacedaemonius  the  son  of 
Cimon,  was  despatched  to  the  assistance  of  the  Corcyraeans. 
The  Corinthian  fleet  of  150  sail  took  up  its  station  at  Cape  Chei- 
merium  on  the  coast  of  Epirus ;  where  the  Corinthians  estabUsh- 
ed  a  naval  camp,  and  summoned  to  their  assistance  the  friendly 
Epirot  tribes.     The  Corcyraean  fleet  of  110  sail,  together  with 
the  10  Athenian  ships,  were  stationed  at  one  of  the  adjoining 
islands  called  Sybota.     A  battle  speedily  ensued,  which  for  the 
number  of  ships  engaged,  was  the  greatest  yet  fought  between 
fleets  entirely  Grecian.     Neither  side,  however,  had  yet  adopted 
the  Athenian  tactics.     They  had  no  conception  of  that  mode  of 
attack  in  which  the  ship  itself,  by  the  method  of  handling  it, 
became  a  more  important  instrument  than  the  crew  by  which 
it  was  manned.     Their  only  idea  of  a  naval  engagement  was  to 
lay  the  ships  alongside  one  another,  and  to  leave  the  hoplites  on 
deck  to  decide  the  combat  after  the  fashion  of  a  land  fight.     At 
first  Lacedaemonius,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  took  no 
part  in  the  battle,  though  he  afforded  all  the  assistance  he  could 
to  the  Corcyraeans  by  manoeuvring  as  if  he  were  preparing  to 
engage.     After  a  hard  fought  day,  victory  finally  declared  in 
favour  of  the  Corinthians.     The  Athenians  now  abandoned  their 
neutrality,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  save  the  flying  Corcy- 
rajans from  their  pursuers.     This  action  took  place  earfy  in  the 
morning ;  and  the  Corinthians,  after  returning  to  the  spot  where 
it  had  been  fought  in  order  to  pick  up  their  own  dead  and 
wounded,  prepared  to  renew  the  attack  in  the  afternoon,  and  to 
effect  a  landing  at  Corcyra.     The  Corcyraeans  made  the  best 
preparations  they  could  to  receive  them,  and  the  Athenians, 
who  were  now  within  the  strict  letter  of  their  instructions,  de- 
termined to  give  their  new  allies  all  the  assistance  in  their 
power.     The  war  paean  had  been  sounded,  and  the  Corinthian 
line  was  in  full  advance,  when  suddenly  it  tacked  and  stood  away 
to  the  coast  of  Epulis.     This  unexpected  retreat  was  caused  by 
the  appearance  of  20  Athenian  vessels  in  the  distance,  which  the 
Corinthians  believed  to  be  the  advanced  guard  of  a  still  larger 
fleet.     But  though  this  was  not  the  case,  the  succour  proved 
sufficient  to  deter  the  Corinthians  from  any  further  hostilities 


Cl<» 


Mm  V 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXV. 


Drawing  up  their  ships  along  the  coast  of  Epirus,  they  sent  a 
few  men  in  a  small  boat  to  remonstrate  with  the  Athenians  for 
having  violated  the  truce  ;  and  finding  from  the  parley  that  the 
Athenians  did  not  mean  to  undertake  oflensive  operations  against 
them,  they  sailed  homewards  with  their  whole  fleet,  after  erect- 
ing a  trophy  at  Sybota.  On  reaching  Corinth  800  of  their  pri- 
soners were  sold  as  slaves  ;  but  the  remaining  250,  many  of  whom 
belonged  to  the  first  families  in  Corcyra,  though  detained  in 
custody  were  treated  with  peculiar  kindness,  in  the  hope  that 
they  would  eventually  establish  in  that  island  a  party  favourable 
to  Corinth.     These  events  took  place  in  the  year  b.c.  432. 

§  4.  The  Corinthians  were  naturally  incensed  at  the  conduct 
of  Athens,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  should  have  watched 
for  an  opportunity  of  revenge.     This  was  soon  afibrded  them  by 
the  enmity  of  the  Macedonian  prince  Perdiccas  towards  the 
Athenians.     Oflended  with  the  Athenians  for  having  received 
into  their  alliance  his  two  brothers  Philip  and  Derdas,  with  whom 
he  was  at  open  variance,  Perdiccas  exerted  all  his  efforts  to  injure 
Athens.     He  incited  her  tributaries  among  the  Chalcidians  and 
Bottiaeans  to  revolt,  including  Potidaea,  a  town  seated  on  the 
isthmus  of  Pallene.     Potidaea,  though  now  a  tributary  of  Athens, 
was  originally  a  colony  of  the  Corinthians,  towards  whom  it  still 
owed  a  sort  of  metropolitan  allegiance,  and  received  from  them 
certain  annual  magistrates  called  Epidemiurgi.     Aware  of  the 
hostile  feeling  entertained  at  Corinth  against  the  Athenians, 
Perdiccas  not  only  sent  envoys  to  that  city  to  concert  measures 
for  a  revolt  of  Potidaja,  but  also  to  Sparta  to  induce  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  league  to  declare  war  against  Athens. 

The  Athenians  were  not  ignorant  of  these  proceedings.    They 
were  about  to  despatch  an  armament  to  the  Thermaic  gulf,  de- 
signed to  act  against  Perdiccas  ;  and  they  now  directed  the  com- 
mander of  this  armament  to  require  the  Potidaeans  to  level  their 
walls  on  the  side  of  the  town  towards  the  sea,  to  dismiss  theii 
Corinthian  magistrates,  and  to  give  hostages,  as  a  pledge  of  theii 
future  fidelity.      Thereupon  the  Potidaeans  openly  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt,  in  the  summer  apparently  of  b.c.  432.     In- 
stead of  immediately  blockading  Potidaea  the  Athenian  fleet 
wasted  six  weeks  in  the  siege  of  Therma,  during  which  interval 
the  Corinthians  were  enabled  to  throw  a  reinforcement  of  2000 
troops  into  Potidiea.     Thereupon  a  second  armament  was  de- 
spatched from  Athens,  and  joined  the  former  one,  which  was 
now  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Pydna  on  the  Macedonian  coast.  But 
as  the  town  promised  to  hold  out  for  some  time,  and  as  the 
necessity  for  attacking  Potidaea  seemed  pressing,  an  accommo- 
dation was  patched  up  with  Perdiccas,  and  the  whole  Athenian 


I  I 


B.C.  4S2.    MEETING  OF  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  ALLIES.        2^ 

force  marched  overland  against  Potidaea.  Aristeus,  the  Corinthian 
general,  was  waiting  to  receive  them  near  Olynthus,  and  a  battle 
ensued  in  which  the  Athenians  were  victorious.  The  Corinthians 
ultimately  succeeded  in  effecting  their  retreat  to  Potidaea  ;  and 
the  Athenians,  after  receiving  a  further  reinforcement,  com- 
pletely blockaded  the  town  both  by  sea  and  land. 

^  5.  Meanwhile  the  Lacedaemonians,  urged  on  all  sides  by  the 
complaints  of  their  allies,  summoned  a  general  meeting  of  the 
Peloponnesian  confederacy  at  Sparta.  Besides  the  Corinthians 
other  members  of  it  had  heavy  grievances  to  allege  against 
Athens.  Foremost  among  these  were  the  Megarians,  who  com- 
plained that  their  commerce  had  been  ruined  by  a  recent  decree 
of  the  Athenians,  which  excluded  them  from  every  port  within 
the  Athenian  jurisdiction.  The  pretexts  for  this  severe  measure 
were  that  the  Megarians  had  harboured  runaway  Athenian 
slaves,  and  had  cultivated  pieces  of  unappropriated  and  conse- 
crated land  upon  the  borders.  These  reasons  seem  Irivolous ; 
and  the  real  cause  of  the  decree  must  no  doubt  be  ascribed  to 
the  hatred  which  the  Athenians  entertained  towards  Megara, 
since  her  revolt  from  them  fourteen  years  before,  -^gina  was 
another,  though  not  an  open,  accuser.  No  deputy  from  that 
island  actually  appeared  at  the  congress ;  but  the  ^ginetans 
loudly  complained  through  the  mouths  of  others,  that  Athens 
withheld  from  them  the  independence  to  which  they  were  entitled. 

The  assembly  having  been  convened,  the  deputies  from  the 
various  allied  cities  addressed  it  in  turn,  the  Corinthian  envoy 
reserving  himself  for  the  last.  He  depicted  in  glowing  language 
the  ambition,  the  enterprise,  and  the  perseverance  of  Athens, 
which  he  contrasted  with  the  over-cautious  and  inactive  policy 
of  Sparta.  Addressing  himself  to  the  Spartans,  he  exclaimed  : 
"  The  Athenians  are  naturally  innovators,  prompt  both  in  de- 
cidikg  and  in  acting :  whilst  you  only  think  of  keeping  what 
you  have  got,  and  do  even  less  than  what  positive  necessity  re- 
quires. They  are  bold  beyond  their  means,  venturesome  beyond 
their  judgment,  sanguine  even  in  desperate  reverses ;  you  do 
even  less  than  you  are  able  to  perform,  distrust  your  own  con- 
clusions, and  when  in  difficulties  fall  into  utter  despair.  T/iey 
never  hang  back  ;  you  never  advance  ;  tJiey  love  to  serve  abroad, 
you  seem  chained  at  home  ;  they  believe  that  every  new  movement 
will  procure  them  fresh  advantage ;  you  fancy  that  every  new 
step  will  endanger  what  you  already  possess."  And  after  telling 
them  some  more  home-truths,  he  concluded  with  a  threat  that  if 
they  still  delayed  to  perform  their  duty  towards  their  confede- 
rates, the  Corinthians  would  forthwith  seek  some  other  alliance. 

An  Athenian  ambassador,  charged  with  some  other  business. 


"f^'8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXY 


was  then  residing  at  Sparta ;  and  when  the  Corinthian  envoy 
Jiad  concluded  his  address,  he  rose  to  reply  to  it.     After  de- 
nying the  right  of  Sparta  to  interfere  in  a  dispute  between 
Oorinth  and  Athens,  he  entered  into  a  general  vindication  of  the 
Athenian  pohcy.      He  contended  that  empire  had   not  been 
Bought  by  Athens,  but  thrust  upon  her.  and  that  she  could  not 
abdicate  it  without  endangering  her  very  existence.     He  alluded 
to  the  emment  services  rendered  by  Athens  to  all  Greece  durinc. 
the  Persian  war ;  maintained  that  her  empire  was  the  natural 
result  ol  that  conjuncture,  and  denied  that  it  had  been  exercised 
with  more  severity  than  was  necessary,  or  than  would  have  been 
used  by  any  other  Grecian  power,  including  Sparta  herself.     He 
concluded  by  calling  upon  the  Lacedemonians  to  pause  before 
taking  a  step  which  would  be  irretrievable,  and  to  compose  all 
present  differences  by  an  amicable  arbitration;  declaring  that, 
should  Sparta  begin  the  war,  Athens  was  prepared  to  resist  her 
as  he  now  called  those  gods  to  witness  who  had  been  invoked  to 
sanctity  the  truce. 

After  these  speeches  had  been  delivered,  all  strangers,  in- 
cluding the  Pelopoimesian  alhes,  were  ordered  to  withdraw  from 
the  assembly,  and  the  Lacedaemonians  then  proceeded  to  de- 
cide among  themselves  the  question  of  peace  or  war.     Li  this 
debate  the  Spartan  king  Archidamus  spoke  strongly  in  favour  of 
peace ;  but  the  ephor  Sthenelaidas,  who  presided  upon  this  occa- 
sion m  the  assembly,  caUed  upon  his  countrymen  in  a  short  and 
Tigorous  speech  to  declare  immediate  war  against  Athens     The 
bpartan  assembly  was  accustomed  to  vote  by  acclamation,  and 
on  the  question  being  put,  the  vote  for  war  decidedly  predomi- 
nated     But  m  order  to  remove  all  doubts  upon  so  imj^ortant  a 
subject,  Sthenelaidas,  contrary  to  the  usual  practice,  ordered 
fori^  '^^^'^  ^  ""^^  majority  declared  themselves 

§  6.  Before  their  resolution  was  puWicly  announced,  the  Lace- 
daBmonians,  with  characteristic  caution,  sent  to  consult  the  oracle 
of  Delphi  upon  the  subject.  The  god  having  promised  them 
lus  aid,  and  assured  them  of  success,  provided  they  exerted 
themselves  to  obtain  it,  another  congress  of  the  alhes  was  sum- 
moned  at  Sparta.  In  this,  as  in  the  former  one,  the  Corinthians 
took  tne  most  promment  part  in  the  debate.  The  majority  of 
the  congress  decided  for  war,  thus  binding  the  whole  Peloponne- 
sian  confederacy  to  the  same  policy.  This  important  resolution 
was  adopted  towards  the  close  of  b.c  432,  or  eariy  in  the  fol- 
lowing year.  ^ 

{  7.  Previously  to  an  open  declaration  of  war,  the  Lacediemo- 
mans  sent  several  requisitions  to  Athens,  intended  apparently  to 


B.C.  432. 


ATTACKS  UPON  PERICLES. 


279 


justify  the  step  they  were  about  to  take  against  h,=r,  in  case  she 
relused  to  comply  with  their  demands.    The  lirst  of  these  requi- 
sitions seems  to  have  been  a  pohtical  manceuvre,  aimed  against 
Pericles,  their  most  constant  and  powerful  enemy  in  the  Athe- 
nian assembly.     Pericles,  as  we  have  said,  belonged  to  the  Alc- 
mseomdae  ;  a  family  regarded  as  having  incurred  an  inexpiable 
taint  through  the  sacrilege   committed   nearly  two   centuries 
before  by  their  ancestor  Megacles.  in  causing  the  adherents  of 
Oylon  to  be  slaughtered  at  the  altar  of  the  Eumenides,  whither 
they  had  fled  for  refuge.*  The  Lacedaemonians,  in  now  demand- 
ing that  Athens  should  be  delivered  from  this  "  abomination," 
hardly  expected  that  she  would  consent  to  the  banishment  of 
her  great  statesman  ;   but  they  at  all  events  gave  his  opponents 
m  the  assembly  an  opportunity  to  declaim  against  him,  and  to 
lix  upon  him  the  odium  of  being,  in  part  at  least,  the  cause  of 
the  impending  war. 

^  ^"  iJ^^  Pericles,  despite  his  influence  and  power,  had  still 
many  bitter  and  active  enemies,  who  not  long  before  had  indi- 
rectly assailed  hmi  through   his  private  connections,  and  even 
eiideavoured  to  wound  his  honour  by  a  charge  of  peculation. 
His  mistress  Aspasia  belonged  to  that  class  of  women  whom  the 
Greeks  called  ^ictcerce,  hterally  "female  companions,"  or  as  we 
should  designate  them,  courtezans.    Many  of  these  women  were 
distmguished  not  only  for  their  beauty,  but  also  for  their  wit 
and  accomphshments,  and  in  this  respect  formed  a  striking  con- 
tract to  the  generality  of  Athenian  ladies  ;   who,  being  destined 
to  a  hie  of  privacy  and  seclusion,  did  not  receive  the  benefit 
ol  much  mental  culture.     Pericles,  after  divorcing  a  wifo  with 
whom  he  had  lived  unhappily,  took  Aspasia  to  his  house,  and 
dwelt  with  her  till  his  death  on  terms  of  the  greatest  aflbction. 
Iheir  mtmiacy  with  Anajcagoras,  the  celebrated  Ionic  philoso- 
pher, was  made  a  handle  for  wounding  Pericles  in  his  tenderest 
relations.    Paganism,  notwithstanding  its  licence,  was,  with  sur- 
prising inconsistency,  capable  of  producing  bigots  :   and  even  at 
Athens  the  man  who  ventured  to  dispute  the  existence  of  a 
hmidred  gods  with  morals  and  passions  somewhat  worse  than 
those  of  ordmary  human  nature,  did  so  at  the  risk  of  his  hfe 
Anaxagoras  was  indicted  for  impiety.     Aspasia  was  included  in 
the  same  charge,  and  dragged  before  the  dicastery  by  the  comic 
poet  Hermippus.     Anaxagoras  prudently  fled  from  Athens,  and 
thus  probably  avoided  a  fate  which  in  consequence  of  a  similar 
accusation  afterwards  overtook  Socrates.  Pericles  himself  pleaded 
the  cause  of  Aspasia.     He  was  indeed  indirectly  implicated  in 
the  indictment  ;  but  he  felt  no  concern  except  for  his  beloved 

*  See  abov^  p.  93 


280 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXV. 


Aspasia,  and  on  this  occasion  the  cold  and  somewhat  haughty 
statesman,  whom  the  most  violent  storms  of  the  assembly  could 
not  deprive  of  his  self-possession,  was  for  once  seen  to  weep. 
His  appeal  to  the  dicastery  was  successful,  but  another  trial  still 
awaited  him.     An  indictment  was  preferred  against  his  friend, 
the  great  sculptor  Phidias,  for  embezzlement  of  the  gold  in- 
tended to  adorn  the  celebrated  ivory  statue  of  Athena  ;    and 
according  to  some,  Pericles  himself  was  included  in  the  charge 
of  peculation.     Whether  Pericles  was  ever  actually  tried  on 
this  accusation  is  uncertain  ;  but  at  all  events  if  he  was,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  honourably  acquitted.     The  gold 
employed  in  the  statue  had  been  fixed  in  such  a  manner  that  it 
could  be  detached  and  weighed,  and  Pericles  challenged  his  ac- 
cusers to  the  proof.     But  Phidias  did  not  escape  so  fortunately. 
There  were  other  circumstances  which  rendered  him  unpopular, 
and  amongst  them  the  fact  that  he  had  introduced  portraits 
both  of  himself  and  Pericles  in  the  sculptures  which  adorned  the 
frieze  of  the  Parthenon.     Phidias  died  in  prison  before  the  day 
of  trial ;  and  some  even  whispered  that  he  had  been  poisoned  by 
the  enemies  of  Pericles,  in  order  to  increase  the  suspicions  which 
attached  to  the  latter.     Another  report,  equally  absurd  and  un- 
founded, was  that  Pericles,  in  order  to  avoid  the  impending 
accusation,  kindled  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

But  although  these  proceedings  proved  that  Pericles  had  many 
bitter  enemies  at  Athens,  still  the  majority  of  the  Athenians 
were  in  his  favour,  and  were  not  prepared  to  sacrifice  him  on 
account  of  the  absurd  and  obsolete  charge  which  the  Laceda)- 
monians  now  thought  fit  to  bring  against  him.  They  retorted 
that  the  Spartans  themselves  had  some  accounts  to  settle  on  the 
score  of  sacrilege,  and  required  them  to  clear  themselves  from 
having  violated  the  sanctuary  of  Poseidon  at  Cape  Tainarus  by 
dragging  away  and  slaying  the  Helots  who  had  taken  refuge 
there,  as  well  as  from  their  impiety  in  starving  to  death  the 
regent  Pausanias  in  the  temple  of  Athena  ChalcioBCUs. 

i  9.  Having  failed  in  this  requisition  the  Lacedaemonians 
brought  forward  others  more  pertinent  to  the  matter  in  hand. 
They  demanded  that  the  Athenians  should  withdraw  their 
troops  from  Potidaea,  restore  the  independence  of  ^gina,  and 
repeal  their  decree  against  the  Megarians.  On  the  last  of  these 
demands  they  laid  particular  stress,  and  intimated  that  war 
might  be  avoided  by  a  compliance  with  it.  But  this  was  rejected 
as  well  as  the  others.  The  Lacedaemonians  then  sent  their  ulti- 
matum. They  declared  that  they  wished  for  peace,  and  that  it 
would  not  be  interrupted  if  the  Athenians  consented  to  recognise 
the  independence  of  the  other  Grecian  states. 


B.a  431.         THE  THEBANS  SURPRBB  PLAT^EA  281 

This  last  requisition,  so  different  from,  and  so  much  more 
general  than  the  preceding  demands,  showed  clearly  enough  that 
the  Lacedajmonians  were  resolved  upon  war.     The  character  of 
this  requisition  seems  to  indicate  that  it  had  been  adopted  as  a 
sort  ot  manifesto  in  order  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  all  Greece  in 
favour  of  the  Peloponnesian  league,  which  now  professed  to 
stand  forwards  as  the  champion  of  its  liberties.     That  this  was 
the  view  taken  of  it  by  the  Athenian  assembly  may  be  inferred 
from  the  debate  that  ensued,  in  which  the  principal  topic  was 
the  Megarian  decree,  and  the  possibility  of  still  avoiding  a  war 
by  Its  repeal.     On  tliis  point  a  warm  discussion  took  place.     A 
majority  of  the  assembly  seemed  still  inclined  for  peace.     But 
Pericles,  m  a  speech  of  surpassing  eloquence  and  power,  again 
contended  that  no  concessions  could  ultimately  avert  a  war, 'and 
after  passing  in  review  the  comparative  forces  of  Athens  and  her 
opponents,  concluded  by  persuading  the  Athenians  to  return  for 
answer  that  they  were  reauy  to  give  satisfaction  respecting  any 
matter  which  properly  concerned  the  Thirty  Years'  Trube,  and 
that  they  would  forbear  from  commencing  hostilities ;  bx»t  that 
at  the  same  time  they  were  prepared  to  repel  force  by  force. 
This  answer  was  accordingly  adopted,  though  not  without  much 
reluctance,  and  communicated  to  the  Spartan  envoys. 

§  10.  Before  any  actual  declaration  of  war,  and  whilst  both 
parties  stood  in  suspense,  hostihties  were  begmi  in  the  spring  of 
B.C.  431  by  a  treacherous  attack  of  the  Thebans  upon  Plat-ea. 
Though  BcBotians  by  descent,  the  Plataeans  did  not  belong  to 
the  Boeotian  league  ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  had  long  been  in  alli- 
ance with  the  Athenians,  and  enjoyed  in  some  degree  a  commu- 
nion of  their  civil  rights.     Hence  they  were  regarded  with  hatred 
and  jealousy  by  the  Thebans,  which  sentiments  were  also  shared 
by  a  small  oligarchical  faction  in  Platsa  itself.     The  state  of 
aiiairs  m  Greece  seemed  favourable  for  strikhig  a  secret  and 
unexpected  blow.     Nauchdes,  the  head  of  the  oligarchical  faction 
at  Platffia,  entered  into  a  correspondence  with  the  Thebans,  and 
It  was  agreed  to  surprise  the  town  at  a  time  when  the  citizens 
were  of!  their  guard.     During  a  religious  festival  and  in  a  rainy 
night,  a  body  of  more  than  300  Thebans  presented  themselves 
before  one  of  the  gates  of  Plataea,  and  were  admitted  by  Nau- 
chdes and  his  partisans.     The  latter  wished  to  conduct  the 
Thebans  at  once  to  the  houses  of  their  chief  political  opponents, 
m  order  that  they  might  be  secured  or  made  away  with.     The 
Thebans,  however,  hesitated  to  commit  so  gross  a  piece  of  vio- 
lence.    They  expected  to  be  reinforced  next  day  by  the  larger 
part  of  the  Theban  army,  when  they  should  be  able  to  dictate 
then:  own  terms  without  having  recourse  to  the  invidious  act 


282 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chaf.  XXV. 


which  had  heen  proposed  to  them.     They  accordingly  took  up 
a  position  in  the   agora,  or  market-place,   and  directed  their 
herald  to  summon  all  the  inhahitants  whose  pohtical  views  coin- 
cided with  their  own,  to  come  and  join  their  ranks.     The  first 
feeling  of  the  Platieans  was  one  ol'  surprise  and  alarm  on  heinrr 
roused  from  their  sleep  with  the  astounding  intelligence  that 
their  ancient  enemies  were  in  possession  of  their  town.     But 
when  the  small  number  of  the  Thebans  began  to  be  ascertained, 
they  took  heart,  estabhshed  communications  with  one  another 
by  breaking  through  the  walls  of  their  houses,  and  having  barri- 
caded the  streets  with  waggons,  fell  upon  the  enemy  a  little 
before  daybreak.     The  Thebans  formed  in  close  order,  and  de- 
fended themselves  as  well  as  they  could.     But  they  were  ex- 
hausted by  their  midnight  march  tlirough  a  soaking  rain  ;  they 
were  unacquainted  with  the  narrow  crooked  streets  of  the  town, 
now  choked  with  mud  and  obstmcted  by  barricades ;  whilst  the 
women  hurhng  the  tiles  from  the  housetops  with  loud  yells  and 
execrations,  completed  their  coniusion  and  dismay.     A  very  lew 
succeeded  in  escaping  over  the  walls.     The  great  majority,  mis- 
taking the  folding-doors  of  a  large  granary  for  the  city  gates, 
rushed  in  and  were  made  prisoners.     The  march  of  the  rein- 
forcement had  been  delayed  by  the  rain,  which  had  rendered  the 
river  Asopus  scarcely  fordable ;  and  when  they  at  last  arrived 
they  found  all  their  countrjuien  either  slain  or  captured. 

The  Thebans  without  the  walls  now  proceeded  to  lay  hands  on 
ml  the  persons  and  property  they  could  find,  as  pledges  Ibr  the 
restoration  of  the  prisoners.  Hereupon  the  Plataans  despatched 
a  herald  to  remonstrate  against  tliis  flagrant  breach  of  the  exist- 
ing peace,  promisuig  at  the  same  time  that  if  they  retired  the 
prisoners  should  be  given  up,  but  if  not,  that  they  woidd  be  im- 
mediately put  to  death.  The  Thebans  withdrew  on  tliis  under- 
standing. But  no  sooner  were  they  gone  than  the  Platgeans, 
instead  of  observing  the  conditions,  removed  all  their  moveable 
property  from  the  country  into  the  town,  and  then  massacred 
all  the  prisoners  to  the  number  of  180. 

Hi.  At  the  first  entrance  of  the  Thebans  mto  Plataa  a  mes- 
senger had  been  despatched  to  Athens  with  the  news,  and  a 
second  one  after  their  capture.  The  Athenians  immediately  sent 
a  herald  to  enjoin  the  Plataeans  to  take  no  steps  without  their 
concurrence ;  but  he  arrived  too  late,  and  the  prisoners  were 
already  slain.  So  striking  an  mcident  as  this  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  Thebans  could  not  fail  to  produce  an  immediate  war, 
and  the  Athenians  concerted  their  measures  accordingly.  They 
unmediately  issued  orders  for  seizing  all  Boeotians  who  might 
happen  to  be  in  Attica,  placed  an  Athenian  garrison  in  Plataea, 


B.a  431.  FORCES  V>F  SPARTA  AJiTD  ATHENS. 


283 


and  removed  thence  all  the  women  and  other  mhabitants  inca- 
pable of  taking  a  part  in  its  defence.  War  was  now  fairly  kindled. 
All  Greece  looked  on  in  suspense  as  its  two  leading  cities  were 
about  to  engage  in  a  strife  of  which  no  man  could  foresee  the 
end  ;  but  the  youth,  with  which  both  Athens  and  Peloponnesus 
then  abounded,  having  had  no  experience  of  the  bitter  calamities 
of  war,  rushed  into  it  with  ardour.  Every  city,  nay,  almost 
every  individual,  seemed  desirous  of  taking  a  part  in  it ;  most  of 
them,  however,  from  a  feeUng  of  hatred  against  Athens,  and  with 
a  desire  either  of  avoiding  or  of  being  relieved  from  her  yoke. 
The  predictions  of  soothsayers  and  oracles  were  heard  on  all 
sides,  whilst  natural  portents  were  eagerly  inquired  after  and  in- 
tei-preted.  A  recent  earthquake  in  Delos,  which  had  never 
before  experienced  such  a  calamity,  seemed  to  foreshadow  the 
approaching  struggle,  and  to  form  a  fitting  introduction  to  a 
period  which  was  to  be  marked  not  ordy  by  the  usual  horrors  of 
war,  but  by  the  calamities  of  earthquakes,  drought,  famine,  and 
pestilence, 

§  12.  The  nature  of  the  preparations  and  the  amount  offerees 
on  both  sides  were  well  calculated  to  excite  these  apprehensions. 
On  the  side  of  Sparta  was  ranged  the  whole  of  Peloponnesus— 
except  Argos  and  Achaia,— together  with  the  Megarians,  Boeo- 
tians, Phocians,  Opuutian  Locrians,  Ambraciots,  Leucadians,  and 
Anactorians.  The  force  collected  from  these  tribes  consisted 
cliiefly  of  hoplites,  or  heavy-armed  foot-soldiers;  but  Boeotia, 
Phocis,  and  Locris  also  supplied  some  excellent  cavalry.  A  good 
navy  was  the  great  deficiency  on  the  side  of  the  Peloponnesians, 
though  Corinth  and  several  other  cities  furnished  ships.  Yet 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Dorian  cities  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  they 
hoped  to  collect  a  fleet  of  500  triremes ;  and  they  even  designed 
to  apply  to  the  Persian  king,  and  thus  bring  a  Phoenician  fleet 
again  to  act  against  Athens. 

The  allies  of  Athens,  with  the  exception  of  the  Thessahans, 
Acarnanians,  Messenians  at  Naupactus,  and  Plateaus,  were  all 
insular,  and  consisted  of  the  Chians,  Lesbians,  Corcyrseans,  and 
Zacynthians,  and  shortly  afterwards  of  the  Cephallenians.  To 
these  must  be  added  her  tributary  towns  on  the  coast  of  Thrace 
and  Asia  Minor,  together  with  all  the  islands  north  of  Crete, 
except  MeJos  and  Thera.  The  resources  at  Athens  immediately 
available  were  very  great.  They  consisted  of  300  triremes  ready 
for  active  service,  1200  cavalry,  1600  bowmen,  and  29,000  hop- 
lites, for  the  most  part  Athenian  citizens.  Of  these,  13,000 
formed  the  flower  of  the  army,  whilst  the  rest  were  employed  in 
garrison  duty  in  Athens  and  the  ports,  and  in  the  defence  of  the 
long  walls.     In  the  treasury  of  the  Acropolis  was  the  large  sum 


184 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXV. 


it 

Rt 


of  6000  talents,  or  about  1,400,000/.  sterling,  in  coined  silver 
IJiis  re^rve  had  at  one  time  amounted  to  9700  talents,  but  had 
been  reduced  to  the  sum  stated  by  the  architectural  improve- 
ments in  Athens,  and  by  the  siege  of  Potidiea.  The  plate  und 
votive  oflenngs  m  the  temples,  available  in  case  of  urgent  need 
were  estimated  at  nearly  1000  talents  of  silver.  Besides  these 
resources  Athens  had  also  the  annual  tribute  of  her  subjects. 

\ .  ^' ,  ^^T  ^^^  ^^^  ^""^"^^  ^^'  ^^"^  two  contending  cities.     Im- 
mediately after  the  attempted  surprise  of  Plata^a,  the  Lacedaj- 
monians  issued  orders  to  their  aUies  to  send  two-thirds  of  their 
disposable  troops  at  once  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  where  thev 
were  to  assemble  by  a  day  named,  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
Attica.     At  the  appointed  time,  the  Spartan  king  Archidamus, 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  expedition,  reviewed  the  assem- 
bled  host,  and  adfessed  a  few  words  of  advice  and  exhortation 
to  the  principal  officers.     Archidamus  still  cherished  hopes  that 
the  Athemans  would  yield,  when  they  saw  the  hostile  army 
ready  to  enter  Attica,  and  accordingly  he  sent  forwards  Mele- 
sippus  to  announce  the  impending  invasion.     But,  at  the  instance 
ot  rencles,  the  assembly  had  adopted  a  resolution  to  receive 
neither  envoy  nor  herald ;  and  Melesippus  was  escorted  back 
without  havmg  been  permitted  to  enter  the  city.     As  he  parted 
trom  his  escort  at  the  Attic  border,  he  could  not  help  exclaim- 
mg--"  This  day  will  be  the  beginning  of  many  calamities  to  the 


QOYKYaIaHC       I 


Bust  of  Uio  hisiorian  Tiiucydidcs. 


The  Parthenon. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. FROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF    THE  WAR 

TO  THE  CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  PLAT^A. 

§  1.  The  Peloponnesians  invade  Attica.  §  2.  Athenian  naval  expedi- 
tions to  Peloponnesus  and  Locris.  §  3.  The  Athenians  invade  the 
Megand.  §  4.  Second  invasion  of  Attica.  Plaj^ue  at  Athens.  8  5 
Unpopularity  of  Pericles.  He  is  accused  of  malversation.  8  6  His 
domestic  misfortunes.  Death.  Character.  §  1.  The  Lacedsemo- 
nians  ravage  Attica  Their  naval  operations.  §  8.  Surrender  of 
rotidaea.  §9.  Ihe  Lacedaemonians  besiege  Plataja.  810.  Part  of 
the  garrison  escape.  §  11.  Surrender  of  the  town.  Trial  and  exe- 
cution of  the  garrison. 

1 1.  Archidamus  had  entered  upon  the  war  with  reluctance,  and 
he  now  prosecuted  it  without  vigour.      He  still  clung  to  the 
idea  that  the  Athenians  would  ultimately  incline  to  peace,  and 
he  did  all  he  could  to  promote  so  desirable  a  result.     The  enor- 
mous force  which  he  was  leading  against  them  was,  indeed,  well 
calculated  to  test  their  firmness.     It  consisted,  according  to  the 
lowest  estimate,  of  60,000  men,  whilst  some  writers  raise  the 
number  to  100,000  ;  and  the  greater  part  of  them  were  animated 
with  a  bitter  hatred  of  Athens,  and  with  a  lively  desire  of  revenge. 
Archidamus  having  lingered  as  long  as  he  could  at  the  isthmus 
marched  slowly  forwards  after  the  return  of  Melesippus,  and 
taking  a  circuitous  road,  crossed  the  Attic  border.      Having 
wasted  several  days  in  an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  the  frontier 
fortress  of  (Enoc,  and  not  having  received,  as  he  expected,  any 


2S6 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXVL 


message  from  the  Athenians,  he  proceeded  towards  Eleusis  and 
the  Thriasian  plain,  where  he  arrived  about  the  middle  of  Juno 
in  B.C.  431. 

Meanwhile.  Pericles  had  instructed  the  inhabitants  of  At- 
tica to  secure  themselves  and  their  property  witliin  the  walla 
of  Athens.  They  obeyed  his  injunctions  with  reluctance,  for 
the  Attic  population  had  from  the  earliest  times  been  strongly 
attached  to  a  rural  life.  But  the  circumstwices  admitted  of 
no  alternative.  From  all  quarters  they  might  be  seen  hurrying 
towards  the  capital  with  their  families  and  goods;  whilst  the 
cattle  were  for  the  most  part  conveyed  to  EubcEa,  or  some  other 
of  the  adjoining  islands.  Athens  now  became  inconveniently 
crowded.  Every  vacant  spot  in  the  city  or  in  Pira?us,  even 
those  which  belonged  to  the  temples,  were  occupied  by  the 
encampments  of  the  fugitives.  The  Acropolis,  indeed,  was  pre- 
served Irom  this  profane  invasion;  but  the  ground  immediately 
under  it,  called  the  Pelasgicon,  wliich,  in  obedience  to  an  an- 
cient oracle,  had  hitherto  been  suliered  to  remain  unoccupied, 
was  now  brought  into  use.  The  towers  and  recesses  of  tlie 
city  walls  were  converted  into  dwellings;  Avhilst  huts,  tents, 
and  even  casks  were  placed  under  the  long  walls  to  answer  the 
same  purpose. 

Archidamus,  after  ravaging  the  fertile   Thriasian  plain,  in 
which  he  was  but  feebly  opposed  by  a  body  of  Athenian  ca- 
valry, proceeded  to  Acharnaj,  one  of  tlic  largest  and  most  flour- 
ishing of  the  Attic  boroughs,  situated  only  about  seven  miles 
from  Athens.     Here  ho  encamped  on  a  rising  ground  within 
sight  of  the  metropolis,  and  began  to  lay  waste  the  country 
around,  expecting  probably  by  that  means  to  provoke  the  Athe- 
nians to  battle.     But  in  this  he  was  disappointed.     The  Athe- 
nians, mdeed,  and  especially  the  Achamians  now  within  the  walls 
who  had  contributed  no  fewer  than  3000  Hoplites  to  the  army' 
were  excited  to  the  highest  pitch  of  exasperation  at  beholding 
their  Houses,  theur  ripening  crops,  their  fmitful  vineyards  and 
orchards  destroyed  before  their  very  eyes.     Little  groups  micrht 
be  seen  gathering  together  in  the  streets  angrily  di.«cussing  the 
question  of   an  attack,  quoting  oracles   and  prophecies  which 
assured  them  of  success,  and  indignantly  denouncing  Pericles 
as  a  traitor  and  a  coward  for  not  leading  tlicm  out  to  battle. 
Among  the  leaders  of  these  attacks  upon  Pericles,  Cleon,  the 
future  demagogue,  now  first  rising  into  pubhc  notice,  was  con- 
spicuous.    It  required  all  the  firmness  of  Pericles  to  stem  the 
torrent  of  pubhc  indignation.     He  had  resolved  not  to  venture 
mn  engagement  in  the  open  field,  and  steadily  refused  in  the  pre- 
lent  excited  state  of  the  public  mind  to  call  an  assembly  of  tho 


B.a  431. 


INVASION  OF  ATTICA- 


287 


people,  in  which  no  doubt  some  desperate  resolution  would  have 
been  adopted.  In  order,  however,  to  divert  in  some  degree  the 
popular  clamour,  he  permitted  the  Athenian  and  Thessahan  ca- 
valry  to  make  sallies  fbr  the  purpose  of  harassing  the  plundering 
parties  of  the  enemy  and  of  protecting  as  much  as  possible  tj^ 
lands  adjacent  to  the  city. 

*  2.  But  whilst  Pericles  thus  abandoned  the  Attic  territory 
to  the  enemy,  he  was  taking  active  measures  to  retahate  on  the 
1  eloponnesus  itself  the  sufierings  inflicted  on  the  Athenians  For 
this  purpose  an  Athenian  fleet  of  100  triremes,  strengthened  by 
50  Corcyra3an  ships,  as  well  as  by  some  from  the  other  allies 
sailed  round  Peloponnesus,  and  disembarking  troops  at  various 
points,  caused  considerable  damage.  This  expedition  penetrated 
as  far  northwards  as  the  coast  of  Acarnania,  where  the  Corin- 
thian settlement  of  Sollium  and  the  town  of  Astacus  were  taken 
whilst  the  island  of  Cephallenia,  which  voluntarily  submitted' 
was  enrolled  among  the  aUies  of  Athens. 

Meanwhile  a  smaller  fleet  of  thirty  triremes  had  been  de- 
spatched to  the  coast  of  Locris,  where  the  towns  of  Thronium 
and  Alope  were  taken  and  sacked,  and  a  naval  station  estabhshed 
at  the  smaU  umnhabited  island  of  Atalanta,  in  order  to  coerce 
the  Locnan  privateers  who  infested  Euboja.  The  naval  oper- 
ations of  the  year  were  concluded  by  the  total  expulsion  of  the 
jEginetans  from  their  island.  The  situation  of  ^gina  rendered 
It  of  the  highest  importance  as  a  maritime  station ;  and  the 
Athemans  were,  moreover,  incensed  against  the  inhabitants  for 
the  part  they  had  taken  in  exciting  the  war.  The  whole  of  the 
population  was  transported  to  the  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  where 
the  Spartans  allowed  them  to  occupy  the  town  and  district  of 
Thyrea ;  and  their  island  was  portioned  out  among  a  body  of 
Athenian  cleruchs. 

k  3.  Arcliidamus  evacuated  Attica  towards  the  end  of  July 
by  the  route  of  Oropus  and  Bajotia ;  after  which  his  army  wa^ 
disbanded.  The  Athenians  availed  themselves  of  his  departure 
to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  the  Megarians.  Towards  the  end 
of  September,  Pericles,  at  the  head  of  13,000  Hoplites,  and  a 
xarge  force  of  hght-armed  troops,  marched  into  the  Megarid, 
which  he  ravaged  up  to  the  very  gates  of  the  city.  The  Athe- 
nians repeated  the  same  ravages  once,  and  sometimes  twice 
every  year  whilst  the  war  lasted.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the 
Athenians  also  formed  an  alliance  with  Sitalces,  king  of  the 
Odrysian  Thracians,  whose  assistance  promised  to  be  of  use  to 
them  in  reducing  Potidaa  and  the  revolted  Chalcidian  towns. 

Such  were  the  results  of  the  first  campaign.      From  the 
method  111  winch  the  war  was  conducted  it  had  become  pretty 


888 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chip.  XXVI 


evident  that  it  would  prove  of  loiig  duration ;  and  the  Athenians 
now  proceeded  to  provide  for  this  contingency.  It  was  agreed 
that  a  reserve  fund  of  1000  talents  should  be  set  apart,  wliicli 
was  not  to  he  touched  in  any  other  case  than  an  attack  upon 
Athens  by  sea.  Any  citizen  who  proposed  to  make  a  dilierent 
use  of  the  fund  incurred  thereby  the  punishment  ol' death.  With 
the  same  view  it  was  resolved  to  reserve  every  year  100  of  their 
hest  triremes,  fully  maimed  and  equipped. 

Towards  the  winter  Pericles  dehvered,  from  a  lofty  platform 
erected  in  the  Ceraraicus,  the  funeral  oration  of  those  who  had 
fallen  in  the  war.  This  speech,  or  at  all  events  the  substance 
of  it,  has  been  preserved  by  Thucydides,  who  may  possibly  have 
heard  it  pronounced.  It  is  a  valuable  monument  of  eloquence 
and  patriotism,  and  particularly  interesting  for  the  sketch  which 
it  contains  of  Athenian  maimers  as  well  as  of  the  Athenian  con- 
stitution. 

H.  Anotlier  year  had  elapsed,  and  in  the  spring  of  b.c.  430 
the  Peloponnesians,  under  Archidamus,  again  invaded  Attica. 
At  the  same  time  the  Athenians  were  attacked  by  a  more  in- 
sidious and  more  formidable  enemy.  The  plague  broke  out  in 
the  crowded  city.  This  terrible  disorder,  which  was  supposed 
to  have  originated  in  iEthiopia,  had  already  desolated  Asia  and 
many  of  the  countries  around  the  Mediterranean.  At  Athens  it 
first  appeared  in  the  Piraus;  and  the  numbers  of  people  now 
congregated  in  a  narrow  space  caused  it  to  spread  with  fearful 
r::pidity.  A  great  proportion  of  those  who  were  seized  perished 
ill  from  seven  to  nine  days.  Even  in  those  who  recovered  it 
generally  left  behind  some  dreadful  and  incurable  distemper.  It 
frequently  attacked  tlie  mental  faculties,  and  left  those  who  re- 
covered from  it  so  entirely  deprived  of  memory  that  they  could 
neither  recognise  themselves  nor  others.  The  disorder  being 
new,  the  physicians  could  find  no  remedy  in  the  resources  of  their 
art,  nor,  as  may  be  well  supposed,  did  the  charms  and  incantations 
to  which  the  superstitious  resorted  prove  more  eilectual.  Despair 
now  began  to  take  possession  of  the  Athenians.  Some  suspected 
that  the  Peloponnesians  had  poisoned  \he  wells ;  others  attributed 
the  pestilence  to  the  anger  of  Apollo.  A  dreadful  state  of  moral 
dissolution  followed.  The  sick  were  seized  with  unconquer- 
able despondency ;  whilst  a  great  part  of  the  population  w  ho 
had  hitherto  escaped  the  disorder,  expecting  soon  to  be  attacked 
m  turn,  abandoned  themselves  to  all  manner  of  excess,  debauch- 
ery,  and  crime.  The  dread  of  contagion  produced  an  all  per- 
vading selfishness.  Men  abstained  from  tending  and  alleviating 
the  Bufferings  even  of  their  nearest  relatives  and  friends  dur- 
ing their  sickness,  as  well  as  from  administering  the  sacred  ritee 


B.a  450. 


PLAGUE  OF  ATHENS. 


289 


of  sepulture  to  their  remains  after  death.  These  pious  offices  of 
duty  and  friendship  either  remained  unperlbrmed,  or  were  left 
to  be  discharged  by  strangers,  who,  having  recovered  from  the 
disease,  enjoyed  an  immunity  from  its  further  attacks  Often 
would  a  struggle  arise  Ibr  the  possession  of  a  funeral  pile  and 
inany  a  body  was  burnt  on  the  pile  destined  for  another.  But  for 
the  most  part  the  dead  and  the  dying  lay  unheeded  in  the  streets 
and  temples,  but  more  particularly  around  the  wells,  whither 
they  had  crowded  to  quench  the  burning  and  insatiable  thirst 
excited  by  the  disorder.  The  very  dogs  died  that  preyed  upon 
the  corpses,  whilst  by  a  peculiar  instinct  the  vultures  and  other 
birds  of  prey  abstained  from  feeding  on  them 

The  numbers  carried  ofTby  the  pestilence  can  hardly  be  esti- 
mated  at  less  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole  population.  Such  at 
least  was  about  the  ascertained  proportion  among  the  knights 
and  hophtes  forming  the  upper  classes.  The  number  of  vic- 
tir.H^T'?l     VooverV^n  of  the  population  was  never  ascer- 

$  5  Oppressed  at  once  by  war  and  pestilence,  their  lands 
desolated,  their  homes  filled  with  mourning,  it  is  not  surpiidng 
that  the  Athemans  were  seized  with  rage  and  despair,  or  that 

^7hnTTi  '7^"'  "''  ^r^^"^'  ^^^"^  they  deemed  the 

author  of  their  misfortunes.     But  that  statesman  still  adhered 
to  his  plans  with  unshaken  firmness.     Though  the  Laceda^mo- 

aZJT  "'"  ^''•'^'  '^r"^  '^'  P^^^^  had\lready  seized  on 
Athens,  he  was  vigorously  pushing  his  plans  of  offensive  opera- 
tions A  foreign  expedition  might  not  only  divert  the  popular 
mind,  but  would  prove  beneficial  by  relieving  the  crowded  city 
of  part  of  Its  population  ;  and  accordingly  a  fleet  was  fitted  out, 
of  which  Pericles  himself  took  the  command,  and  which  com- 
mitted devastations  upon  various  parts  of  the  Peloponnesian 
coast.  But  upon  returnmg  from  this  expedition,  Pericles  found 
ttie  public  feeling  more  exasperated  than  before.  Envoys  had 
even  been  despatched  to  Sparta  to  sue  for  peace,  but  had  been 

trTtl  T*  ^  ^'fr°  '  ^  disappointment  which  had  ren- 

dered the  popu  ace  still  more  furious.  Pericles  now  found  it 
necessary  to  call  a  public  assembly  in  order  to  vindicate  his 
conduct,  and  to  encourage  the  desponding  citizens  to  persevere. 
But  though  he  succeeded  in  persuading  them  to  prosecute  the 
War  with  vigour  they  still  continued  to  nourish  their  feehn^s  of 
hatred  against  the  great  statesman.  His  pohtical  enemies,  of 
whom  Cleon  was  the  chief,  took  advantage  of  this  state  of  the 
public  mind  to  brnig  against  him  a  charge  of  peculation.  The 
mam  object  of  this  accusation  was  to  incapacitate  him  for  the 


»!»  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  Chap.  XXVI 

office  of  strateps  or  general.  He  was  brought  before  the  dica* 
tery  oa  th.8  charge,  and  sentenced  to  pay  l  coiSderablP  fin^ 
but  eventual  y  a  strong  re-action  occur'^^  in  hS  favour      He 

KlXSS  '"^  ^'^'-'^^  -^-'^  »"  "-- 
*  6.  But  he  was  not  destined  lonff  to  eniov  this  rpfnm  ^f 
popuanty  His  life  was  now  elosing  fn,  andrend  ^aT  1^^^^ 
hL  Zr'T  f  ^'™''*''  niisfortunes.  The  epidemic  deprived 
tZT::llf.ur^  ^^^"^  and  pohtieal  fnends,  but  ako  of 
several  near  relations,  amongst  whom  were  his  sister  and  lii«* 
wo  legitnnate  sons,  Xanthippus  and  Paralus.  Thrdeath  of  the 
lat  er  was  a  severe  blow  to  him.    During  the  funeral  eeremon^s 

w^  completely  overpowered  by  his  feelings  and  wept  aloud 
His  ancient  house  was  now  left  without  an  heir.     By  Asm^a 
however  he  had  an  illegitimate  son  who  bore  his  own  Lme  and 
whom  the  Athenians  now  legitimised,  and  thus  aHeS   as 
iar  as  lay  ni  their  power,  the  misfortunes  of  their  great  leader 

JZ'tti'  ""^  v\"r  ^■^"^•""'  ^"^-  P--1-  himi:^^^  had  pr- 
po  ed  the  law  which  deprived  of  citizenship  all  those  who  wJre 

not  Athenians  on  the  mother's  side,  as  well  as  on  the  fathers 
pei^ild  J^^^^  ''  7"'  "^^1^  ^^^^^'^^^y  ^h^t  Pericles  was 

tack  of  21  1  ^^^'^^^^^.  r ''  '^^^^  ^  twelvemonth.     An  at- 
tack  ot  the  prevaihiig  epidemic  was  succeeded  by  a  low  and 

Surfe^^^^  "-'''  ^-  strength' of  boTy  a'ld 

death  hoi  ?h!  f  1  'i^'  ^""^r  apparently  unconscious  on  his 
death-bed,  the  friends  who  stood  around  it  were  engacred  in  re- 

rilhf"  ^tr:-  ^'^'>'"^  "^^^  "^^--P^^^  them  by 
fortune^^r.tTll  ^T  ^'^'''  "^  ™'  ^^  P^^'^y  '^''  ^^«"lt  of  good 
mlde;      wl  ^  ^"  "^^^  ^'''^'  '"^-^"y  <^ther  com- 

tTced     no  A^  '^''^^  ^^^^^  '^^^^^^^  "P«"'  >'«"  ^^^e  not  no- 

ticeti--no  Atheman  ever  wore  moumhig  througJi  me." 

Ihose  v^ho  reflect  upon  the  enormous  influence  which  for  so  lonir 
a  penod,  and  especiafly  during  the  last  fifteen  year   o^hTs  hfo 
he  exercised  over  an  nigenious  but  fickle  people  like  the  Ithe 

S  "^T^^'f/.  ^  t^'"^  '^  question  Ins^ntellectual  tut 
of  S  ^nn^K  '  hold  on  the  p^^ic  aliection  was  not,  as  in  the  le 
of  Cimon,  the  result  of  any  popularity  oimanner,  for,  as  we  ha^e 
^id  the  demeanour  of  Pericles  was' characterised  by  a  'e^rvo 
bordermg  upon  haucrhtiness  Tn  wh^f  ii,  «  ^"  "y  ^  reserve 
if  ^  n^»k4i  V**"e"""^^^-  ^  -^o  what  then  are  we  to  attnbute 
It .  Doubtless,  in  the  first  place,  to  his  extraordinary  eloquence 
Cicero  regards  him  as  the  first  example  of  an  allstTeXt 
omtor,  at  once  delighting  the  Athenians  with  his  copiousneL 


B.C.  430. 


SECOND  INVASION  OF  ATTICA 


291 


and  grace  and  overawing  them  by  the  force  and  cogency  of  his 
diction  and  arguments.  He  seems,  indeed,  on  the  testimony  of 
two  comic  poets  who  will  not  be  suspected  of  exaggeration  in 
his  favour,  to  have  singularly  combuied  the  power  of  persuasion 
with  that  more  rapid  and  abrupt  style  of  oratory  which  takes 
an  audience  by  storm  and  defies  all  resistance.  According  to 
Eupohs,  persuasion  itself  sat  upon  his  lips,  and  he  was  the  only 
orator  who  left  a  sting  behind;  whilst  Aristophanes  charac- 
terizes his  eloquence  as  producing  the  same  eticcts  upon  the 
social  elements  as  a  storm  of  thunder  and  hghtni ig  exerts  upon 
the  natural  atmosphere.  His  reserved  maimers  may  have  con- 
tributed, and  were  perhaps  designed,  to  preserve  his  autho- 
rity  from  falling  into  that  contempt  which  proverbially  springs 
from  familiarity;  whilst  the  popularity  which  he  enjoyed  in 
spite  of  them  may  probably  be  traced  to  the  equivocal  benefits 
which  he  had  conferred  on  the  Athenians,  by  not  only  making 
the  humblest  citizen  a  partaker  in  all  the  judicial  and  legislative 
functions  of  the  state,  but  even  paying  him  for  the  performance 
of  them.  These  innovations  are  condemned  by  the  two  greatest 
philosophers,  though  of  opposite  schools,  that  Greece  ever  saw, 
by  Plato  and  Aristotle,  and  not  only  by  them  but  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  antiquity.  Pericles,  indeed,  by  the  unlimited 
authority  which  he  possessed  over  the  people,  was  able  to  coun- 
teract the  evil  efiects  of  these  changes,  which,  however,  scon 
became  apparent  after  his  death,  and  made  the  city  a  prey  to 
the  artifices  of  demagogues  and  rhetors.  But  if  Pericles,  as  a 
politician,  may  not  be  deserving  of  unqualified  praise,  Pericles 
as  the  accomplished  man  of  genius  and  the  liberal  patron  of 
literature  and  art,  is  woilhy  of  the  highest  admiration.  By 
these  qualities  he  has  justly  given  name  to  the  most  briUiant 
intellectual  epoch  that  the  Morld  lias  ever  seen.  But  on  tliis 
point  we  have  already  touched,  and  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
hereafter. 

^  7.  Whilst  the  Athenians  were  sufiering  from  the  pestilence, 
the  Lacedainionians  were  prosecuting  their  second  invasion  even 
more  extensively  than  in  the  previous  year.  Instead  of  confin- 
ing their  ravages  to  the  Thriasian  plain,  and  the  country  m  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Athens,  they  now  extended  them 
to  the  more  southern  portions  of  Attica,  and  even  as  far  as  the 
mines  of  Laurium.  The  Athenians  still  kept  within  their  walls ; 
and  the  LacedsBmonians,  after  remaing  forty  days  in  their  ter- 
ritory, again  evacuated  it  as  before.  This  year,  however,  the 
operations  of  the  latter  by  sea  formed  a  new  feature  in  the  war. 
Their  fleet  of  100  triremes,  under  the  command  of  Cnemus,  at- 
tacked and  devastated  the  island  cf  Zacynthus,  but  did   not 


MWM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXVl 


iuccced  in  eflectmgr  a  permanent  conquest.      They  were  too 
infenor  m  naval  strength  to  cope  with  the  Athenians  on  the 
open  sea ;    but  the  Peloponnesian  privateers,  especially  those 
from  the  Meganan  port  of  Nisaa,  inflicted  considerable  loss 
€Mi  the  Anthenian  fisheries  and  commerce.       Some  of  these 
privateers  even  ventured  as  far  as  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor 
Md  molested  the  Athenian  trade,  for  the  protection  of  which 
the  Athenians  were  oWiged  to  despatch   a  squadron  of  six 
tnremes,  under  Melesander.      A  revolting  feature  in  this  pre- 
datory  warfare  was  the  cruelty  with  which  the  Lacedemonians 
seated  their  pnsoners,  who  were  mercilessly  slain,  and  their 
bodies  cast  into  clefts  and  ravines.     This  produced  retahation 
on  the  part  of  the  Athenians.     Some  Peloponnesian  envoys,  on 
their  way  to  the  court  of  Pema  to  sohcit  aid  against  Athens, 
were  joined  by  the  Corinthian  general  Aristeus,  who  persuaded 

^L    r^  '^^^T 1'^"  ^**^^'^"  ^"^  Sit^l«««'  ^  °^der  if 
possible  to  detach  him  from  the  Athenian  alhance.     But  this 

was  a  fatal  miscalculation.  Not  only  was  Sitalces  firmly  attached 
to  the  Athenians,  but  his  son  Sadocus  had  been  admitted  as  a 
citizen  of  Athens ;  and  the  Athenian  residents  at  the  court  of 
bitalces  induced  him,  in  testimony  of  zeal  and  gratitude  for  his 
newly  conlerred  rights,  to  procure  the  arrest  of  the  Peloponne- 
Biaii  envoys.  The  whole  party  were  accordingly  seized  and 
conducted  to  Athens,  where  they  were  put  to  death  without 
even  the  form  of  a  trial,  and  their  bodies  cast  out  amoncr  the 
locks,  by  way  of  reprisal  for  the  murders  committed  by  the  La- 
cecisBmonians. 

}  a  By  this  act  the  Athenians  got  rid  of  Aristeus,  who  had 
proved  himself  an  active  and  able  commander,  and  who  was  the 
dnef  mstigator  of  the  revolt  of  Potidea  as  well  as  the  principal 
cause  of  its  successful  resistance.  In  the  following  wiiter  that 
town  capitulated,  after  a  blockade  of  two  years,  during  which  it 
suffered  such  extremity  of  famine,  that  even  the  bo^es  of  the 
dead  were  converted  into  food.     Although  the  garrison  was  re- 

200a  t!?  T V*  aT'  •^''**  ^^""-*^  ^^"  «i^^«  h^d  ^«^  Athene 
^UUO  talents,  the  Athenian  generals,  Xenophon,  the  son  of  Euri- 
pides, and  his  two  colleagues,  granted  the  Potidsans  favourable 

W^;  J^TV^'i  7  ^T  ""^^'^^^^  ty  the  Athenians,  who 
had  expected  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  siege  by  sellini?  the 

CnTtrinrtl  ;  ^"^,P^^^^P«  ^  ^  e^^tify  their  vengeance 
by  puttmg  the  intrepid  gamson  to  death.      Potidea  ^d  its 

Athens^  "^^  ''""^  *^*'"^''^  ^^  *  ^^  **^  ^^^^  ''*'^^''^'^"  ^"^ 

s.nl !;  I*'*'  ^^''*^  ^''''l  i^^""  "^^^  f^-^-  429)  was  now  opening 
ami  aothnig  decisive  had  been  performed  on  either  side.     After 


B.a  429. 


SIEGE  OF  PLAT^A. 


293 


two  invasions,  but  little  mischief,  probably,  was  capable  of  being 
inflicted  on  the  Attic  territory,  or  at  all  events  not  sufficient  to 
induce  the  Peloponnesians  to  incur  the  risk  of  infection  from 
the  plague.     Archidamus,  therefore,  now  directed  his  whole 
force  against  the  ill-fated  town  of  Plataea.     As  he  approached 
their  city,  the  Plataeans  despatched  a  herald  to  Archidamus  to 
remonstrate  against  this  invasion,  and  to  remind  him  of  the 
solemn  oath  which  Pausanias  had  sworn,  when,  after  the  defeat 
of  the  Persians,  he  offered  sacrifice  to  Jove  Eleutherios  in  the 
great  square  of  Platjea,  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  the  as- 
sembled allies,  bound  himself  and  them  to  respect  and  guarantee 
their  independence.     Archidamus  replied  that  by  their  oaths 
they  were  bound  to  assist  him  in  the  liberation  of  the  rest  of 
Greece  ;  but,  if  they  would  not  agree  to  do  this,  their  independ- 
ence  should   be  respected  if  they  only  consented  to  remain 
neutral.     After  this  summons  had  been  twice  repeated,  the  Pla- 
tieaiis  returned  for  answer  that  they  could  do  nothing  without 
the  consent  of  the  Athenians,  in  whose  custody  their  wives  and 
families  now  were  ;  adding,  that  a  profession  of  neutrality  might 
again  induce  the  Thebans  to  surprise  their  city.     Hereupon 
Archidamus  proposed  to  them  to  hand  over  their  town  and 
territory  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  together  with  a  schedule  of  all 
the  property  which  they  contained,  engaging  to  hold  them  in 
trust  and  to  cultivate  the  land  till  the  war  was  terminated,  when 
every  thing  should  be  safely  restored.     In  the  mean  time,  the 
Plataeans  might  retire  whithersoever  they  chose,  and  receive  an 
allowance  sufficient  for  their  support. 

The  ofler  seemed  fair  and  tempting,  and  the  majority  of  the 
Plataeans  were  for  accepting  it,  but  it  was  resolved  first  of  all  to 
obtain  the  sanction  of  the  Athenians :  who,  however,  exhorted 
them  to  hold  out,  and  promised  to  assist  them  to  the  last.  The 
Plataeans,  afraid  to  send  a  herald  to  the  Spartan  camp,  now  pro- 
claimed from  the  walls  their  refusal  of  the  proffered  terms ; 
when  Archidamus  invoked  the  gods  and  heroes  of  the  soil  to 
witness  that  it  was  not  until  the  Plataeans  had  renounced  the 
oaths  which  bound  them,  that  he  had  invaded  their  territory. 
The  Peloponnesians,  indeed,  seem  to  have  been  really  unwilling 
to  undertake  the  siege.  They  were  driven  into  it  by  the  ancient 
grudge  of  the  Thebans  against  Plataea. 

The  siege  that  ensued  is  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the 
annals  of  Grecian  warfare.  Plataea  was  but  a  small  city,  and  its 
garrison  consisted  of  only  400  citizens  and  80  Athenians,  toge- 
ther with  110  women  to  manage  their  household  affairs.  Yet 
this  small  force  set  at  defiance  the  whole  army  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesians.    The  first  operation  of  Archidamus  was  to  surround  the 


294 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAP.  XXVI 


town  with  a  strong  palisade  formed  of  the  fruit  trees  which  had 
been  cut  down,  and  thus  to  deprive  the  Plataans  of  all  egress 
He  then  began  to  erect  a  mound  of  timber,  earth,  and  stones 
against  the  wall,  forming  an  inclined  plane  up  which  his  troops 
might  march,  and  thus  take  the  place  by  escalade.     The  whole 
airoy  laboured  at  this  mound  seventy  days  and  nights  •  but 
whilst  It  was  gradually  attaining  the  requisite  height  the  Pla- 
tffians  on  their  side  were  engaged  in  raising  their  waUs  with  a 
fuperstructure  of  wood  and  brickwork,  protected  in  front  with 
Hides.     They  also  formed  a  subterranean  passage  under  their 
walls,  and  undermined  the  moimd,  which  thus  fell  in  and  re- 
qmred   constant   additions.      And   as   even  these   precautions 
seemed  m  danger  of  being  ultimately  defeated,  they  built  a  new 
intenor  wall,  m  the  shape  of  a  crescent,  whose  two  horns  joined 
the  old  one  at  points  beyond  the  extent  of  the  mound;  so  that 
It  the  besiegers  succeeded  in  carrying  the  first  rampart,  thev 
would  be  in  no  better  position  than  before.     So  energetic  was 
the  defence,  that  the   LacedsBmonians,   after   spending   three 
months  in  these  fruitless  attempts,  resolved  to  turn  the  sie-e 
into  a  blockade,  and  reduce  the  place  by  famine.  " 

HO  They  now  proceeded  to  surround  the  city  with  a  double 
wall  oi  circimivallation,  the  interior  space  between  the  two  of 
SLxteen  leet  m  breadth  being  roofed  in.  and  the  whole  structure 
protected  by  a  ditch  on  each  side,  one  towards  the  town  and  the 
other  towards  the  country.     The  interior  was  occupied  bv  the 

r^'i  iV''"^'^''^'  half  of  which  consisted  of  BcEotians  and  the 
other  half  of  Peloponnesians.     In  this  manner  the  Plata^ans 
endured  a  blockade  of  two  years,  during  which  the  Athenians 
attempted  notlnng  lor  their  relief     In  the  second  year,  however 
about  hall  the  garrison  eliected  their  escape  in  the  following  bold 
and  successful  manner.     Provisions  were  beginning  to  run  short 
and  the  PlatsBan  commander  exhorted  the  garrison  to  scale  the 
waU  by  which  they  were  blockaded.     Only  212  men,  however 
were  found  bold  enough  to  attempt  this  hazardous  feat.    Choos- 
ing a  wet  and  stormy  December  night,  they  issued  from  their 
gates,  lightly  armed  and  carrying  with  them  ladders  accurately 
adapted  to  the  height  of  the  wall.     These  were  fixed  against  it 
m  the  space  between  two  towers  occupied  by  the  guard,  and  the 
first  company  having  mounted,  slew,  without  creatino^  alarm 
the  sentinels  on  duty.     Already  a  great  part  of  the  PlatSans  had 
gained  the  summit,  when  the  noise  of  a  tile  kicked  down  bv 
one  of^the  party  betrayed  what  was  passing.     The  whole  guard 
immediately  turned  out,  but  in  the  darkness  and  confusion  knew 
not  whither  to  direct  their  blows,  whilst  the  lighted  torches  which 
tney  earned  rendered  them  a  conspicuous  aim  for  the  arrows  and 


B.a  427. 


SURRENDER  OF  PLATJEA. 


S96 


JUL 


javelins  of  those  PlataBans  who  had  gained  the  other  side  of  the 
walls.  In  this  manner  the  little  band  succeeded  in  effecting 
their  escape  with  the  exception  of  one  man,  who  was  captured, 
and  of  a  few  who  lost  their  courage  and  returned  to  Plat«ea. 

Ml.  But  though  the  provisions  of  the  garrison  were  hus- 
banded by  this  diminution  in  their  number,  all  the  means  of 
subsistence  were  at  length  exhausted,  and  starvation  began  to 
stare  them  in  the  face.  The  Lacedajmonian  commander  had 
long  been  in  a  condition  to  take  the  town  by  storm,  but  he  had 
been  directed  by  express  orders  from  home  to  reduce  it  to  a 
voluntary  capitulation,  in  order  that  at  the  conclusion  of  a  peace, 
Sparta  might  not  be  forced  to  give  it  up,  as  she  would  be  in  case 
of  a  forcible  capture.  Knowing  the  distressed  state  of  the  gar- 
rison, the  Lacedajmonians  sent  in  a  herald  with  a  summons  to 
surrender  and  submit  themselves  to  their  disposal,  at  the  same 
time  promising  that  only  the  guilty  should  be  punished.  The 
besieged  had  no  alternative  and  submitted.  This  took  place  in 
B.C.  427,  after  the  blockade  had  lasted  two  years. 

The  whole  garrison,  consisting  of  200  Platseaiis  and  25  Athe- 
nians,  were  now  arraigned  before  five  judges  sent  from  Sparta. 
Their  indictment  was  framed  in  a  way  which  precluded  the  possi- 
bility of  escape.  They  were  simply  asked  "  Whether  during  the 
present  war  they  had  rendered  any  assistance  to  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians or  their  allies  ?"  So  preposterous  a  question  at  once  re- 
vealed to  the  prisoners  that  they  could  expect  neither  justice  nor 
mercy.  Nevertheless,  they  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  plead 
their  cause.  Their  orators,  by  recalling  the  services  which  Plataea 
had  rendered  to  Greece  in  general  in  the  Persian  war,  and  to  Sparta 
in  particular,  by  aiding  to  suppress  the  revolt  of  the  Helots,  seem- 
ed to  have  produced  such  an  impression  on  their  judges  that  the 
Thebans  present  found  it  necessary  to  reply.  Their  speech  does 
not  appear  to  have  contained  any  very  cogent  arguments,  but  it 
was  successful.  The  Plataeans  were  mercilessly  sacrificed  for 
reasons  of  state  policy.  Each  man,  including  the  25  Athenians, 
was  called  up  separately  before  the  judgment  seat,  and  the  same 
question  having  been  put  to  him,  and  of  course  answered  in  the 
negative,  he  was  immediately  led  away  to  execution.  The  towai 
of  Plataea,  together  with  its  territory,  was  transferred  to  the 
Thebans,  who,  a  few  months  afterwards,  levelled  all  the  private 
houses  to  the  ground,  and  with  the  materials  erected  a  sort  of 
vast  barrack  around  the  Heraeum,  or  temple  of  Hera,  both  for  the 
accommodation  of  visitors,  and  to  serve  as  an  abode  for  those  to 
whom  they  let  out  the  land.  Thus  was  Plataea  blotted  out  from 
the  map  of  Greece. 


B.C.  429.  KAVAL  VICTORIES  OF  PHORMIO. 


297 


Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pediment  of  the  Parthenon. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PELOPONNESUN   WAR    CONTINUED— FROM  THE    SIEGE    OF    PLAT^A 

TO  THE  SEDITION  AT  CORCYRA. 

^  lv^-f"«ra^  «l>a™cter  of  the  war.    §  2.  Military  and  naval  onerations 
of  the  third  year.    Attempt  of  the  Peloponneslans  to  surprirpTrrs 

Mviif^nT /rn  w'"^'.^^^^^^^  §4.  Fifth  year.   Surrender  of 

Mytilene.   ^5.  Debates  of  the  Athenian  assembly  respecting  the  Mv- 
tileneans.   Cleon  and  the  Athenian  dema^^ogues.^  §  6  Bloody "wee 

Lesbos  colonized  by  Athenians.     §  8.  Civil  dissensions  at  Corcvra^ 
§  9.  Picture  of  the  times  by  Thucydidea  ^orcyra. 

*  I'  ^^/^^°'*^in^  the  fall  of  Platsa,  we  have  anticipated  the 
order  of  chronology.  The  investment  of  that  town  formed,  as 
we  have  related,  the  first  incident  in  the  third  year  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  war.  The  subsequent  operations  of  that  war  down  to 
the  eleventh  year  of  it,  or  the  year  b.c.  421— when  a  short  and 
ho  low  peace,  or  rather  truce,  called  the  peace  of  Nicias,  wail 
patched  up  between  the  LacedaBmonians  and  Athenians— wero 
not  of  a  decisive  character.  There  was,  indeed,  much  mutua) 
injury  mflicted,  but  none  of  those  great  events  which  brinp 
a  war  to  a  close  by  disabling  either  one  or  both  parties  froii 
continumg  it.     The  towns  captured  were,  moreover,  restored 


at  the  peace ;  by  which,  consequently,  Athens  and  Sparta  were 
placed  much  in  the  same  state  as  when  the  war  broke  out. 
It  would  be  tedious  to  detail  at  length  all  the  little  engagements 
which  occurred,  and  which  the  reader  could  with  difficulty  re- 
member ;  and  we  shall  therefore  content  ourselves  with  a  sketch 
of  the  more  important  events,  especially  those  which  display  the 
general  character  of  the  period,  the  actions  of  the  more  remark- 
able men  who  flourished  in  it,  and  the  motives,  views,  and  dis- 
positions of  the  contending  parties. 

j  2.  Except  the  siege  of  Plataea,  the  operations  by  land  in  the 
third  year  of  the  war  were  unimportant.  The  Athenians  failed 
in  an  attempt  to  reduce  the  town  of  Spartolus  in  Chalcidice ; 
nor  were  the  efforts  of  their  new  ally  Sitalces  more  successful  in 
that  quarter.  According  to  the  ancient  myth  of  Tereus,  Sitalces 
considered  himself  a  kinsman  of  the  Athenians  ;  but  some  well 
apphed  bribes  were  probably  a  more  efficacious  inducement  for 
him  to  undertake  the  reduction  of  Chalcidice,  and  the  dethrone- 
ment of  Perdiccas,  king  of  Macedonia.  The  sway  of  Sitalces 
over  the  barbarous  tribes  of  Thrace  was  very  extensive.  He 
was  able  to  collect  an  army  estimated  at  150,000  men,  one-third 
of  which  was  cavalry.  With  this  multitudinous,  but  wild  and 
disorderly  host,  he  penetrated  far  into  the  dominions  of  Perdiccas 
and  compelled  the  Macedonians,  who  did  not  venture  to  meet 
him  in  the  open  field,  to  shut  themselves  up  in  their  fortresses. 
He  also  detached  a  force  to  reduce  the  Chalcidians  and  Bot- 
tiaeans.  But  his  expedition  was  undertaken  at  too  late  a  period 
of  the  year,  seemingly  about  the  end  of  November  or  beginning 
of  December ;  and  as  the  winter  proved  very  severe,  and  the 
Athenians  neglected  to  send  any  armament  to  his  assistance; 
Sitalces  was  compelled  to  reUnquish  his  conquests  after  a  cam- 
paign, or  rather  foray,  of  thirty  days. 

In  the  same  year  the  naval  superiority  of  the  Athenians  was 
strikingly  exhibited  by  the  victories  of  Phormio  in  the  Co- 
rinthian gulf  The  Lacedaemonians  had  planned  an  expedition 
against  Acamania,  and  had  sent  a  fleet  of  forty-seven  sail,  under 
the  command  of  Cnemus,  to  carry  this  project  into  effect. 
Phormio  was  stationed  at  Naupactus  with  only  twenty  Athe- 
nian ships;  but  notwithstanding  his  numerical  inferiority,  he 
gained  a  brilliant  victory  over  the  Peloponnesian  fleet.  But 
this  was  not  all.  The  Spartans  lost  no  time  in  collecting  an- 
other fleet,  amounting  to  seventy-seven  sail.  Meantime  Phormio 
had  received  no  reinforcements  ;  but  such  was  his  confidence  in 
the  skill  of  his  seamen,  that  he  ventured  to  meet  even  these 
overpowering  numbers,  and  though  this  victory  was  not  so 
decisive  as  the  previous  one,  the  Pelopoimesians  relinquished 

o* 


Isifo 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXVII. 


all  further  operations  and  sailed  back  to  Corinth.     The  Pelo- 
ponnesian  commanders  tried  to  compensate  for  these  losses  by 
surprising  the  harbour  of  Pir^us,  wliich  was  unprotected  by  a 
^ard,  or  even  by  a  chain.     Having  marched  overland  from  Co- 
rmth  to  the  Megarian  port  of  Nis»a.  they  embarked  their  men 
in  forty  old  triremes,  wliich,  however,  were  in  a  sufficient  state 
f-jT^"^  ^'^^  ^  ^^**^  an  expedition.     But  either  their  courage 
failed  them  at  the  very  moment  of  executing  their  project  or 
else,  as  they  gave  out,  the  wind  proved  adverse.     Instead'  of 
attempting  Pirajus  they  proceeded  to  the  opposite  island  of  l<a- 
lamis.     Here  they  landed  in  the  night,  captured  three  guaid- 
ihips,  ravaged  the  island,  and  succeeded  in  retreating  with  their 
booty  before  the  alarmed  and  enraged  Athenians  could  come  up 
With  them.     The  Athenians,  however,  took  warning  from  thij 
insult,  and  were  more  careful  in  future  in  guarding  their  har- 
bours. 

^  3.  The  fourth  year  of  the  war  (b.c.  428)  was  marked  by  the 
usual  invasion  of  Attica  on  the  part  of  the  Peloponnesians      It 
was  accompanied  by  the  alarming  news  of  the  revolt  of  Myti- 
lene,  the  capital  of  Lesbos,  and  of  the  greater  part  of  that  island 
This  revolt  had  been  long  meditated ;  but  though  the  Athenians 
had  before  received  some  intimation  of  it,  their  reduced  condi- 
tion from  the  war  and  from  the  plague  had  prevented  them  frcm 
taking  any  measures  to  arrest  it.     An  embassy  which  they  now 
sent  to  the  Mytileneans,  to  persuade  them  to  remain  in  their 
duty,  havmg  failed,  the  Athenian  commander  Cleippides,  who 
was  on  the  pomt  of  sailing  to  the  Peloponnesus  with  a  Heet  of 
40  tnremes,  was  ordered  to  proceed  directly  to  Mytilene. 

It  was  one  of  the  disadvantages  of  the  Athenian  constitution 
so  lar  at  least  as  the  foreign  relations  of  Athens  were  concerned' 
that  the  executive  power  lay  with  the  people,  and  that  thus  all 
their  Rebates  and  resolutions  being  public,  it  was  impossible  to 
keep  them  concealed  from  those  who  were  the  subjects  of  them 
1  he  Mytileneans  having  received  information  of  the  intended 
expedition   through   a  spy,  postponed   the   festival   of  Apollo 
durmg  which  the  Athenians  had  expected  to  siirT)rise  them' 
and  made  every  preparation  to  receive  the  hostile  fleet.     But 
being  still  infenor  in  strength  they  pretended  to  enter  into  ne- 
gotiations  with  Cleippides,  who  fell  into  the  snare  ;  and  in  the 
mean  time  secretly  despatched  envoys  to  Sparta  to  implore  im- 
mediate assistance.     The  embassy  which  the  Mytileneans  had 
sent   to   Athens  with   the    ostensible   purpose    of  negotiatiiicr 
having,  as  might  be  expected,  failed.  Cleippides,  who  had  beJii 

f  "InlTl^  ^""^'^^  '^'''^^'  ^"^"^  ^^«  ^lli^^  islands,  as  well  as 
by  1000  Athenian  hoplites  under  Paches.  commenced  hostilities. 


B.C.  428. 


REVOLT  OF  MYTILENE. 


299 


and  by  the  beginning  of  October  succeeded  in  blockading  Myti- 
lene both  by  sea  and  land. 

The  Mytilenean  envoys  despatched  to  Sparta  arrived  during 
the  celebration  of  the  Olympic  festival,  where  most  of  the  mein- 
bers  of  the  Peloponnesian  alliance  were  present.  After  the 
festival  was  concluded  they  set  forth  the  grounds  of  their  com- 
plaints against  Athens,  which  were  chiefly  two,  namely  : their 

fear  of  being  reduced  to  the  condition  of  the  other  subject-allies 
of  Athens,  and  their  repugnance  to  assist  that  state  in  her  ambi- 
tious policy,  which  was  generally  offensive  to  the  states  of  Greece. 
Their  application  was  of  course  favourably  received  by  their  Pe- 
loponnesian auditors.  They  were  promised  assistance,  and  were 
formally  received  into  the  Peloponnesian  alliance.  Not  only 
was  a  second  invasion  of  Attica  ordered,  but  it  was  also  pro- 
posed to  transport  on  trucks,  across  the  isthmus,  from  the  har- 
bour of  Lechaeum  into  the  Saronic  gulf,  the  ships  which  had 
fought  against  Phormio,  and  to  employ  them  against  Athens. 

A  very  general  impression  seems  at  this  time  to  have  pre- 
vailed among  the  allies  that  the  plague  and  war  combined  had 
neady  exhausted  the  resources  of  the  Athenians.  Nor  was 
this  opinion  altogether  without  foundation.  The  fund  which 
they  possessed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  was  now  exhausted, 
with  the  exception  of  the  reserve  of  1000  talents  put  by  to 
meet  a  naval  invasion.  The  numbers  of  their  soldiers,  and 
especially  of  their  able  seamen,  had  also  no  doubt  been  consider- 
ably reduced  by  the  war  and  pestilence.  But  there  were  still 
ample  means,  and  above  all  an  indomitable  spirit,  among  the 
Athenians,  to  supply  the  deficiencies  thus  created.  A  higher 
class  both  of  citizens  and  metics  than  those  who  had  hitherto 
engaged  in  the  naval  service  was  ordered  on  board  the  fleet, 
from  which  duty  only  the  two  highest  classes,  namely,  the  Pen- 
tacosiomedimni,  and  the  Hippeis,  or  Knights,  were  now  exempted. 
And,  in  order  to  replenish  the  public  treasury,  the  Athenians 
were  for  the  first  time  subjected  to  a  direct  contribution  or  in- 
come tax,  by  which  a  sum  of  200  talents  was  raised. 

By  these  efforts  the  Athenians  manned  a  fleet  of  100 
triremes,  which  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  appeared  off  the 
isthmus,  and  made  descents  at  various  points.  At  the  same 
time  the  Lacedaemonians  assembled  there  were  surprised  by 
the  news  that  another  Athenian  fleet  of  30  triremes,  which  had 
been  previously  despatched  under  Asopius,  the  son  of  Phormio, 
was  committing  devastations  on  the  coast  of  Laconia.  These 
energetic  proceedings  arrested  the  projected  enterprise  of  the  La- 
cedaemonians, especially  as  their  alhes  were  engaged  in  gathering 
the  harvest,  and  had  therefore  assembled  only  in  small  numbers. 


ItOO 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXVIL 


Accordingly  they  returned  home,  and  contented  themselves  with 
prepanug  a  fleet  oflbrty  triremes  ibr  tlie  relief  of  Mytilene. 

\  4.  This  armaiiieut,  however,  could  not  be  got  ready  till  the 
spring  of  the  following  year  (b.c.  427).  Meanwhile  Salsthus,  a 
Lacedaemonian  envoy,  proceeded  to  Lesbos,  aud  having  contrived 
to  enter  Mytilene,  encouraged  the  citizens  to  hold  out  till  the 
arrival  of  the  promised  succours.  In  the  course  of  April  the  Pe- 
loponnesian  fleet,  consisting  of  42  triremes  under  Alcidas,  actu- 
ally sailed,  and  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  create  a  diversion 
the  allied  army  again  invaded  Attica. 

But  week  atler  week  passed  away,  and  Alcidas  did  not  appear 
before  M>lilene,     The  provisions  of  the  town  were  exhausted, 
tiic  populace  was  growing  impatient,  and  even  Sal^thus  himself 
began  to  despair  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet.     It  was  therefore 
resolved  as  a  last  desperate  expedient,  to  make  a  sally,  and 
endeavour  to  raise  the  blockade.     With  this  view  even  the  men 
ot  the  lower  classes  were  armed  with  the  full  armour  of  the 
hoplites.     But  this  step  produced  a  very  diflerent  result  from 
what  Sa kjthus  had  expected  or  intended.     The  great  mass  of 
the  Mytileneans  were  not  adverse  to  the  Athenian  dominion  • 
but  they  regarded  their  own  oligarchical  government  with  suspi- 
cion,  accused  it  of  starving  the  citizens  whilst  it  possessed  stores 
ot  concealed  provisions  for  the  use  of  the  higher  classes-  and 
ben^  now  strengthened  by  the  arms  which  had  been  distributed 
to  thern,  threatened  that,  unless  their  demands  were  complied 
with,  they  would  surrender  the  city  to  the  Athenians.     In  this 
desprate  emergency  the  Mytilenean  govenmient  perceived  that 
their  oiiJy  chance  of  safety  lay  in  anticipating  the  people  in  this 
step.     They  accordingly  opened  a  negotiation  witli  Paches,  and 
a  capitulation  was  agreed  upon  by  which  the  city  was  to  be  sur- 
rendered, and  the  fate  of  its  inhabitants  to  be  decided  by  the 
Atheman  Assembly.     It  was  stipulated,  however,  that  they  were 
to  be  permitted  to  send  envoys  to  Athens  to  plead  their  cause  • 
and  Paches  engaged  that  meanwhile  nobody  should  be  impri- 
soned or  sold  into  slavery.     When  Paches  entered  the  city  those 
Mytileneans  who  had  been  the  chief  instigators  of  the  revolt 
took  reluge  at  the  altars  ;  but  he  induced  them  by  his  assurances 
to  quit  their  places  of  refuge,  and  placed  them  in  Tenedos 

Scarcely  had  this  capitulation  been  concluded,  when,  to  the 
wirpnse  otthe  Mytileneans,  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  appeared  ofl* 
the  coast  of  Ionia.  Alcidas,  overawed  by  the  maritime  reputiition 
ot  Athens,  had  neglected  to  discharge  his  duty  with  the  enerffv 
reqmred  by  the  crisis  ;  and,  finding  that  he  had  arrived  too  late 
to  save  Mytilen6,  he  sailed  back  to  Pelopoimesus,  without  at- 
tempting any  thing  further. 


RC.  427. 


CLEOK 


801 


(  5.   Paches  being  now  undisputed  master  of  Lesbos,  de- 
spatched to  Athens  those  Mytileneans  who  had  been  deposited 
at  Tenedos.  together  with  others  implicated  in  the  late  revolt, 
and  likewise  Salajthus  the  Lacedaemonian  envoy,  who  had  been 
detected  in  a  place  of  concealment  in  the  city.     The  Athenians 
assembled  to  decide  on  the  fate  of  these  prisoners,  amounting 
in  number  to  more  than  a  thousand.     Salaethus  was  at  once  put 
to  death.     The  disposal  of  the  other  prisoners  caused  some  de- 
bate.    It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  demagogue,  Cleon,  whom 
we  have  already  noticed  as  an  opponent  of  Pericles,  first  comes 
prominently  forwards  in  Athenian  afikirs.     The  effects  of  the 
extensive  commerce  of  Athens,  and  more  particularly  of  the  po- 
litical changes  introduced  by  Pericles,  were  now  beginning  to 
show  themselves.     Down  to  the  time  of  that  statesman,  the 
democracy  of  Athens  had  been  governed  by  aristocratic  leaders 
alone.     The  personal  qualities  of  Pericles,  in  spite  of  the  growing 
feeling  of  democracy,  secured  his  ascendency  in  the  i^ssembly ; 
but  even  during  his  lifetime  men  of  a  much  lower  rank  than 
those  who  had  formerly  pretended  to  govern  the  people  were 
beginning  to  step  forward,  and  to  claim  a  share  of  power.     Such 
were  Eucrates,  the  rope-maker,  Lysicles,  the  sheep-dealer,  and 
Hyperbolus,  the  lamp-maker.     The  humblest  mechanic,  if  an 
Athenian  citizen,  was  at  liberty  to  address  the  assembly ;  there 
was  nothing  to  prevent  him  but  disfranchisement  for  debt  or 
crime.     If  he  succeeded,  his  fortune  was  made ;  for  the  influence 
thus  acquired  might  be  converted  in  various,  but  not  over  reput- 
able, ways  into  a  source  of  profit.     Success,  however,  demanded 
some  peculiar  qualifications.     An  Athenian  audience  was  some- 
what fastidious ;  but  more  especially  the  vastness  of  their  assem- 
blies, and  the  noise  and  clamour  with  which  they  frequently 
abounded,  demanded  not  only  a  considerable  share  of  nerve,  but 
also  physical  powers,  especially  a  loud  voice,  which  are  not 
always  found  combined  with  the  higher  mental  requisites  of  an 
orator.     Hence  those  who  possessed  even  a  moderate  share  of 
ability,  if  endowed  with  audacity  and  a  stentorian  voice,  stood  a 
much  better  chance  in  the  assembly  than  men  of  far  higher 
talent,  but  deficient  in  those  indispensable  qualifications.     If  we 
may  trust  the  picture  drawn  by  Aristophanes,  Cleon,  the  leather- 
seller,  was  a  perfect  model  of  that  new  class  of  low-bom  orators 
just  alluded  to ;  a  noisy  brawler,  loud  in  his  criminations,  insolent 
in  his  gestures,  corrupt  and  venal  in  his  principles ;  extorting 
money  by  threats  of  accusations,  a  persecutor  of  rank  and  merit. 
a  base  flatterer  and  sycophant  of  the  populace.     In  this  portrait 
iiiuch  allowance  must  no  doubt  be  made  not  only  for  comic 
li<iencc  and  exaggeration,  but  also  for  party  feeling  and  personal 


««  HISTOKY  OF  GREECE  Ou..  XXVU 

pique.     Aristophanes  was  on  the  aristocratic  side  in  politics  and 
was  moreover  engaged  in  a  private  quarrel  with  cCl^Cd 

C  ZC^L  ?f  ™  *••!  description  of  Aristophanes.     Bu 
S^nT^f      T-   *  ^  somewhat  on  our  guard  resp,Sting  the  tcs. 

r7wlrf  r?"""  "f  "^^'^  remarkable  for  h^impir^Uit^ 
tor  It  was  to  Cleon  that  Thucydides  owed  his  banishment' 
Still,  after  making  all  due  allowance  for  the  onerati^n  :;?Th 

cCCveTe^tl  ff  Mr-"  ^"^""^  tttTchrc't^S 
I^'  f  "f  v  •  '^^"  "  caricature  must  have  some  grounds  of 
Ks  LLticaTr  '  TV"°"i!^  Aristophanes,  out  of  nS-^  re^rf 
Atheni,r,?  »^  reputation,  have  ventured  to  produce  beforf  an 

i  STthp'^TK  '^  "''"""^f  ''^*''*''^  well-known  demac-og^e 
so  unhke  the  truth  as  not  to  be  easily  recognized.     The  actios 

cLrlT  ■?"''' u'?\""'"*P""^-  ^''"^  him  «uel  and  cowardlv 
diaractenstics  which  may  lead  us  to  infer  any  degree  of  b^^^' 
m  a  man  Along  with  his  impudence  and  othcrtad  ouE 
he  must  however  no  doubt  have  possessed  a  certahfrt  f 
ability,  smce,  at  the  period  c,f  which  weTre  now  sLkt  hi 
P^-d  mora  influence  than  any  other  orator T.hrAthe^liaa 

STlLl  o{"Z  M:'^  "^^  *'"'  ^r'^  •"  '^^  •J-'bate  respecting 
we  disposal  ol  the  Mytileneans,  and  made  the  sava-re  and  hor 

£  L'fTilhe^'w'lr'^  HI  ™'y  «">  P"-'e-  -1  o  S 
oTmil^^L  »  ^'i  f  *^«'*°'^  male  population  of  MytUene 
rf  mditary  age-mcluding  therefore  thosfwho  had  not  partiri 

conveying  orders  to  Paches  in  m.t  ♦L Ti    ^   i  ^yt"ene, 

cution  ^acnes  to  put  the  bloody  decree  into  exe- 

k  6.  The  barbarous  laws  of  ancient  warfare  lustifieil  at rnr-If  ;«- 
which  m  modern  times  would  be  regarded  wirW^^^^ 
testation;  and  we  have  already  de^rib^d  tTe  T  .nT 

Zet  Htlfafte^ ^^^^^  ^^^'^*'  how! ver.  whfch  \ook 

conduct  of  L  T       ^     ""'  ''^^^'''^  ^^  ""'^  ^^^  «P«aki«g.     The 
c^      R^t  fV    r^'^'^r^^^^  "'^  *^^*  '^^^^^i^"  admits  of  no  ex! 

rdevoti^  fn^    1    u  f  T^  ^^^^^^'^  ^^"^^'  <>^'  P<^r«>»s  whom 
It  devoted  to  death,  but  also  and  principally  because  it  rn^T 

no  discnmmation  between  the  iimLnt^and\he  ^      One 


B.C.  427.        DECREE  AGAmST  THE  MYTILENEANS.  S03 

night's  reflection  convinced  the  better  part  of  the  Athenians  of 
the  enormity  which  they  had  sanctioned.  Ordinary  experience 
shows  that  bodies  of  men  will  perpetrate  acts  which  the  indivi- 
duals composing  them  would  shrink  from  with  horror  •  and  this 
tendency  was  one  of  the  worst  evils  springing  from  the  multitu- 
dmous  and  purely  democratical  composition  of  the  Athenian  as- 
semblies.  On  the  morrow  so  general  a  feehng  prevailed  of  the 
Horrible  injustice  that  had  been  committed,  that  the  Strateffi 
acceded  to  the  prayer  of  the  Mytilenean  envoys  and  called  a 
Iresh  assembly ;  though  by  so  doing  they  committed  an  illegal 
act  and  exposed  themselves  to  impeachment. 

s^  7    Cleon   however,  had  not  changed  his  opinion.     In  the 
second  assembly  he  repeated  his  arguments  against  the  Mytile- 
neans, and  clamoured  ibr  what  he  caUed  "justice"  against  them 
He  denounced  the  folly  and  mischief  of  reversing  on  one  day 
what  had  been  done  on  the  preceding ;  and,  though  himself  the 
very  type  and  model  of  a  demagogue,  had  the  impudence  to  cha- 
racterize his  opponents  as  guilty  and  ambitious  orators,  who 
sacnficed  the  good  cf  the  republic  either  to  their  interests  or 
their  vanity !     His  opponent,  Biodotus,  very  wisely  abstained 
Irom  appealing  to  the  huinanity  of  an  assembly  which  had  passed 
the  decree  of  the  previous  day.     He  confined  himself  entirely  to 
the  policy  of  the  question,  and  concluded  by  recommending  that 
the  Mytileneans  already  in  custody  should  be  put  upon  their 
^lal.  but  that  the  remainder  of  the  population  should  be  spared 
ihis  amendment  having  been  carried  by  a  smaU  majority   a 
second  trireme  was  immediately  despatched  to  Mytilen6   with 
orders  to  Paches  to  arrest  the  execution.     The  utmost  diligence 
was  needful.    The  former  trireme  had  a  start  of  four  and  twenty 
hours   and  nothing  bnt  exertions  almost  superhuman  would  en- 
able the  second  to  reach  Mytilene  early  enough  to  avert  the 
tragical  catastrophe.     The  oarsmen  were  allowed  by  turns  only 
short  intervals  of  rest,  and  took  their  food,  consistincr  of  barley- 
meal  steeped  in  wine  and  oil,  as  they  sat  at  the  oar.     Happily 
the  weather  proved  favourable ;  and  the  crew,  who  had  been 
promised  largo  rewards  in  case  they  arrived  in  time,  exerted 
themselves  to  deliver  the  reprieve,  whilst  the  crew  of  the  pre- 
ceding vessel  had  conveyed  the  order  ibr  execution  with  slowness 
,  and  reluctance.     Yet  even  so  the  countermand  came  only  just 
in  tune.    The  mandate  was  already  in  the  hands  of  Paches,  who 
was  taking  measures  for  its  execution.     With  regard  to  the  pri- 
soners at  Athens,  the  motion  of  Cleon  to  put  them  to  death  was 
carried,  and  they  were  slain  to  the  number  of  more  than  a  thou- 
sand.    The  fortifications  of  Mytilene  were  razed,  and  her  fleet 
delivered  up  to  the  Athenians.     The  whole  island,  with  the  ex- 


804 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XVII 


remainder  aliped  to  ISrcClr ^ '"'  '""^ "^'' '"''  ''''' 

under  bJockade,  were  sent  back  tn  rr»r,.,r^„  ^f>uieiie  was 
the  heavy  r^^  of  800  taS/L  rSityZh^L"'''" 
of  wrthdrawmg  the  island  from  the  AtLJaf  Lllni  p"^'^"^ 
joined  by  the  rest  of  the  ohgai,=hical  dtTz^"  o  thJr  r^""^ 
they  assassinated  the  leaders%f  the  dewocratica  mrtv  T' 
senate-house,  and  then  carried  a  resoluZ.^.  ,.  ^^^  f  ^^^. 
the  neonlp  ih^t  iv,„  n  "™  a  resolution  in  the  assembly  of 

.  people,  tnat  the  Corcyneans  should  for  iVip  f.,*„™    >,     ' 

combat^n  thrfoSSr  tL  Sr"',  *'"^  ''"''^'"^  *" 
adopted  the  desperate  ''Xnl^of^'S^i^:^:'^:  ^T^r^ 
thus  destroyed  a  great  deal  of  property  near  the  leuT'r 
adverse  wmd  fortunately  nrevented  it  fVnVT     .     .•        '    .  *  "^^ 
mainder  of  the  city.       ^  P"^^"*^'* '»  &°ra  extendmg  to  the  re- 

Colta'^^nd"!.?:.*''"^  ^^  ^f°™«'  °f  the  state  of  things  at 

ss  «1"  ?eoCrnToTy^:z.r?dr  i^'^^ 
K  rS— :  Sir  =is  - -f 

I^^Ur  the  cJ— 7o7i^^d^J''tr:^^^^^^^^^ 

?i^  l°i'^'^"^r'  '"  ''^P'"g  the  enemy  at  bay  y^th  his  lail 

fleet  but  was  obhged  at  last  to  retreat.^hirhriid  k  S 


B.C.  427. 


REVOLUTIONS  AT  CORCTRA. 


305 


order,  and  without  losing  any  of  his  vessels.  Alcidas,  however, 
with  his  usual  slowness,  neglected  to  make  use  of  the  oppor- 
tunity, and  attack  the  capital  at  once,  though  Brasidas  strongly 
advised  him  to  do  so.  He' lost  a  day  in  ravaging  the  country 
and  m  the  Ibllowing  night  fire-signais  upon  the  island  of  Leucas 
telegraphed  the  approach  of  an  Athenian  fleet  of  60  triremes 
under  Eurymedon.  Alcidas  now  only  thought  of  making  his 
escape,  which  he  effected  before  daybreak,  leaving  the  Corcyrseaa 
oligarchs  to  their  fate. 

Another  vicissitude  thus  rendered  the  popular  party  in  Cor- 
cyra  again  triumphant.  The  vengeance  which  they  took  on  their 
opponents  was  fearful.  The  most  sacred  sanctuaries  affbrded  no 
protection  ;  the  nearest  ties  of  blood  and  kindred  were  sacrificed 
to  civil  hatred.  In  one  case  a  father  slew  even  his  own  son. 
These  scenes  of  horror  lasted  for  seven  days,  during  which  death 
in  every  conceivable  form  was  busily  at  work.  Yet  the  Athenian 
admiral^did  not  once  interpose  to  put  a  stop  to  these  atrocities. 
About  500  of  the  oligarchical  party,  however,  effected  their 
escape,  and  fortified  themselves  on  Mount  Istone,  not  far  from 
the  capital. 

§  9.  Thucydides  in  drawing  this  bloody  picture  of  domestic 
dissensions,  traces  the  causes  of  it  to  the  war.  In  peace  and  pros- 
perity, when  men  are  not  overmastered  by  an  irresistable  neces- 
sity, the  feelings  both  of  states  and  individuals  are  mild  and 

humane.     But  a  war  under  the  auspices  of  Sparta  and  Athens 

one  the  representative  of  the  aristocratic,  the  other  of  the  demo- 
cratic, principle — became  a  war  of  opinion,  and  embittered  the 
feelings  of  political  parties,  by  offering  to  each  the  means  and 
opportunity  of  enforcing  its  views  through  an  affiance  with 
one  or  the  other  of  the  two  leading  cities.     The  example  of 
Corcyra  was  soon  followed  in  other  Hellenic  states.     Not  only 
were  the  dispositions  of  men  altered  by  these  causes,  but  even 
the  very  names  of  things  were  changed.     Daring  rashness  was 
honoured  with  the  name  of  bravery,  whilst  considerate  delay 
was  denounced  as  the  mere  pretext  of  timidity.     Wisdom  was 
regarded  as  equivalent  to  cowardice,  and  the  weighing  of  every- 
thing as  a  pretext  for   attempting   nothing.     The ''simplicity 
which  generally  characterises  virtue  was  ridiculed  as  dulness  and 
stupidity  ;  whilst  he  was  regarded  as  the  cleverest  who  excelled 
in  cunning  and  treachery,  and  especially  if  he  employed  his  arts 
to  the  destruction  of  his  nearest,   and  therefore  unsuspecting 
friends  and  relatives. 


I 


B.C.  426. 


THE  ATHENIANS  SEIZE  PYLUa 


807 


From  the  Frieze  of  the  Parthenon.    Panathenaic  Procession. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  CONTINUED.— FROM   THE    SEDITION   AT  COR- 

CYRA  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  NICUS. 

8^^f^*^*3'«^ar*>*'^^*ewar.   Return  of  the  plague.   Purification  of  Delos. 
§  2.  heventh  year.     Fortification  of  Pyhis.     §  3.  Attempts  of  the 
Lacedajmonians  to  recover  Pylus.     §  4.  Arrival  and  victory  of  the 
Athenian  lleet   Blockade  of  SphacterV  8  6.  The  Lacedicraonians  sue 
for  peace  at  Athens    Extravagant  deman<is  of  Cleon.   §  6.  Renewal  of 
hostihties     §  7.  Debates  in  the  Assembly.  Cleon  elected  general.    8  8. 
Capture  of  bphacteria.  ^  9.  Advantages  of  the  victory.  8  10.  Proceed- 
ings at  Corcyra.    Slaughter  of  the  oligarchs.    §  11.  Eighth  year  of  the 
war    Capture  of  Cythera.    §  12.  Invasion  of  the  Megarid  and  Boeotia 
by  the  Athenians.     Capture  of  Nisjea,  the  port  of  Me^ara.     Defeat  of 
the  Athenians  at  the  battle  of  Delium.     §  13.  Brasidas  in  Thrace. 
Takes  Amphipolis     Banishment  of  Thucydides.    8  14.  Ninth  year  of 
the  war.    A  truce  between  Sparta  and  Athens.    The  war  continued  in 
Ihrace.     §  15.  Tenth  year  of  the  war.     Cleon  proceeds  to  Amphi- 
polls.     His  defeat  and  death.     Death  of  Brasidas.     §  16.  Eleventh 
year  of  the  war.     Fifty  years'  peace  between  Athens  and  Sparta. 

♦  1  The  beginning  of  the  sixth  year  of  the  war  (b.c.  426)  was 
marked  by  natural  calamities  which  seemed  to  present  a  counter- 
part to  the  moral  disturbances  which  were  agitating  Greece. 
J?ioods  and  earthquakes  of  unusual  violence  and  frequency  oc- 
curred m  vanous  parts ;  and  the  Lacedemonians,  alarmed  at 
these  portents,  abstained  from  their  intended  invasion  of  Attica 
The  mditary  operations  of  the  Athenians  were  unimportant 


The  plague  which  had  reappeared  at  Athens  towards  the  close 
of  the  preceding  year,  was  now  making  fearful  ravages.  This 
scourge  was  attributed  to  the  anger  of  Apollo  ;  and  in  order, 
as  it  seems,  to  propitiate  that  deity,  a  complete  purification  of 
Belos  was  performed  in  the  autumn.  All  the  bodies  interred 
there  were  exhumed  and  reburied  in  the  neighbouring  island  of 
Rhenea;  whilst  lor  the  future  it  was  ordered  that  no  deaths 
or  births  should  be  suffered  to  take  place  on  the  sacred  island. 
At  the  same  time  the  celebration  of  the  Delian  festival,  to  be 
renewed  every  fourth  year,  was  revived  with  extraordinary  splen- 
dour ;  and  thus  in  some  measure  compensated  the  Athenians  for 
their  exclusion,  through  the  war,  from  the  Olympic  and  Pythiaa 


games. 


^  2.  In  the  seventh  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  425)  the  Lacedaemo- 
nian array  under  Agis,  after  a  stay  of  only  15  days  in  the  Attic 
territory,  was  recalled  by  the  news  that  the  Athenians  had  esta- 
blished a  military  post  at  Pylus  in  Messenia.     In  consequence 
of  circumstances  to  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  allude  here- 
after, the  Athenians  had  sent  a  fleet  of  forty  ships  to  Sicily, 
under  the  command  of  Eurymedon  and  Sophocles  ;  but  on  their 
way  thither  these  officers  were  directed  to  stop  at  Corcyra,  and 
to  assist  the  people  against  the  oligarchs,  who,  as  already  related, 
had  fortified  themselves  at  Mount  Istone,  and  were  annoying 
the  capital.     Demosthenes,  who  had  acquired  great  glory  by  a 
campaign  against  the  Ambracians,  had  also  embarked  in  the 
same  fleet,  with  a  kind  of  roving  commission  to  make  descents 
on  the  Peloponnesian  coasts.     Pylus,  on  the  modern  bay  of  Na- 
varino,  struck  him  as  an  eligible  spot  on  which  to  establish  some  of 
the  Messenians  from  Naupactus,  since  it  was  a  strong  position,  from 
which  they  might  annoy  the  Lacedsemonians,  and  excite  revolt 
among  their  Helot  kinsmen.     As  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  how- 
ever, was  announced  to  have  arrived  at  Corcyra,  Eurymedon  and 
Sophocles  were  averse  to  the  delay  which  the  scheme  of  Demos- 
thenes would  occasion.     But  an  accident  caused  its  accomphsh- 
mant.     The  fleet  had  scarcely  passed  Pylus,  when  it  was  driven 
back  to  that  spot  by  a  violent  storm ;  and  as  the  bad  weather 
continued  for  some  time,  the  soldiers  on  board  amused  them- 
selves, under  the  directions  of  Demosthenes,  in  constructing  a 
sort  of  rude  fortification.     The  nature  of  the  ground  was  favour- 
able for  the  work,  and  in  five  or  six  days  a  wall  wok  thrown  up 
sufficient  for  the  purposes  of  defence.     Demosthenes  undertook 
to  garrison  the  place.     Five  ships  and  200  hoplites  were  left 
behind  with  him  ;  and,  being  afterwards  joined  by  some  Messe- 
nian  privateers,  he  appears  altogether  to  have  possessed  a  force 
of  about  1000  men. 


808 


f 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXVIIt 


f  3    This  '  ^»-a.viix. 

-mder  Thrasy^eJidas,  was  oEfto J  P  ^^'oP^^nesian  fleet, 
at  the  same  time  Agis  evacuated  A «       ^""^^  *°  Py'»«;  and 
the  same  place.    SovastTfZ  Joi";;?'  r^'"'^'^''''^  ^^'-^'^ 
to  threaten  destruction  to  ^' l ^^i      """^  ^"^  ""'I'taT.  seemed 
on  arriving  with  the  flln«atlv^'"''"" " ,  P^melid^ 
habrted  and  densely  wooded  TsS?  ^?P'^  *'«'  ""aU  unin- 
the  exception  of  two  rZZ  chill  «P'"V"«ria,  which,  with 
^-t  ''^ock^l  up  the  en^aletTh:  w'  V"''  -"  -"h. 
«md  the  mamland  wasa  SDacioii,  W     ■^'    ,^*^een  the  island 
•"tationed  his  ships.  ^     "*  ''^'"-  ">  «'hich  Thrasymelida* 

xt  i^&s  on  tfiis  omA    4.1.      Tx 

dar^erous  attack.  The  LacSir  ""*''='P^*«'  ">«  »«t 
*J^ul  m  besieging  walls,  andtTZ^r,  T"  "°t°riously  un- 
armed troops  would  sumcetol^^\T^'^\''/<>^i'nperfeet}y 
But  towards  the  sea  wa87!J°iiP  t*"^"  ^hole  army  at  bav 
fortified.  Here,  therlfore  mlX"  "^'^r  "^^'"^  ^n-ainedT 
■^majmng  triremes  ashoj^fr^r^™?'  "^'^^ >"«"&  hk  threL 
had  despatched  two  to  EuZZ^ V^^T'^  "^^^^  enemy  he 

post  hm^lf  ^th  60  cho^Xpt™'        ^'""*  "^i^tance-tLk 
J- He  assault  fm^^  ♦!,  j'^'it-o. 

bravest  and  mJ^^lSj^J-^  ''^  by  B^^^y 

P^duced.  The  na^S^r'thTrdT'''",  *'"''  «P««»  -„ 
a  few  tnremes  to  approach  at  on^  Jandwg-place  admitted  only 
of  the  foremost,  aiZattag  hisTen  bv  hf''''''  ^""^  °"  *''°P'-°^ 
but  he  was  soon  disabled  K^rt  ^  ""  ^'""^^  and  gestureo  • 

^^rdsintohis  ves^l  StinJwrthr"%^?"''^'  ^^  '^J  S-' 
ane^P-^  on  this  and^hrMLTnJdt' tit""  .  ^'"'^^  ^'^P^'''-' 
unable  to  efiect  a  landing ;  whiK^A  ,u^  Lacedemonians  were 
success  decisive  enough  to  hS  fl  7lf  '^*'"'n."««  considered  their 
chief  ornament  of  whSh  wi^l?  I- ",/"!?'*"'"  "^  a  trophy  the 
dipped  into  the  water  *^'  ^'""''*  "^  ^'-''^das,  wWch  hl^ 

as»u\2fweJe\iS7r^'  '"'"'  P"'?"^^  «>-  another 
fT\u  l^'y  "^  «t^Sy  negfectTto""""  "''  *"  ^^henTa" 
into  the  bay :   and,  although  the  A^     ■  "^T  '^«  entrances 
fiist  day  m  recomioitring.  ^i  ^tJ''}T'^^  '^"'^^  spent  the 
^.  or  «„  paralysed  ^  sSsTrnd  t"  ""\'°  incon^'ivabi; 
raorrow  the  Athenian  shiM^^/,  *"""['  *^"t'  '"'hen  on  the 
defended  channels,  manTof  S?r  ""^  "^"^^  ^^  the  u„! 
and  part  of  their  crews  IshL     ThT'l  ^""^  ^''"  moored 
desperate.     Both  sides  C^\JhlY'^''J'^''^  «»«"«1  ^^ 
v-ctoiy  at  length  declared  rthTAthf"'''"^'^  ^'"^""^^ '  hut 
-  Ships  were  capture ;  th'e  tlS" ed  0^7^^-' 


B.C.  425. 


SPARTA  SUES  FOR  PEACR 


S09 


them  ashore,  where  they  were  protected  by  the  Lacedaemonian 
army. 


Bayof  Pylus. 


A.  Island  of  Sphart«Ti». 


B.  Pylon.         C.  The  modern  Navarbo. 
E.  Promontory  of  Coryphitsium. 


D  D.  BayofPyte. 


The  Athenians,  thus  masters  of  the  sea,  were  enabled  to 
blockade  the  island  of  Sphacteria,  in  which  the  flower  of  the 
Lacedaernonian  army  was  shut  up,  many  of  them  native  Spartans 
of  the  highest  famihes.  In  so  grave  an  emergency  messengers 
were  sent  to  Sparta  for  advice.  The  Ephors  themselves  imme- 
diately repaired  to  the  spot ;  and  so  desponding  was  their  view 
of  the  matter,  that  they  saw  no  issue  from  it  but  a  peace.  They 
therefore  proposed  and  obtained  an  armistice  for  the  purpose  of 
opening  negotiations  at  Athens.  They  agreed  to  sunender  their 
whole  fleet,  and  to  abstain  from  all  attacks  upon  Pylus  till  the 
return  of  the  envoys,  when  their  ships  were  to  be  restored. 
Meanwhile,  the  Athenians  were  to  continue  the  blockade  of 
Sphacteria,  but  not  to  commit  any  acts  of  hostility  against  it ; 
whilst  the  Lacedajmonians  were  to  be  allowed  to  supply  the 


SOS 


mSTORV  OF  GREECE. 


ClIAP.  XXVlIt 


i  3    This  •  --^^viu. 

under  Thrasy„.eMas,  was  oXedfroJ  O  ^"^'"P^-'ra"  ««-»- 
at  the  same  time  Agis  evacuat^Sa  a"„7'^  \^^'''^>  ^'^ 
the  same  place.  So  vast  a  force  L^hl'  ?"<' ^^''ched  toM^rds 
to  threaten  destruction  to  Z  ]^  i  ''^  "'"^ '"'""'T'- ««»ned 
on  am  i„^  with  the  fleet  iiSlf  "■""'''■ ,   ?'4melidas. 

habited  and  densely  wooded TZ  .  ?  If  ?''""'  *'"^  «»all  unin- 
he  exception  of  tZZ^r^t  eta  ^I'''T"-"™'  ^'•''^•'-  ^'th 

almost  blocke,!  up  the  entrmlce  of  W  t        *'n  """''  """•  «o»th. 

and  the  mainland  was  a  snacTo...  V        "^^     ^'-''^'«»  the  island 

"tationed  his  ship.  '^"""""^  ''^"'' '"  ^^ch  Thrasymelid^ 

dan^eZsTttS  '' The^L,  V"^''^"^^  ""'-'l-ted  the  most 

Bkilibl  in  besiegin.  wafls  and    "^r":""^  ^"'^  notoriously  un 

armed  troops  ^oSutntiCi^l^:'^^-^^^^^^^ 

But  towards  the  sea  was  a  L,l I      P  their  whole  army  at  bay- 

fortified.     Here,  therefore  SsX:"  '^'"'r  "'^""^  renLcdul 

f«ma,m„g  triremes  ashorelZTth ''an,''''"u '?""^  '"'^  tJ-ree 

had  despatched  two  to  Eumnedn„    ,  '^'"l'^''^'''  "'the  enemy  ho 

post  himself  with  GO  cho^Sfi  '  *°  '"'""'  ^««i^tance-iU 

A  no    assault    frmii    ♦!  *"F^UtS. 

bravest  J^JZ^Z^TT  '"'  ^  «-'"-.  "-  of  the 
P-«lueed.  The  .mrr;S  ShTC'r''''''",  *'"*  ^i'^^a  eler 
nf7'V"'""^  toapproachtt  once  '^  "'T'''""'^  ="'"""«'  only 
of  the  foremost,  aiimating  his  ^^n  bv  ?'  ''^  ''."^  °"  ^'^P^ow 
but  he  was  soon  disable.!  wt  ^  ^'*  ^'"'■''s  and  gestures  • 

wardsintohis  ves^rSiiCth  l""%";?"''^'  ""'  ^'    b  "k- 
«ttemp,s  on  this  and  the  fouSJ::^  °'  t^d-    After  repeat^ 

unable  to  efifcct  a  landing ;  wSh^A ,.'  ^"'"''''^"'oniani  wen, 
success  decisive  enough  to  Ts  fl  7l  ^*^*"»»n«  considered  their 
chief  ornament  of  whTe  ,  Z^  ^l^  J'",  "*-'•""'"  of  a  tronhv  ihl 
dipped  into  the  wS"    ""  '""^  '^"'''^  "'Brasidas,  y^cThad 

assault,?ht?tets.^S7bTr  a"^^^  ^''^''""^  «>'  -other 
fleet  They  had  strli^dv  ,  eiteST™'""  "''  **"^  ^'henian 
■nto  the  bay :    and,  althou^  the  it^.        "^''T  *''«  ""'dances 

brst  day  m  reconnoitring,  they  treSr.  "''"'"'  ^P^""*  ^bo 
slow,  or  so  paralysed  by  suniZ?.  f!       *""■  '"  ""conceivably 

morrow  the  Athenian  shipsTZe  s  1l     "^I'  *''"*•  ^''«"  on  the 

defended  channels,  many^of  tteb-  T  ^'^  *'"'"""''  "^'b  the  un- 

and  part  of  their  crews  LL'T.f"?  ^'"^  ««"'  mwed 

desperate.     Both  sides  fouITwi^^^^'l  ':""'^^■bich  ensued  was 

victory  at  length  declared  for  tir  a  ♦k'""""'^""'^  ^''''.ur;  but 

«-  ships  were  captured     Z  rtt  wtS'Ted  !T  ^'^''^^^'^- 

were  saved  only  by  running 


B.C.  425. 


SPARTA  SUES  FOR  PEACR 


309 


them  ashore,  where  they  were  protected  by  the  Lacedajmoniaii 
army. 


,■'.  ;  - •■  .11. , ,*  ^  •'..  ^-  H-f    r     ' 


Bay  of  Pylus. 

A.  IslandofSphact.riii.  B.  Pjlns.         C.  The  modern  Navarino.         DDBavofPvla 

E.  Promontory  of  Corjiihiisiuin.  ^      ^ 

The  Athenians,  thus  masters  of  the  sea,  were  enabled  to 
blockade  the  island  of  Sphacteria,  in  which  the  flower  of  the 
Lacedajnrionian  army  was  shut  up,  many  of  them  native  Spartans 
of  the  highest  families.  In  so  grave  an  emergency  messengers 
were  sent  to  Sparta  for  advice.  The  Ephors  themselves  imme- 
diately repaired  to  the  spot ;  and  so  desponding  was  their  view 
of  the  matter,  that  they  saw  no  issue  from  it  but  a  peace.  They 
therefore  proposed  and  obtained  an  armistice  for  the  purpose  of 
opening  negotiations  at  Athens.  They  agreed  to  surrender  their 
whole  fleet,  and  to  abstain  from  all  attacks  upon  Pylus  till  the 
return  of  the  envoys,  when  their  ships  were  to  be  restored. 
Meanwhile,  the  Athenians  were  to  continue  the  blockade  of 
Sphacteria,  but  not  to  commit  any  acts  of  hostility  against  it ; 
whilst  the  Laceda;monians  were  to  be  allowed  to  supply  the 


(I 


ftlO 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXVIII 


besieged  with  provisions  enough  for  their  subsistence  durinir  the 
armistice.  ^ 

§  5.  Great  was  the  sensation  excited  at  Athens  by  beholding 
the  pride  of   Sparta  thus  humbled  and  her  envoys  suin^  for 
peace.     Cleon  availed  himself  of  the  elation  of  the  moment  to 
insist  on  extravagant  demands.   Nothing  less  would  satisfy  him 
than  the  restoration  of  those  places  which  Athens  had  ceded 
iourteen  years  before,  when  the  Thirty  Years'  truce  was  con- 
cluded ;    namely,  Niscea,  Pega?,  Troezen,  and  Achaia ;    and  his 
iiilluence  in  the  assembly  induced  it  to  adopt  his  views.     The 
Lacedceraonian  envoys,  perceiving  that  nothing  could  be  hoped 
Iroin  the  assembly,  proposed  a  private  negotiation  with  a  lew 
chosen  individuals.     But  Cleon  would  not  hear  of  this  arran<re- 
ment,  and  when  the  envoys  attempted  to  remonstrate,  he  com- 
pletely bulbed  and  silenced  them  by  his  violence,  and  caused 
them  to  be  sent  back  to  Pylus,  as  they  had  come,  in  an  Athe- 
nian trireme. 

§  6.  When  the  envoys  returned,  the  Lacedemonians  demanded 
the  restoration  of  their  fleet,  according  to  agreement ;  but  Eury- 
medon  refused  to  comply,  under  the,  apparently,  false  pretext 
that  the  Lacedaemonians  had  violated  the  armistice  by  an  at- 
tempt to  surprise   Pylus.     Hostihties  were  now  resumed,  but 
without  any  decisive  result.     The  blockade  of  Sphacteria  bewail 
to  grow  tedious  and  harassing.     The  force  upon  it  continually 
received  supplies  of  provisions  either  from  swimmers,  who  towed 
skins  filled  with  linseed  and  iK)ppy-seed  mixed  with  honey,  or 
Irom  Helots   who,  induced  by  the  promise  of  emancipation  and 
large  rewards,  eluded  the  blockading  squadron  during  dark  and 
stormy  nights,  and  landed  cargoes  on  the  back  of  the  island 
1  he  summer,  moreover,  was  fast  wearing  away,  and  the  storms 
o   winter  might  probably  necessitate  the  raising  of  the  blockade 
altogether.     Under  these  circumstances,  Demosthenes  becran  to 
contemplate  a  descent  upon  the  island ;  with  which  view  he 
collected  reinforcements  from  Zacynthus  and  Naupactus,  and 
also  sent  a  message  to  Athens  to  explain  the  unfavourable  state 
ot  the  blockade,  and  to  request  further  assistance. 

^  7  These  tidings  were  very  distasteful  to  the  Athenians,  who 
Had  looked  upon  Sphacteria  as  their  certain  prey.  They  becran 
to  regret  haying  let  slip  the  favourable  opportunity  for  making 
a  peace,  and  to  vent  their  displeasure  upon  Cleon,  the  director 

0  their  conduct  on  that  occasion.     But  Cleon  put  on  a  face 

01  brass.  He  charged  the  messengers  from  Pylus  with  havinrr 
misrepresented  the  facts  of  the  case ;  and  when  that  position 
proved  untenable,  began  to  abuse  the  strategi.  His  political 
opponent.  Nicias.  was  then  one  of  those  officers,  a  man  of  quiet 


KO.  425. 


CLEON  ELECTED  GENERAL. 


sn 


disposition  and  moderate  abilities,  but — a  peculiar  distinction  in 
those  days — thoroughly  honest  and  incorruptible,  pure  in  his 
morals  and  sincerely  rehgious.     Him  Cleon  now  singled  out  for 
his  vituperation,  and  pointing  at  him  with  his  finger,  exclaimed 
— "  It  would  be  easy  enough  to  take  the  island  if  our  generals 
were  men.     If  /  were  Strategus,  I  would  do  it  at  once  !"     This 
burst  of  the  tanner  made  the  assembly  laugh.     He  was  saluted 
with  cries  of  "  Why  don't  you  go,  then  ?"  and  Nicias,  thinking 
probably  to  catch  his  opponent  in  his  own  trap,  seconded  th^ 
voice  of  the  assembly  by  offering  to  place  at  his  disposal  what 
ever  force  he  might  deem  necessary  for  the  enterprise.     Cleon 
at  first  endeavoured  to  avoid  the  dangerous  honour  thus  thrust 
upon  him.     But  the  more  he  drew  back  the  louder  were  the  as- 
sembly 111  calling  upon  him  to  accept  the  office ;  and  as  Nicias 
seriously  repeated  his  proposition,  he  adopted  with  a  good  grace 
what  there  was  no  longer  any  possibility  of  evading.     Nay,  he 
even  declined  the  assistance  of  the  regular  Athenian  hoplites, 
and  engaged,  with  some  heavy-armed  Lemnian  and  Imbrian 
troops,  together  with  some  Thracian  peltasts  and  400  bowmen, 
in  addition  to  the  soldiers  already  at  Pylus,  to  take  Sphacteria 
withm  twenty  days,  and  either  kill  all  the  Lacedaemonians  upon 
It,  or  bring  them  prisoners  to  Athens. 

^  8.  Never  did  general  set  out  upon  an  enterprise  under 
circumstances  more  singular ;  but,  what  was  still  more  extra- 
ordinary, fortune  enabled  him  to  make  his  promise  good.  Id 
fact,  as  we  have  seen,  Demosthenes  had  already  resolved  on 
attacking  the  island.  Cleon  procured  that  general  to  be  named 
his  second  in  command,  and  thus  stepped  in,  with  a  nominal 
authority,  to  intercept  the  honours  which  were  m  reahty  due  to 
another.  On  the  other  hand,  Nicias  is  not  free  from  blame  on 
this  occasion.  He  seems  to  have  given  the  command  to  Cleon, 
whom  he  deemed  totally  incompetent  fbr  it,  merely  with  the  view 
of  ruining  a  pohtical  opponent,  and  to  have  left  the  interests  of 
Athens  wholly  out  of  sight. 

When  Cleon  arrived  at  Pylus  he  found  everything  prepared 
tor    the    attack.     Accident    favoured    the    enterprise.     A   fire 
kindled  by  some  Athenian  sailors,  who  had  landed  fbr  the  pur- 
pose of  cooking  their  dinner,  caught  and  destroyed  the  woods 
with  which  the  island  was  overgrown,  and  thus  deprived  the 
Lacedffimomans  of  one  of  their  principal  defences.     Nevertheless, 
such  was  the  awe  inspired  by  the  reputation  of  the  Spartan  arms, 
tha.t  Demosthenes  considered  it  necessary  to  land  about  10,000 
soldiers  of  different  descriptions,  among  whom  were  800  Athe- 
man  hoplites,  although  the  Lacedaemonian  force  consisted  of 
only  about  420  men.     Their  cormnander,  Epitadas,  was  posted 


tl2 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CoAP.  XXVIIJ. 


B.C.  425. 


CAPTURE  OF  PYLU& 


with  the  main  body  in  the  centre  of  the  island.     An  outpost  of 
30  hoplites  defended  the  extremity  farthest  from  Pylus.     The 
end  of  the  island  facing  that  place,  steep  and  rugged  by  nature, 
was  rendered  still  stronger  by  a  circuit  of  rude  stones,  of  an- 
cient and  unknown  origin,  which  answered  the  purpose  of  a  Ibrt. 
The  Athenians,  having  landed  before  daybreak,  surprised  and 
cut  to  pieces  the  advanced  guard  of  30  hoplites.     Then  De- 
mosthenes, having  divided  his  light-armed  troops  into  bodies  of 
about  200  men  each,  which  were  to  hover  round  and  amioy  the 
enemy,  drew  up  his  800  hophtes  in  battle  array  near  the  spot 
where  he  had  landed.     Epitadas  had  therefore  to  advance  against 
him  with  his  main  body,  about  360  in  number,  over  ground  ob- 
structed by  the  ashes  and  stumps  of  the  burnt  wood,  and  amidst 
a  shower  of  missiles  from  the  light  troops  on  his  flanks  and  rear. 
At  length,  distressed  by  a  species  of  warfare  which  he  had  no 
means  of  repelling,  and  almost  blinded  by  the  dust  and  aslies, 
Epitadas  ordered  his  men  to  retreat  to  the  stone  fort  at  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  island,  whither  they  were  followed  by  the  Athe- 
nian hoplites.     Here,  however,  having  the  advantage  of  tlie 
ground,  and  being  able  to  use  their  spears  and  swords  in  close 
combat,  the  Lacedaemonians  for  a  long  while  kept  their  assailants 
at  bay;  till  some  Messenians,  stealing  round  by  the  sea-shore, 
over  crags  and  clifis  which  the  Lacedemonians  had  deemed  im- 
practicable, suddenly  appeared  on  the  high  ground  which  over- 
hung their  rear.     They  now  began  to  give  way,  and  would  soon 
have  been  all  slain  ;  but  Cleon  and  Demosthenes,  being  anxious 
to  carry  them  prisoners  to  Athens,  called  oil'  their  men  from 
the  pursuit,  and  sent  a  herald  to  summon  the  Lacedaemonians 
to  surrender.     The  latter,  in  token  of  compliance,  dropped  their 
shields,  and  waved  their  hands  above  their  heads.     They  re- 
quested, however,  permission  to  communicate  with  their  comi- 
trymen  on  the  mainland ;  who,  after  two  or  three  communica- 
tions, sent  them  a  final  message — "  to  take  counsel  ibr  themselves, 
but  to  do  nothing  disgraceful."     The  survivors  then  surrendered. 
They  were  292  in  number,  120  of  whom  were  native  Spartans 
belonging  to  the  first  famiUes.     By  this  surrender  the  prestige 
of  the  Spartan  arms  was  in  a  great  degree  destroyed.     The 
Spartans  were  not,  indeed,  deemed  invincible ;  but  their  pre- 
vious feats,  especially  at  Thermopylaj,  had  inspired  the  notion 
.  that  they  would  rather  die  than  yield ;  an  opinion  which  could 
now  no  longer  be  entertained. 

$  9.  Cleon  had  thus  performed  his  promise.     On  the  day  after 
the  victory,  he  and  Demosthenes  started  with  the  prisoners  for 
Athens,  where  they  arrived  within  20  days  from  the  time  of 
Oleon's  departure.     Altogether,  this  affair  was  one  ot"  the  most 


318 


favourable  for  the  Athenians  that  had  occurred  during  the  war. 
*  The  prisoners  would  sei-ve  not  only  for  a  guarantee  against  fu- 
ture invasions,  which  might  be  averted  by  threatening  to  put 
them  to  death,  but  also  as  a  means  for  extorting  advantageous 
conditions  whenever  a  peace  should  be  concluded.  Nay,  the 
victory  itself  was  of  considerable  importance,  since  it  enabled 
the  Athenians  to  place  Pylus  in  a  better  posture  of  defence,  and, 
by  garrisoning  it  with  Messenians  from  Naupactus,  to  create  a 
stronghold  whence  Laconia  might  be  overrun  and  ravaged  at 
pleasure.  The  Lacedaimonians  themselves  were  so  sensible  of  these 
things,  that  they  sent  rej)eated  messages  to  Athens  to  propose  a 
peace,  but  which  the  Athenians  altogether  disregarded. 

§  10.  Meanwhile,  after  the  victory  at  Sphacteria,  EurjTnedon 
and  Sophocles  proceeded  with  the  Athenian  fleet  to  Corcyra, 
where,  in  conjunction  with  the  people,  they  took  by  storm  the 
post  of  the  oligarchs  on  Mount  Istone.     The  latter  at  first  retired 
to  an   inaccessible  peak,   but  subsequently   surrendered  them- 
selves on  condition  of  being  sent  to  Athens  to  be  judged  by  the 
Athenian  assembly.     Eurjmedon,  the  same  man  it  will  be  ob- 
served, who  had  before  abandoned  the  Corcyrseans  to  all  the 
fury  of  civil  discord,  assented  to  these  conditions,  and  caused 
the  prisoners  to  be  secured  in  the  small  adjoining  island  of 
Ptychia.     But  he  took  not  the  sliglitest  pains  to  carry  out  the 
agreement ;  nay,  he  even  coimived  at  the  artifices  of  the  Cor- 
cryaBan  democracy  to  entrap  the  prisoners  into  a  breach  of  the 
capitulation,  and  thus  procure  a  pretext  for  their  destruction. 
For  this  purpose  emissaries  in  the  guise  of  friends  were  sent 
over  to  Ptychia  to  persuade  the  prisoners  that  Eui^medon  in- 
tended to  hand  tliein  over  to  their  enemies,  and  thus  succeeded 
in  inducing  some  of  them  to  escape  in  a  boat  provided  for  that 
purpose.     The  boat  was  seized  in  the  act,  and  Eur}medon  now 
dehvered  up  the  prisoners  to  the  democratical  party.     They 
were  at  first  confined  in  a  large  building,  whence,  chained  two 
and  two  together,  tliey  were  led  out  to  execution  in  companies 
of  twenty.     They  advanced  through  a  road  lined  with  armed 
men,  who  singled  out  their  private  enemies,  and  struck  and 
wounded  them  till  they  perislied.     "  These  scenes,"  says  a  great 
histonan,  "  are  real  prototypes  of  the  September  massacres  at 
Paris  :  all  the  prisoners,  just  as  at  Paris,  were  led  from  the  prison 
between  two  rows  of  armed  men,  and  cut  to  pieces."*     What, 
however,  renders  this  scene  still  more  disgusting  than  the  Pa- 
risian massacres,  is,  that  a  third  party— Eurj^edon,  with  his 
Athenians — looked  on  in  cold  blood,  and  saw  these  atrocitiea 

•  Ni*;buhr,  '  Lectures  on  Ancient  History,'  vol.  ii.  p.  69. 


814 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXVHL 


B.a  424 


BATTLE  OF  DEUUM. 


315 


perpetrated  without  making  the  slightest  attempt  to  prevent 
them.  Alter  three  companies  had  been  destroyed  the  remaimiiff 
prisoners  refused  to  quit  the  builduig,  or  to  allow  any  one  to 
enter  it ;  at  the  same  time  piteously  imploring  the  Athenians  to 
kill  them,  rather  than  abandon  them  to  the  cnielties  of  their 
comitrymen.  But  Eurymedon  was  uiexorable.  Tlic  people  now 
unroofed  part  of  the  building,  and  assailed  the  prisoners  ^ith 
showers  of  tiles  and  arrows,  till  in  order  to  escape  this  lingering 
fate,  they  were  driven  to  commit  suicide.  The  work  of  "death 
proceeded  through  the  night.  At  daybreak  the  people  entered 
the  building  with  carta,  and  piling  upon  them  the  dead  bodies, 
in  number  about  300,  carried  them  out  of  the  city. 

Hi.  The  eighth  year  of  the  war  (b.c.  424)  opened  with  bril- 
liant prospects  for  the  Athenians.     But  their  good  fortune  had 
now  reached  its  culminating  point ;  and  before  tlie  year  closed 
their  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Delium  and  the  loss  of  their  empird 
in  Thrace  more  than  counterbalanced  all  the  advantages  they 
had  previously  gained.     At  first,  however,  success  still  altendea 
their  arms.     Nicias  reduced  the  imi)ortant  island  of  C)lhera,  at 
the  southern  extremity  of  Lacoiiia,  and  placed  garrisons  in  the 
towns  of  Cythera  and   IScandeia.      He  then  proceeded  to  the 
coasts  of  Laconia,  which  he  ravaged  in  various  places.     Amono- 
his  conquests  here  was  the  town  of  Thyrea,  where  the  Laceda> 
monians  had  allowed  the  ^ginetans  to  settle  after  their  expul- 
sion from  their  own  island.     Thyrea  was  destroyed,  and  tlie  sur- 
viving ./Eginetans  carried  to  Athens  and  put  to  death.     Among 
the  horrors  which  the  great  historian  of  the  Peloponnesian  war 
has  noted  as  characterizing  the  times,  the  murder  of  2000  Helots 
by  the  Lacedajmonians  stands  conspicuous.     Alarmed  lor  their 
own  safety  since  the  establislmient  of  an  Atlieiiian  and  Messe- 
man  force  at  Pylus,  the  Lacedemonians  about  this  time  pro- 
claimed that  those  Helots  who  had  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  services  during  the  war  shoidd  come  forward  and  claim 
their  hberty.     A  large  body  appeared,  out  of  whom  2000  were 
selected  as  w^orthy  of  emancipation.     Crowned  with  gariands, 
and  honoured  with  all  the  imposing  ceremonies  of  religion,  the 
unhappy  Helots  paid  with  their  lives  for  the  liberty  thus  so- 
lemnly acquired.     In  a  short  time  they  all  disappeared,  no  man 
knew  how,  by  secret  orders  from  the  Ephors,  who  took  this  per- 
fidious and  detestable  method  to  rid  themselves  of  formidable 
enemies. 

H2.  Elate  with  their  continued  good  fortune,  tlie  Athenians 
ainietl  at  nothing  less  than  the  recovery  of  all  the  possessions 
which  they  had  held  before  the  Thirty  Years'  tnice.  For  this 
purpose  they  plaimed  two  important  expeditions,  one  against 


Megara  and  the  other  against  Boeotia.  In  the  former  they  were 
partially  successful.  They  seized  Nisaa,  the  port  of  Megara, 
which  they  permanently  occupied  with  an  Athenian  garrison ; 
but  they  were  prevented  from  obtaining  possession  of  Megara 
itself  by  the  energy  of  Brasidas,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Corinth,  collecting  troops  for  his  Thracian 
expedition.  Receiving  intelligence  of  the  danger  of  Megara,  he 
immediately  marched  to  the  assistance  of  the  city  with  a  consi- 
derable force,  which  the  Athenians  did  not  venture  to  attack. 

The  expedition  against  Bojotia  was  attended  \.ith  the  most 
disastrous  results.     Some  Boeotian  exiles,  and  other  malcontent 
citizens,  had  Ibrmed  a  plan  to  betray  Siphte,  on  the  gulf  of  Co- 
rinth, and  Chseronea,  on  the  borders  of  Phocis,  into  the  hands  of 
the  Athenians,  who  were  on  the  same  day  to  invade  Bceotia  from 
the  south,  and  to  seize  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delium,  a  place 
about  five  miles  from  Tanagra,  strongly  situated  upon  the  chfls 
on  the  eastern  coast.     It  was  anticipated  that  these  simultaneous 
attacks  at  various  points  would  divide  the  BoBotian  forces,  and 
render  the  enterprise  easy  of  execution.     But  the  scheme  was  be- 
trayed, and  miscarried.     Demosthenes,  who  was  to  attack  Siphaj 
and  Chajronea,  found  those  places  preoccupied  by  a  formidable 
BcEotian  force,  which  rendered  vain  all  hopes  of  surprising  them. 
Hippocrates,  who  commanded  the  army  of  invasion  from  the  south, 
proceeded  to  execute  his  part  in  the  arrangement,  and  marched  to 
Dehum  with  the  very  large  force  of  7000  Athenian  hoplites,  toge- 
ther with  25,000  light  armed  troops  and  several  hundred  cavalry. 
A  day's  march  brought  him  to  Delium,  where  he  immediately 
fortified  the  sanctuary  of  Apollo  with  a  rampart  and  ditch,  besides 
other  works.     When  these  were  completed,  a  garrison  was  left  in 
the  i)lacc,  and  the  army  commenced  its  homeward  march.     On 
arriving  at  the  heights  between  Delium  and  the  plain  of  Oropus, 
they  were  encountered  by  the  Boeotians,  who  had  assembled  in 
great  force  at  Tanagra.     Their  army  consisted  of  about  7000 
Boeotian  hoplites,  some  of  whom  were  the  very  flower  of  the 
Theban  warriors,  10,000  light  armed  troops,  500  peltasts,  and 
1000  horse.     They  were  led  by  the  eleven  Boeotarchs  then  at  the 
head  of  the  Bceotian  confederacy,  though  the  supreme  command 
seems  to  have  been  vested,  probably  alternately,  in  the  two 
Bax)tarchs  of  Thebes,  Pagondas  and  Aranthides.     All  the  Boeot- 
archs,  with  the  exception  of  Pagondas,  were  of  opinion  that,  as 
the  Athenians  seemed  to  be  in  full  retreat,  they  should  be  suffered 
to  retire  unmolested.     But  that  commander,  disregarding  the 
opinion  of  his  colleagues,  appealed  to  the  patriotic  and  religious 
feelings  of  the  soldiers.     He  painted  in  strong  colours  the  danger 
of  sulTeriiig  this  insult  to  their  territory  to  pass  uiipunislu'd,  and 


H    |i 


«^«  HISTORY  OP  GREECE.  Cuaf.  XXYUl 

pointed  out  that  the  sacrifices  were  favourable  for  an  attack 
whilst  on  the  other  hand,  the  Athenians  had  incurred  the  an^er 

It^tMf'f  ^-  '"'"P*!-     ^""^^  ^y  '^^'^  represenL 
tionB  persuaded  the  Boeotians  to  hazard  an  engagement,  he  drew 

up  the  army  m  order  of  battle  under  the  brow  of  a  hill  which 

wtd  to  r  ^"". '^'  ""'^'rT  "iPI---tes.  on  his  side, 
hastened  to  prepare  his  troops  ior  the  battle.     His  hoplites  were 

fn7.«  "^  '"'  a  line  of  eight  deep,  having  the  light  armed  troops 
and  cavalry  on  the  flanks.  The  heavy  BcBotian  phalanx,  on  the 
contraiy  was  twenty-five  deep;  the  Theban  hoplites  occupying 
^e  right,  with  the  other  heavy-armed  Ba3otians  on  the  lelf  and 
2  ;    .T?^1  f^*    •      f-  ^Si^^-^™^^  troops  and  cavalry  were  ranged, 

rr^v!  I  Ml  ""S;^  ^*"^'  ^J^"  ^^'^  fi^^«-  The  Boeotians,  ascend- 
mg  the  hiU  in  this  array,  as  soon  as  they  came  in  sight  of  the 

hJa  TT'  TT?  ^^^  ^^r.^h«»t  and  charged,  before  Hippocrates 
had  finished  addressing  hs  men.     Ravines  at  both  exWies 

is  rlkHfth^^^^^^  ^""^  ^"^^-^"*^>   ^"^  ^h« 

^rned  ranks  ol  the  hoplites  met  ni  desperate  conflict.     The  left 

wmg  ol  the  Boeotians  was  repulsed;  but  on  the  right  the  skiU 

and  valour  ol  the  chosen  Theban  warriors  who  led  the  van   as 

weU  as  the  supenor  weight  of  the  deep  and  densely  compacted 

phalanx  bore  down  all  resistance.     At  the  same  tim^e  PaXdas 

haymg  sent  round  h,s  cavalry  to  attack  the  Athenian  riX 

i^tored  the  lortune  of  the  day  on  that  side  also.     The  roufof 

!Zf !  T"'  ""''1''°'^  ^^""J'^^^^'-     ^'"^  fl^d  ^^«k  to  Delium, 

iZl  f^^l^?" Y'^'^  '"  '^^  ^'''''^^''  ^^^^"^^«-     Hippocrates 
liimsell  tell  m  the  engagement,  together  with  1000  hoplites-  a 

loss  about  double  that  of  the  Boeotians.     Fortunately  for  ihe 

Athemans,  the  battle  had  commenced  late  in  the  day  and  thev 

were  thus  rescued  by  the  friendly  shades  of  night  f^m  the  pur^ 

When  on  the  morrow  an  Athenian  herald  asked  the  cus- 

ttni^-""'''*'\*^^"^  ^^^^  "^^»"'  ^1^«  Ba^tians  reproached 
the  Athenians  with  the  violation  of  A,.olWs  sanctuary^nd  re 
fused  the  sacred  rites  of  sepulture  till  the  sacrilege^  ould  be 
opiated,  and  Bdium  evacuated.     They  innnedialely  invested 

lUe  greater  part  of  the  garrison,  however,  succeeded  in  escaping 
^sea,  but  about  200  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  The 
BiBotians  Altogether  the  battle  of  Dehum  was  the  greatest 
and  most  decisive  fought  during  the  first  period  of  the  wa^l  n 
luTl^K^'^''  of  the  battle  is  that  both  Socrates  ^d  t^ 
pupil  Alcibiades  were  engaged  in  it,  the  former  among  the 
hophtes  the  latter  m  the  cavalry.  Socrates  distinguished  him 
«eM  by  his  bravery,  and  was  one  of  those  who.  instead  of  throw- 


B.C.  424 


BRASIDAS  IN  THRACR 


817 


ing  down  their  arms,  kept  together  in  a  compact  body,  and  re- 
pulsed the  attacks  of  the  pursuing  horse.  His  retreat  was  also 
protected  by  Alcibiades. 

k  13.  This  disastrous  battle  was  speedily  followed  by  the 
overthrow  of  the  Athenian  empire  in  Thrace.  At  the  request 
of  Perdiccas.  king  of  Macedonia,  and  of  the  Chalcidian  towns, 
who  had  sued  for  help  against  the  Athenians,  Brasidas  was 
sent  by  the  Lacedaemonian  government  into  Thrace,  at  the 
head  of  700  Helot  hoplites  and  such  others  as  he  could  succeed 
in  raising  in  Grreece.  While  engaged  in  levying  troops  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Corinth,  he  saved  Megara  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Athenians,  as  has  been  already  related. 
Having  obtained  1000  Peloponnesian  hoplites,  in  addition  to 
the  700  mentioned  above,  he  succeeded,  by  a  rapid  and  dex- 
terous march  through  the  hostile  country  of  Thessaly,  in  effecting 
a  junction  with  Perdiccas.  with  whom  he  marched  into  Thrace. 
Here  he  proclaimed  that  he  was  come  to  deliver  the  Grecian 
cities  from  the  tyrannous  yoke  of  Athens.  His  bravery,  his 
kind  and  conciliating  demeanour,  his  probity,  moderation,  and 
good  faith,  soon  gained  him  the  respect  and  love  of  the  allies  of 
Athens  in  that  quarter  ;  whose  defection  was  likewise  promoted 
by  the  news  of  the  Athenian  reverses.  Acanthus  and  Stagirus 
hastened  to  open  their  gates  to  him ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing 
winter,  by  means  of  forced  marches,  he  suddenly  and  unex- 


Plan  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Amphipolis. 


1.  Siteof  Amphipol'm. 
S.  Siti<  of  Eiun 

S.  Kitlce  roniiertinif  Amphipolis  with 
Mount  Fungwus. 


6.  Lake  Cercinitia. 
1.  Mount  Cerdylium. 
8.  Mount  Pangieus. 


p 

J  K 

I 


818 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXYIIL 


pectedly  appeared  before  the  important  Athenian  colony  of 
Amphipolis  on  the  StrjTnon.  In  that  town  the  Athenian  party 
was  the  stronger,  and  sent  a  messagre  for  assistance  to  Thucy- 
dides,  the  historian,  who,  in  conjunction  with  Euclcs,  Mas  then 
general  in  those  pHrts.  Thucydides  hastened  with  seven  shij)S 
Irom  Thasos,  and  succeeded  in  securin<?  Eion  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Strymon ;  but  Amphipohs,  which  lay  a  little  higher  up  the 
river,  allured  by  the  favourable  terms  oliered,  had  already  sur- 
rendered to  Brasidas.  For  his  want  of  vigilance  on  this  occasion, 
Thucydides  was,  on  the  motion  of  Cleon,  sentenced  to  banish- 
ment, and  spent  the  following  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  exile. 
From  Amphipolis  Brasidas  proceeded  to  the  easternmost  penin- 
sula of  Chalcidice,  where  most  of  the  towns  hastened  to  sun-ender. 
At  Torone,  on  the  Sithonian  peninsula,  the  gates  were  opened 
by  an  anti-Athenian  party.  The  Athenian  garrison  fled  to  a 
neighbouring  fort ;  but  Brasidas  took  the  place  by  storm,  and 
put  all  the  prisoners  to  the  sword. 

^  14.  The  Athenians  were  so  much  depressed  by  their  defeat 
at  Dehum,  that  they  neglected  to  take  vigorous  measures  for 
arresting  the  progress  of  Brasidas.  They  now  began  to  think 
seriously  of  peace,  and  to  entertain  the  proposals  of  the  Laceda)- 
monians,  who  were  on  their  side  sohcitous  about  their  prisoners 
still  in  custody  at  Athens.  Early  in  b.c.  423,  the  ninth  year  of 
the  war,  a  truce  was  concluded  for  a  year,  with  a  view  to  the 
subsequent  adjustment  of  a  definitive  and  permanent  peace. 
The  negotiations  for  that  purpose  were,  however,  suddenly  inter- 
rupted by  the  news  that  Scione  had  revolted  to  Brasidas.  This 
revolt  appears  to  have  taken  place  two  days  after  the  conclusion 
of  the  truce ;  and  as  one  of  the  conditions  was  that  every  thing 
should  remain  in  statu  quo  till  peace  was  definitively  concluded" 
the  Athenians  demanded  that  the  towTi  should  be  restored. 
With  this  demand  Brasidas  refused  to  comply.  Excited  by  the 
speeches  of  Cleon,  the  Athenians  would  not  listen  to  any  pro- 
posals for  arbitration,  and  sent  an  armament  against  Scione, 
with  orders  that  every  man  in  the  place  should  be  put  to  death. 

The  war  was  thus  revived  in  those  distant  regions,  but 
nearer  home  the  truce  was  observed.  Brasidas,  who  had  been 
deserted  by  the  faithless  Perdiccas,  threw  himself  into  Torone 
on  the  approach  of  the  Athenians.  Nicias  and  Nicostratus,  who 
had  arrived  in  Chalcidice  with  50  triremes  and  a  large  body  of 
troops,  commenced  operations  against  Mende,  which  had  also 
revolted.  The  town  was  surrendered  by  a  party  among  the 
citizens:  the  Lacedaemonian  garrison  contrived  to  escape  to 
Scione,  which  tovra  the  Athenians  proceeded  to  invest;  and 
when  Nicias  had  completely  blockaded  it,  he  returned  to  Athena. 


B.C.  422.  BEATII  OF  BRASIDAS  AND  CLEON.  819 

§  15.  Things  remained  in  this  state  till  the  beginning  of  the 
year  b.c.  422,  when  the  truce  expired.     Early  in  August,  Cleon 
having  been    appointed   to  the   command,    proceeded    against 
ScioiicS  with  a  Heet  of  30  triremes,  carrying  1200  hoplites,  300 
cavalry,  and  a  large  force  cf  subsidiary  troops.     In  the  absence 
of  Brasidas  he  succeeded  in  taking  Torone  and  Galepsus,  but 
failed  in  an  attempt  upon  Htaginis.     lie  tlieu  lay  for  some  time 
inactive  at  Eion,  till  the  murniurs  (;i'  his  troops  compelled  him 
to    proceed    against    Amphipolis.      Thither    Brasidas  had   also 
directed  his  march,  with  an  army  of  2000  hoplites,  300  Greek 
cavalry,  and  a  large  body  of  light  armed  Thracians.  He  encamped 
on  the  heights  of  Cerdylium  on  the  western  bank  of  the  river, 
whence  he'  could  surAa'y  all  the  movements  of  the  enemy  j»  but, 
on  the  approach  of  Cleon,  he  threw  all  his  troops  into  the  tovm. 
Ihat  general  encamped  on  a  rising  ground  on  the  eastern  side  cf 
Amphipolis.     Having  deserted  the  peaceful  art  of  dressing  hides 
for  the  more  hazardous  trade  of  war,  in  which  he  was  almost 
totally  inexperienced,  and  having  now  ng  Demosthenes  to  direct 
his  movements,  Cleon  was  thrown  completely  off  his  guard  by  a 
very  ordinary  stratagem  on  the  part  of  Brasidas,  who  contrived 
to  give  the  town  quite   a  deserted  and  peaceful  appearance. 
Cleon  sullercd  his  troops  to  fall  into  disorder,  till  he  was  sud- 
denly surprised  by  the  astounding  news  that  Brasidas  was  pre- 
paring for  a  sally.     Cleon  at  once  resolved  to  retreat.     But  his 
rkill  was  equal  to  his  valour.     He  had  no  conception  that  he 
could  be  attacked  till  Brasidas  had  drawn  out  his  men  and 
formed  them,  as  if  they  were  on  parade,  in  regular  order.     He 
therefore  conducted  his  retreat  in  the  most  disorderly  manner. 
His  left  wing  had  already  filed  off,  and  his  centre  with  stragghng 
ranks  was  in  the  act  of  followhig,  when  Brasidas  ordered  the 
gates  of  the  town  to  be  flung  open,  and  mshing  out  at  the  head 
of  only  150  chosen  soldiers,  charged  the  retreating  colunms  in 
flank.     They  were  immediately  routed ;    but  as  Brasidas  was 
hastening  to  attack  the  Athenian  right,  which  was  only  just 
breaking  ground,  and  where  Cleon  himself  was  posted,  he  re- 
ceived a  mortal  w^ound  and  was  carried  oif  the  field.     Though 
his  men  were  forming  on  the  hill,  Cleon  fled  as  fast  as  he  could 
on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  but  was  pursued  and  slam  by  a 
Thracian  peltast.     Li  spite,  however  cf  the  disgraceful  flight  of 
their  general,  the  right  wing  maintained  their  ground  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  till  some  cavaliy  and  peltasts  issuing  from  Am- 
phipolis attacked  them  in  flank  and  rear,  and  compelled  them  to 
fly.     On  assembling  again  at  Eion  it  was  fomid  that  half  the 
Athenian  hoplites  had  been  slain.     Brasidas  was  carried  into 
Amphipolis,  and  lived  long  enough  to  receive  the  tidings  of  his 


320 


fflSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


I      t 


Chap.  XXVIIl 


victory.  He  was  interred  within  the  walk  with  great  military 
pomp  in  the  centre  of  what  thenceforth  hecaine  the  chief  agora  ; 
he  was  proclaimed  oecist,  or  founder  of  the  town  ;  and*  was  wor- 
shipped as  a  hero  with  annual  games  and  sacrifices. 

k  16.  By  the  death  of  Brasidas  and  CJeon,  the  two  chief  ob- 
itacles  to  a  peace  were  removed ;  for  the  former  loved  war  Ibr  the 
lake  of  its  glory,  the  latter  for  the  handle  which  it  aflbrded  lor 
agitation  and  for  attacking  his  political  opponents.  The  Athenian 
Nicias,  and  the  Spartan  king  Pleistoanax,  zealously  forwarded 
the  negotiations,  and  in  the  spring  of  tiie  year  b.c.  421,  a  peace 
for  50  years,  commonly  called  the  j^eace  of*Nicias,  was  concluded 
on  the  basis  of  a  mutual  restitution  of  prisoners  and  places  cai> 
tured-during  the  war.  The  Thebans,  liowever,  retained  Plataa 
on  the  plea  that  it  had  been  voluntarily  surrendered,  and  on  the 
same  grounds  Athens  was  allowed  to  hold  Nisea,  Anactorium, 
and  SoUium.  Neutral  towns  were  to  remain  independent,  and 
pay  only  the  assessment  of  Aristides.  By  this  treaty  Sparta 
sacrificed  the  interests  of  her  allies  in  favour  of  her  own.  Her 
confederates  viewed  it  with  jealousy  and  distrust,  and  four  of 
them,  namely,  the  BoBotians,  Corinthians,  Eleans,  and  Megarians, 
positively  refused  to  ratify  it.  Alarmed  at  this  circumstance,  as 
well  as  at  the  expiration  of  her  Thirty  Years'  Truce  with  Argos, 
Sparta  soon  afterwards  concluded  an  ofiensive  and  defensive 
alliance  with  Athens,  with  the  stipulation  that  each  might  in- 
crease or  diminish  at  pleasure  the  number  of  its  allies  and 
subjects. 


Coin  of  AmphipoUs. 


Centaur  firom  the  Metopes  of  the  Parthenon. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED.       FROM    THE    PEACE    OF    NICIAS 
TO    THE    EXPEDITION   OF    THE    ATHENIANS    TO  SICILY. 

§  1.  League  of  Argos,  Corinth,  Elea,  Mantinea,  and  Chalcidic^.  §  2.  Trans- 
actions between  Sparta  and  Athens.  §  3.  Policy  and  character  of  Alci- 
biades.  §  4.  He  advocates  a  league  with  Argos.  Resorts  to  a  stratagem 
to  procure  it.  §  5.  Alcibiades  victor  at  Olympia.  His  magnificence. 
§  6.  He  proceeds  to  Peloponnesus.  §  1.  Proceedings  of  the  Laceda;mo- 
nians.  Battle  of  Mantinea.  §  8.  Revolutions  at  Argos.  A  democracy 
established.  §9.  Conquest  ofMelos  by  the  Athenians.  §10.  Interven- 
tion of  the  Athenians  inSicil>\  §11.  Embassy  of  the  Ege^tajans.  They 
deceive  the  Athenians  respecting  their  wealth.  §  12.  The  Athenians 
resolve  on  an  expedition  to  Sicily.  §  13.  Preparations  at  Athens. 
Popular  delusion.  §  14.  Mutilation  of  the  Hermai.  Accusation  of 
Alcibiades.     §  15.  Departure  of  the  Athenian  fleet  for  Sicily. 

M.  It  has  been  mentioned  that  several  of  the  allies  of  Sparta 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  peace  which  she  had  concluded  ;  and 
soon  afterwards  some  of  them  determined  to  revive  the  ancient 
pretensions  of  Arj^os,  and  to  make  her  the  head  of  a  new  con- 
federacy, which  should  include  all  Greece,  with  the  exception  of 
Sparta  and  Athens.     The  movement  was  begun  by  the  Conn- 


o££ 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


f*K* An    Y YT Y 


thians,  who  felt  themselves  aggrieved  because  the  LacedaBmonians 
had  allowed  Athens  to  retain  Sollium  and  Anactorium.  The 
league  was  soon  joined  by  the  Elcans,  the  Mantineans,  and  the 
Chalcidians.  But  they  in  vain  endeavoured  to  persuade  tlio 
powerliil  city  of  Tegea  to  unite  with  them ;  whilst  the  oligar- 
chical governments  of  BcBotia  and  Megara  also  stood  aloof. 

$  2.  Between  Sparta  and  Athens  themselves  matters  were  far 
from  being  on  a  satisfactory  footing.  Sparta  confessed  her  in- 
ahility  to  compel  the  Boeotians  and  Corinthians  to  accede  to  the 
peace,  or  even  to  restore  the  town  of  Amphiix)lis.  After  tho 
death  of  Brasidas,  Clearidas  had  succeeded  to  tlie  command  of 
Amphipolis ;  and  he  now  pretended  that  he  was  not  strong 
enough  to  surrender  it  against  the  will  of  the  inhabitants. 
However,  he  withdrew  with  his  garrison  from  the  place  ;  and 
the  Athenians  do  not  appear  to  have  made  any  attempt  to  take 
possession  of  it.  All  that  they  ellected  in  that  quarter  was  to 
reduce  Scione,  when  the  bloody  decree  of  Cleon  was  carried  into 
execution.  Athens  consequently  refused  to  evacuate  Pylus, 
though  she  removed  tlie  Helots  and  Messenians  from  it. 

§  3.  In  the  negotiations  which  ensued  respecting  the  surrender 
of  Pylus,  Alcibiades  took  a  prominent  part.  This  extraordinary 
man  had  already  obtained  immense  influence  at  Athens.  Young, 
rich,  handsome,  profligate,  and  clever,  Alcibiades  was  the  very 
model  of  an  Athenian  man  of  fashion.  In  lineage  he  was  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  plebeian  orators  of  the  day.  The  Athenian  public, 
in  spite  of  its  excessive  democracy,  was  anything  but  insensible 
to  the  prestige  of  high  birth  ;  and  Alcibiades  traced  his  paternal 
descent  from  the  iEacid  heroes  Eurj-saces  and  Ajax,  whilst  on 
his  mother's  side  he  claimed  relationship  with  the  Alcma5onida3, 
and  consequently  with  Pericles.  On  the  death  of  his  father 
Clinias,  Pericles  had  become  his  guardian.  From  early  youth 
the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  was  marked  hy  violence,  reck- 
lessness, and  vanity.  He  dehghtcd  in  astonishing  the  more 
sober  portion  of  the  citizens  by  his  capricious  and  extravagant 
feats.  Nothing,  not  even  the  sacred ue^is  of  the  laws,  was  secure 
from  his  petulance.  Sometimes  we  find  him  heating  a  school- 
master for  not  having  a  copy  of  Homer  in  his  school,  or  inter- 
rupting the  performances  cf  the  theatre  by  strikuig  his  fellow 
choregus  ;  and  on  one  occasion  he  eliaces  with  his  own  hand  an 
indictment  published  against  a  Thasian  poet,  and  defies  both 
prosecutor  and  magistrate  to  proceed  with  it.  His  beauty,  his 
wit,  and  his  escapades,  had  made  him  the  darling  of  all  the 
Athenian  ladies,  nor  did  the  men  regard  him  with  less  admira- 
tion. But  he  was  utterly  destitute  oi*  morality,  whether  public 
or  private.     The  "  lion's  whelp,"  as  he  is  termed  by  Aristo- 


B.a  421. 


CHARACTER  OF  ALCIBIADES. 


S28 


phanes,  was  even  suspected,  in  his  boundless  ambition,  of  a 
design  to  enslave  his  Icllow-citizens.  His  vices,  however,  were 
partly  redeemed  by  some  brilliant  qualities.  He  possessed  both 
boldness  of  design  and  vigour  of  action ;  and  though  scarcely 
more  than  thirty  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  he 
had  already  on  several  occasions  distinguished  himself  by  his 
bravery.  His  more  serious  studies  were  made  subservient  to 
the  purposes  of  his  ambition,  for  which  some  skill  as  an  orator 
was  necessary.  In  order  to  attain  it  he  frequented  the  schools 
of  the  sophists,  and  exercised  himself  in  the  dialectics  of  Pro- 
dicus,  Protagoras,  and  above  all  of  Socrates.  As  an  orator  he 
seems  to  have  attained  a  respectable,  but  not  a  first,  rank.  He 
had  not  the  rapid  and  spontaneous  flow  of  ideas  and  words 
which  characterised  the  eloquence  of  Pericles.  He  would  fre- 
quently hesitate  in  order  to  cull  the  most  choice  and  elegant 
phrase  ;  and  a  lisp,  whether  natural  or  aflected,  which  turned 
all  the  r's  into  /'s,  must  have  been  a  serious  drawback  to  his 
oratory. 

^  4.  Such  was  the  man  who  now  opposed  the  application  of 
the  Lacedaemonian  ambassadors.  It  is  characteristic  of  him  that 
personal  pique  was  the  motive  of  his  opposition.  The  politics 
of  his  ancestors  had  been  democratic,  and  his  grandfather  was  a 
violent  opponent  of  the  Pisistratidai.  But  he  himself  on  his  first 
entrance  into  public  life,  a  little  before  the  peace  of  Nicias,  had 
manifested  oligarchical  sentiments,  and  even  endeavoured  to 
renew  an  ancient  tie  of  hospitality  which  had  formerly  connected 
his  family  with  Sparta.  With  the  view  of  becoming  the  Spartan 
proxenus  at  Athens,  he  had  been  assiduous  in  his  attentions 
towards  the  Spartan  prisoners,  and  had  taken  an  active  part  in 
forwarding  the  peace.  But  the  Spartan  government  rejected 
his  advances,  and  even  sneered  at  the  idea  of  intrusting  their 
political  interests  to  a  youth  known  only  by  his  insolence  and 
profligacy.  The  petulant  Alcibiades  was  not  the  man  to  brook 
such  an  afiiront.  He  immediately  threw  himself,  with  all  the 
restless  energy  of  his  character,  into  the  party  opposed  to  Sparta, 
now  deprived  of  its  most  conspicuous  leader  by  the  death  of 
Cleon.  He  began  to  advocate  a  league  with  Argos,  in  which 
city  the  democratic  party  at  that  time  predominated,  and  sent 
a  private  message  to  his  friends  there  advising  them  to  despatch 
ambassadors  to  negotiate  the  admission  of  Argos  among  the 
allies  of  Athens.  A  joint  embassy  was  accordingly  sent  from 
Argos,  Elea,  and  Mantinea.  The  Lacedaemonians  endeavoured 
to  defeat  this  negotiation  by  sending  three  of  their  most  popular 
citizens  to  Athens,  to  make  another  attempt  to  procure  the 
cession  of  Pylus.     Their  reception  was  so  favourable,  that  Alci- 


r 


SM 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIX. 


; 


blades,  alarmed  iLt  the  prospect  of  their  success,  resorted  to  a 
trick  in  order  to  defeat  it.     He  called  upon  the  LacedsBmonian 
envoys,  one  of  ivhom  happened  to  be  his  personal  friend  ;  and 
pretending  to  have  resumed  his  predilections  for  Sparta,  he  ad- 
vised them  not  to  tell  the  Assembly  that  they  were  furnished 
with  full  powers,  as  in  that  case  the  people  would  bully  them 
into  extravagant  concessions,  but  rather  to  say  that  they  were 
'merely  come  to  discuss  and  report ;  promising,  if  they  did  so,  to 
speak  in  their  favour,  and  induce  the  Assembly  to  grant  the 
restitution  of  Pylus,  to  which  he  himself  had  hitherto  been  the 
chief  obstacle.     Accordingly,  on  the  next  day,  when  the  ambas- 
sadors were  introduced  uito  the  Assembly,  Alcibiades,  assuming 
his  blandest  tone  and  most  winning  smile,  asked  them  on  what 
footing  they  came,  and  what  were  their  powers  ?     In  reply  to 
these  questions,  the  ambassadors,  who  only  a  day  or  two  before 
had  told  Nicias  and  the  Senate  that  they  were  come  as  plenipo- 
tentiaries, now  publicly  declared  in  the  face  of  the  assembly, 
that  they  were  not  authorized  to  conclude,  but  only  to  negotiate 
and  discuss.     At  this  announcement,  those  who  had  heard  their 
previous   declaration   could   scarcely   beheve   their  ears.      A 
universal  burst  of  indignation  broke  forth  at  this  exhibition 
of  Spartan  duplicity ;  whilst  to  wind  up  the  scene,  Alcibiades, 
affecting  to  be  more  surprised  than  any,  distinguished  himself 
by  being  the  loudest  and  bitterest  in  his  invectives  against 
the  perfidy  of  the  LacedsBmonians.     Taking  advantage  of  the 
moment,  he  proposed  that  the  Argive  ambassadors  should  b^ 
called  in,  and  an  alliance  instantly  concluded  with  Argos.    The 
motion,  however,  was  defeated  for  the  present  by  an  earth- 
quake which  occurred,  and  which  caused  the  assembly  to  be 
adjourned.     This  delay  procured  Nicias  the  opportunity  of  pro- 
ceeding to  Sparta,  and  making  another  attempt  at  adjustment. 
It  proved,  however,  unsuccessful.     Nicias  was  obliged  to  make 
the  mortifying  confession  of  his  failure  before  the  assembly  ;  and 
Alcibiades  thereupon  procured  the  completion  of  a  treaty  of 
alUance  for  100  years  with  Argos,  Elis,  and  Mantinea.     This 
took  place  in  the  year  420  B.C.     Thus  were  the  Grecian  states 
involved  in  a  complicity  of  separate  and  often  apparently  oppo- 
pte  aUiances.     It  was  evident  that  allies  so  heterogeneous  could 
not  long  hold  together ;  nevertheless,  nominally  at  least,  peace 
was  at  first  observed. 

\  5.  In  the  July  which  followed  the  treaty  with  Argos,  the 
Olympic  games,  which  recurred  every  fourth  year,  were  to  be 
celebrated.  The  Athenians  had  been  shut  out  by  the  war  from 
the  two  previous  celebrations ;  but  now  Elean  heralds  came  with 
the  usual  forms  to  invite  their  attendance.     Curiosity  was  ex* 


RC.  418. 


WAR  IN  PELOPONNESUS. 


820 


1 


cited  throughout  Greece  to  see  what  figure  Athens  would  make 
at  this  great  Pan-Hellenic  festival.  War,  it  was  surmised,  must 
have  exhausted  her  resources,  and  would  thus  prevent  her  from 
appearing  with  becoming  splendour.  But  from  this  reproach 
she  was  rescued  by  the  wealth  and  vanity,  if  not  by  the  patri- 
otism of  Alcibiades.  By  his  care,  the  Athenian  deputies  exhi- 
bited the  richest  display  of  golden  ewers,  censers,  and  other 
plate  to  be  used  in  the  public  sacrifice  and  procession ;  whilst 
for  the  games  he  entered  in  his  own  name  no  lewer  than  the  un- 
heard oif  number  of  seven  four-horsed  chariots,  of  which  one 
gained  the  first,  and  another  the  second  prize.  Alcibiades  was 
consequently  twice  crowned  with  the  olive,  and  twice  proclaimed 
victor  by  the  herald.  In  his  private  tent  his  victory  was  cele- 
brated by  a  mafrnificent  banquet.  It  is  not  improbable,  how- 
ever, that  on  this  occasion  he  was  assisted  by  the  Athenian 
allies  ;  for  the  whole  Ionic  race  was  interested  in  appearing  with 
due  honour  at  this  grand  national  festival. 

§  6.  The  growing  ambition  and  success  of  Alcibiadc3  prompted 
him  to  carry  his  schemes  against  Sparta  into  the  very  heart  of 
Peloponnesus,  without,  however,  openly  violating  the  peace.  For 
the  first  time  an  Athenian  general  was  beheld  traversing  the 
peninsula,  and  busying  himself  with  the  domestic  affairs  of 
several  of  its  states.  He  persuaded  the  citizens  of  Patrae  in 
Achaia  to  ally  themselves  with  Athens ;  and  proceeded  with 
the  few  troops  he  had  brought  with  him  to  assist  the  Argives  in 
an  attack  upon  Epidaurus,  a  city  conveniently  situated  for  facili- 
tating the  intercourse  between  Argos  and  Athens.  The  territory 
of  Epidaurus  was  ravaged  ;  and  late  in  the  autumn,  the  Lacedae- 
monians sent  300  men  by  sea  to  the  assistance  of  that  city ;  but 
nothing  decisive  took  place. 

§  7.  The  Lacedajmonians  now  found  it  necessary  to  act  with 
more  vigour  ;  and  accordingly  in  B.C.  418,  they  assembled  a  very 
large  army,  consisting  both  of  their  allies  and  of  their  own  troops, 
and  invaded  the  territory  of  Argos  hi  three  divisions.  Their 
operations  were  judiciously  planned.  The  Spartan  king,  Agis, 
succeeded  in  surrounding  the  Argive  army  in  such  a  manner 
that  he  might  easily  have  cut  it  to  pieces  ;  but  at  the  moment 
when  an  engagement  was  on  the  point  of  commencmg,  two  of 
the  Argive  leaders  proceeded  to  Agis,  and  by  undertaking  to 
procure  a  satisfactory  alliance  between  Argos  and  Sparta,  in- 
duced him  to  grant  a  truce  of  four  months.  Shortly  after  this 
truce  had  been  concluded  the  Athenians  came  to  the  assistance 
of  the  Argives  with  a  force  of  1000  hoplites  and  400  cavalry. 
They  were  accompanied  by  Alcibiades,  who  seems,  however,  to 
have  come  in  a  civil  capacity.     He  now  persuaded  the  Argives 


I 


836 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIX. 


to  march  with  these  troops  and  other  allies  against  the  town  of 
Orchomenos  in  Arcadia.      Having  reduced  Orchomenos,  they 
proceeded  against  Tegea,  hoping  to  become  masters  ol*  it  through 
the  treachery  of  a  party  among  the  citizens.     These  proceedings, 
however,  roused  the  Lacedajmonians,  who  entered  the  territory 
of  Mantinea  with  a  large  force.     Agis,  who  had  incurred  the  just 
indignation  of  his  countrymen  by  the  improvident  truce  before 
mentioned,  was  nevertheless  intnisted  with  the  command  of 
this  army  ;  but  only  in  consideration  of  his  having  promised  to 
wipe  out  his  former  disgrace  by  performing  some  great  exploit. 
Hd  marched  into  the  territory  of  Mantinea,  and  took  up  a  posi- 
tion near  the  Heracleum,  or  temple  of  Hercules,  whence  he  laid 
waste  the  surrounding  country.     The  Argives  and  their  aUies 
marched  forth  from  Mantinea,  and,  posting  themselves  on  very 
rugged  and  advantageous  ground,  oliered  the  Lacedaemonians 
battle.     Anxious  to  retrieve  his  honour,  Agis  was  hastening  to 
attack  them  even  at  this  disadvantage,  and  had  already  arrived 
within  javelin-throw,  when  an  aged  warrior  exclaimed  that  he 
was  now  about  "  to  heal  one  mischief  by  another."     Struck  by 
this  remark  Agis  drew  off  his  men,  and,  with  the  view  of  enticing 
the  Argives  from  their  position,  commenced  a  retrograde  march 
over  the  plain ;  intending  also  to  block  up  a  watercourse  situated 
at  some  distance,  and  aiuioy  the  Mantineans  by  flooding  their 
lands.     Finding,  however,  this  project  to  be  impracticable,  he 
returned  upon   his  steps  the  following  day,  when  his  colunms 
suddenly  found  themselves  in  presence  of  the  enemy,  drawn  up 
in  order  of  battle  upon  the  plain.     But,  though  taken  somewhat 
by  surprise,  the  admirable  discipline  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
ensured  by  a  continuous  subordination  of  officers,  as  well  as  by 
constant  drill,  enabled  Agis  to  form  his  line  speedily  and  without 
confusion  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.     Instead  of  charging  before 
his  troops  were  formed,  the  Argive  generals  were  wasfing  the 
time  in  haranguing  their  men.     The  Spartans,  wlio  were  soldiers 
by    profession,    needed    no   such  encouragement,   and   trusted 
rather  to  discipline  and  valour  than  to  fine  speeches.     Listead 
of  these,  the  inspiriting  war-song  resoimded  through  their  ranks  ; 
whilst  the  slow  and  steady  regularity  of  their  march  was  go- 
verned by  the  musical  time  of  their  pipers.     Their  opponents  on 
the  contrary  came  rushing  on  at  a  furious  pace.     From  tho 
natural  tendency  of  Greek  armies  to  advance  somewhat  towards 
the  right,  in  order  to  keep  their  left  or  shielded  side  as  much  as 
possible  towards  the  enemy,  th^eft  wing  of  Agis  was  outflanked 
by  the  right  of  the  alhes,  in  which  fought  a  chosen  body  of  1000 
Argive  hoplites,  formed  of  the  flower  and  aristocracy  of  the  city, 
and  maintained  and  drilled  at  the  pubhc  expense.     On  this  side 


B.C.  418. 


BATTLE  OF  MANTINEA 


327 


the  Lacedaemonians  were  routed  ;  but  Agis  nevertheless  pushed 
on  with  his  centre  and  right,  and  gained  a  complete  victory. 
The  loss  of  the  allies  was  computed  at  1100  among  whom  were 
200  Athenians  and  both  their  generals,  Laches  and  Nicostratus. 
Of  the  Lacedaemonians  about  300  were  slain.  This  battle,  called 
the  battle  of  Mantinea,  which  was  fought  in  June,  418  b.c,  had 
great  effect  in  restoring  the  somewhat  tarnished  lustre  of  the 
Spartan  arms.  From  the  renown  of  the  nations  engaged  in  it, 
though  not  in  point  of  numbers,  it  was  a  more  important  battle 
even  than  that  of  Delium. 

^  8.  This  defeat  strengthened  the  oligarchical  party  at  Argos, 
which  now  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  bring  about  an  alliance 
with  Sparta.  To  assist  their  views  the  Lacedaemonians  marched 
in  great  force  to  Tegea,  and  offered  Argos  the  alternative  of  an 
alliance  or  war ;  and  in  spite  of  all  the  efibrts  of  Alcibiades  to 
counteract  it,  a  treaty  was  eventually  concluded  between  the  two 
states.  This  was  followed  by  a  revolution  at  Argos.  The  demo- 
cratical  leaders  were  slain,  and  an  oligarchical  government  esta- 
blished by  means  of  their  thousand  chosen  hoplites.  But  the 
oligarchs  abused  their  power,  and  the  brutal  tyraimy  of  Bryas, 
the  commander  of  the  chosen  Thousand,  produced  a  counter- 
revolution. A  bride  of  the  humbler  class,  whom  he  had  ravished 
from  the  very  midst  of  a  wedding  procession,  and  carried  to  his 
house,  put  out  the  eyes  of  the  tyrant  during  the  night  with  the 
pin  of  her  brooch,  and  having  thus  effected  her  escape,  roused 
by  her  tale  of  woe  the  indignation  of  the  people.  The  latter, 
taking  advantage  of  the  LacedaBmoniaiis  being  engaged  in  the 
festival  of  the  Gymnopsedia,  rose  against  the  aristocrats,  ob- 
tained possession  of  the  city,  and  renewed  the  alliance  with 
Athens.  An  attempt  to  construct  long  walls  from  Argos  to  the 
sea,  a  distance  of  four  or  five  miles,  was  defeated  by  the  Lacedae- 
monians ;  but  in  the  spring  of  b.c.  416  Alcibiades  arrived  to 
support  the  Argive  democracy  with  an  Athenian  armament, 
and  20  triremes.  Nevertheless,  the  peace  between  Sparta  and 
Athens  continued  to  be  nominally  observed,  although  the  gar- 
rison of  Pylus  were  committing  ravages  in  Laconia,  and  the 
Lacedaemonians,  by  way  of  reprisal,  infested  the  Athenian  com- 
merce with  their  privateers. 

§  9.  It  was  in  the  same  year  that  the  Athenians  attacked  and 
conquered  Melos,  which  island  and  Thera  were  the  only  islands  in 
the  iEgean  not  subject  to  the  Athenian  supremacy.  Their  arma- 
ment consisted  of  38  triremes  and  a  considerable  force  of  hoplites. 
The  Melians  having  rejected  all  the  Athenian  overtures  for  a 
voluntary  submission,  their  capital  was  blockaded  by  sea  and 
land,  and  after  a  siege  of  some  months  surrendered.     On  the  pro- 


S28 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXIX 


posal,  as  it  appears,  of  Alcibiades,  all  the  adult  males  were  put  to 
death,  the  wonien  and  children  sold  into  slavery,  and  the  island 
colonized  afresh  by  500  Athenians.  This  horrible  proceeding 
was  the  more  indelensible,  as  the  Athenians,  having  attacked  the 
Mehans  in  full  peace,  could  not  pretend  that  they  were  justified 
by  the  custom  of  war  in  slaying  the  prisoners.  It  was  the 
crowning  act  of  insolence  and  cruelty  displayed  during  their 
empire,  which  from  this  period  began  rapidly  to  decline. 

§  10.  The  event  destined  to  produce  that  catastrophe — ^the 
intervention  of  the  Athenians  in  the  afl'airs  of  Sicily — was  already 
in  progress.  The  feuds  of  race  had  been  kindled  in  that  island, 
as  in  the  rest  of  Greece,  by  the  Peloponncsian  war.  Eleven  or 
twelve  years  before  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  speaking 
the  Dorian  cities  of  Sicily  (with  the  exception  of  Camarina),  to- 
gether with  the  Locrians  of  Italy,  had,  under  the  headship  of 
Syracuse,  joined  the  Peloponncsian  confederacy,  and  declared 
war  against  Leontini,  Camarina,  and  their  ally,  the  city  of  Rhe- 
gium  in  Italy. 

In  the  year  427  B.C.,  the  Leontincs  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens, 
to  crave  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians.  At  the  head  of  it  was 
the  rhetorician,  Gorgias,  the  novelty  of  whose  brilliant  eloquence 
took  the  Athenians  by  surprise,  and  is  said  to  have  chiefly  con- 
tributed to  the  success  of  the  apphcation.  However  that  may 
be,  an  Athenian  squadron  of  twenty  shii^s  was  despatched  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Leontines,  and  also  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the 
possibility  of  reducing  all  Sicily,  of  whose  size  the  Athenians 
seem  to  have  had  very  vague  and  imperlect  notions,  to  the 
obedience  of  Athens.  A  subsequent  expedition  in  425  B.C.,  con- 
sisting of  forty  triremes,  under  the  command  of  Eurj'medon  and 
Sophocles,  has  been  already  mentioned.*  The  selfish  and  am- 
bitious designs  of  Athens  had  however  become  so  evident  that 
in  the  spring  of  the  following  year  a  congress  of  the  Sicilian 
cities  met  at  Gela ;  where  the  Syracusan,  Hermocrates,  in  an 
able  and  patriotic  speech,  succeeded  in  persuading  them  to  lay 
aside  their  dissensions,  and  to  unite  in  defeating  the  schemes  of 
Athens.  The  Athenians  were  so  disappointed  at  this  failure, 
that  when  Eurj  medon,  and  his  colleagues  Sophocles  and  Pytho- 
dorus,  returned,  they  were  indicted  and  convicted  of  having 
taken  bribes  to  accede  to  the  peace.  Eurymedon  was  sen- 
tenced to  pay  a  fine,  and  his  fellow  commanders  were  banished. 

^  11.  In  the  year  422  B.C.,  another  application  for  assistance 
was  made  to  the  Athenians  by  the  Leontine  democracy,  who 
had  been  expelled  by  the  aristocrats  ;  but  the  Athenians,  then 

*  See  above,  p.  30*7. 


B.C.  416.         AFFAIRS  OF  THE  SICILIAN  GREEKa 


329 


smarting  under  their  recent  losses,  and  having  just  concluded  a 
truce  with  Sparta,  could  not  be  persuaded  to  grant  any  effectual 
succour.  In.  the  spring  of  416  B.C.,  however,  an  embassy  from 
the  Sicilian  town  of  Egesta  was  more  successful.  A  quarrel  had 
broken  out  between  Egesta  and  Selinus,  both  which  cities  were 
seated  near  the  western  extremity  of  Sicily ;  and  Selinus,  having 
obtained  the  aid  of  Syracuse,  was  pressing  very  hard  upon  the 
Egestaeans.  The  latter  appealed  to  the  interests  of  the  Athe- 
nians rather  than  to  their  sympathies.  They  represented  how 
great  a  blow  it  would  be  to  Athens  if  the  Dorians  became  pre- 
dominant in  Sicily,  and  joined  the  Peloponncsian  confederacy ; 
and  they  undertook,  if  the  Athenians  would  send  an  armament 
to  their  assistance,  to  provide  the  necessary  funds  for  the  pro- 
secution of  the  war.  Their  application  was  supported  by  the 
Leontine  exiles  still  resident  at  Athens.  But  their  most  power- 
ful advocate  was  Alcibiades,  whose  ambitious  views  are  said  to 
have  extended  even  to  the  conquest  of  Carthage.  In  these 
distant  expeditions  he  beheld  a  means  of  gratifying  his  passion 
for  adventure  and  glory,  and  at  the  same  time  of  retrieving  his 
fortune,  which  had  been  dilapidated  by  his  profligate  expendi- 
ture. The  quieter  and  more  prudent  Nicias  and  his  party  threw 
their  weight  into  the  opposite  scale ;  and  at  their  instance  it  was 
resolved,  before  an  expedition  was  undertaken,  to  ascertain 
whether  the  Egestaeans  were  really  able  to  perform  the  promises 
they  had  made.  For  this  purpose  commissioners  were  despatched 
to  Egesta,  whom,  however,  the  cunning  Egestaeans  completely 
deceived.  In  the  splendid  temple  of  Aphrodite,  on  Mount  Eryx, 
a  magnificent  display  of  offerings  was  set  out,  consisting  of 
vessels  which  the  Egestaeans  passed  off'  for  solid  gold,  though 
only  silver  gilt.  In  the  private  houses,  where  they  were  invited 
to  banquet  after  banquet,  the  Athenian  envoys  were  astonished 
at  the  profusion  of  plate  under  which  the  sideboards  groaned, 
but  which  was  slily  transferred  for  the  occasion  from  one  house 
to  another.  Sixty  talents  of  silver,  placed  in  their  hands  as 
earnest-money,  completed  the  delusion  ;  and  the  commissioners, 
who  were,  perhaps,  not  unwilfing  to  be  deceived,  returned  to 
Athens  with  magnificent  accounts  of  the  wealth  of  Egesta. 

M2.  Dazzled  by  the  idea  of  so  splendid  an  enterprise,  the 
means  for  accomplishing  which  seemed  ready  provided,  the 
Athenian  assembly  at  once  decided  on  despatching  a  fleet  of 
sixty  triremes,  under  Nicias,  Alcibiades,  and  Lamachus,  with  the 
design  of  assisting  Egesta,  of  restoring  the  Leontine  democracy, 
and  lastly  of  establishing  the  influence  of  Athens  throughout 
Sicily,  by  whatever  means  might  be  found  practicable.  Nicias, 
though  named  as  one  of  the  commanders  of  the  expedition, 


S80 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXIX. 


entirely  disapproved  of  it,  and  denounced  it  in  the  assembly 
as  spnnging  ironi  the  vain  glory  and  ambition  of  Alcibiadcs. 
Ihe  latter  repelled  these  not  unmerited  attacks  in  a  violent 
speech,  and  persuaded  the  assembly  to  ratify  their  lormcr  deci- 
sion. Another  attempt  of  Nicias  to  deter  the  Atlienians  from 
the  enterprise  by  representing  the  enormous  Ibrcc  wliich  it 
would  require,  had  an  eflect  exactly  contrary  to  what  he  had 
intended  ;  for  the  assembly,  taking  ],im  at  Iiis  word,  decreed  a 
fleet  of  100  nistead  of  60  triremes,  together  with  a  proportionate 
mcrease  in  the  land  forces. 

§  13.  For  the  next  three  months  the  preparations  for  the  un- 
dertaking were  pressed  on  with  the  greatest  ardour.    Youn^r  and 
old,  rich  and  poor,  all  vied  with  one  another  to  obtain  a  share  in 
the  expedition.     Oracles  and  prophecies  predicting  success  were 
circulated  through  the  city,  and  greedily  listened  to.     So  great 
was  the  throng  of  volunteers,  that  the  care  of  the  generals  was 
restncted  to  the  task  of  selection.     The  trierarchs  contended 
which  should  produce  his  vessel  not  only  in  the  most  efficient 
but  m  the  most  ornamental  state  of  equipment.     Five  years  of 
comparative  peace  had  accumulated  a  iresh  supply  both  of  men 
and  money ;   and  the  merchants  of  Athens  embarked  in  the 
enterprise  as  in  a  trading  expedition.     It  was  only  a  fbw  of  the 
wisest  heads  that  escaped  the  general  fever  of  excitement      Me- 
ton.  the  astronomer,  and  Socrates,  the  philosopher,  are  said  not 
to  have  shared  m  the  universal  enthusiasm  ;  the  latter  warned 
perhaps,  by  that  familiar  demon  to  whose  whispered  wisdom  his 
ears  were  ever  open. 

U4.  And  now  the  magnificent  armament  is  on  the  point  of 
sailing.  The  brilliant  city  is  alive  with  hope,  and  pride,  and  ex- 
pectation when  a  sudden  and  mysterious  event  converts  all  these 
exultmg  feelings  into  gloomy  foreboding. 

At  every  door  in  Athens,  at  the  c'omers  of  streets,  in  the 
market-place,  before  temples,  gymnasia,  and  other  pubhc  places 
stood  Hermas,  or  statues  of  the  god  Hermes,  consistincr  of  a 
bust  oi  that  deity  surmounting  a  quadrangular  pillar  of  marble 
about  the  height  of  the  human  figure.     When  the  Athenians 
rose  one  monimg  towards  the  end  of  May,  415  b.c,  it  was  fomid 
that  all  these  figures  had  been  mutilated  during  the  nicrlit  and 
reduced  by  unknown  hands  to  a  shapeless  mass.    We  ma'y  partlv 
realize  the  feelings  excited  by  this  occurrence,  by  picturing  to 
ourselves  some  Roman  Cathohc  town,  in  which  all  the  statues  of 
the  Virgin  should  have  been  suddenly  defaced.     But  the  act  in- 
spired political,  as  well  as  religious,  alarm.    It  seemed  to  indicate 
a  wide  spread  conspiracy,  for  so  sudden  and  general  a  mutilation 
must  have  been  the  work  of  many  hands.     Athens,  hke  other 


B.C.  415. 


MUTILATION  OF  THE  HERM^. 


831 


Grecian  states,  abounded  with  clubs,  which,  hke  our  societies  of 
freemasons,  oHered  facilities  for  secret  and  extensive  combina- 
tions. This  will  probably  aflbrd  the  most  natural  explanation 
of  the  fear  which  now  pervaded  Athens  ;  for  the  sacrilege  might 
only  be  a  preliminary  attempt  of  some  jKiwcrful  citizen  to  seize 
the  despotism,  and  suspicion  pointed  its  finger  at  Alcibiadcs. 
Active  measures  were  taken  and  large  rewards  oflered  for  the 
discovery  of  the  perpetrators.  A  public  board  was  appointed  to 
examine  witnesses,  wliich  did  not,  indeed,  succeed  in  eliciting 
any  facts  bearing  on  the  actual  subject  of  inquiry,  but  which 
obtained  evidence  respecting  similar  acts  of  impiety  committed 
at  previous  times  in  drunken  frolics.  In  these  Alcibiadcs  him- 
self was  implicated ;  and  though  tlie  fleet  was  on  the  very  eve  of 
departure,  Pythonicus  rose  in  the  assembly  and  accused  him  of 
having  profaned  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  by  giving  a  represen- 
tation of  them  in  a  private  house,  producing  in  evidence  the 
testimony  of  a  slave.  Pythonicus  also  charged  him  with  being 
privy  to  the  mutilation  of  the  Herma;,  but  without  bringing  for- 
ward the  slightest  proof  Alcibiadcs  denied  the  accusation,  and 
implored  the  people  to  have  it  investigated  at  once.  His  enemies, 
however,  had  sufficient  influence  to  get  the  inquiry  postponed 
till  his  return  ;  thus  keeping  the  charge  hanging  over  his  head, 
and  gaining  time  to  poison  the  public  mind  against  him. 

^15.  The  day  had  arrived  for  the  sailing  of  the  fleet.  Corcyra 
was  appointed  for  the  rendezvous  of  the  allies  ;  but  even  the  de- 
parture of  the  Athenian  armament  was  a  spectacle  imposing  in 
the  extreme.  Of  the  hundred  triremes,  sixty  were  equipped  as 
men  of  war,  the  rest  as  transports.  Fifteen  hundred  chosen 
Athenian  hoplitcs,  700  of  the  class  of  Thetes  to  act  as  marines, 
together  with  500  Argive  and  250  Mantiiiean  hoplites,  marched 
at  daybreak  to  embark  at  the  Piraeus,  acccmpanied  by  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  population.  As  the  ships  were  preparing  to  shp 
their  moorings,  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  enjoined  silence,  and 
the  voice  of  the  herald,  accompanied  by  that  of  the  people,  was 
lifted  up  in  prayer.  Then  followed  the  chanting  of  the  pa^an, 
whilst  the  officers  on  the  decks  of  their  respective  vessels  made 
libations  of  wine  to  the  gods  from  gold  and  silver  goblets.  At 
length  at  a  given  signal  the  whole  fleet  started  from  Piraeus, 
each  crew  striving  as  in  a  nautical  contest  to  arrive  first  at  the 
island  of  ^Egina.  The  people  who  lined  the  beach  watched  the 
vessels  till  they  were  out  of  sight,  and  then  returned  to  the  <iity 
with  heavy  hearts  and  ominous  misgivings. 


AAKIB/ 


Bust  or  Alcibiades. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  CONTINUED.       THE  SICILIAN  EXPEDITION. 

g  1.  Armament  mustered  at  Coreyra.  §  2.  Its  reception  in  Italy.  Pro- 
ceedings at  Syracuse.  §  3.  Plans  of  the  Athenian  penerala  §  4.  The 
advice  of  Alcibiades  adopted.  He  gains  over  IS'axos  and  Catana. 
g  6.  Proceedings  at  Athens  respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Henna?, 
and  the  profanation  of  the  mysteries.  §  6.  Alcibiades  accused,  and 
ordered  to  return  to  Athens.  §Y.  Proceedings  of  Nicias  in  Sicily. 
§  8,  Preparations  of  the  Sicilians  for  defence.  §  9.  Nicias  lays  siege 
to  Syracuse.  §  10.  He  seizes  Epipolis  and  constructs  a  fort  at  Syke. 
Attempt  of  the  Syracusans  against  it.  §  II.  Arrival  of  the  Spartan 
general  G^^'lippus.  Change  in  the  Athenian  prospects.  §12.  Inva- 
Bion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedajmonians,  They  fortify  Deceleia.  §  13. 
The  Syracusans  defeat  the  Athenians  at  sea.  §  14.  Demosthenes  and 
Enrymedon  arrive  in  Sicily  with  reinforcements.  Reverses.  The 
Athenians  resolve  to  retreat.  §  15.  Naval  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbour.  Victory  of  the  Syracusans.  §16.  Its  effects.  Disastrous 
retreat  of  the  Athenians.  Surrender  of  Demosthenes.  §  17.  Sur- 
render of  Nicias.  Treatment  of  the  prisoners.  Death  of  Nicias  and 
Deniosthenes.     §  18.  Their  charactera 

f  1.  The  Athenian  fleet  destined  for  Sicily  was  joined  at  Cor- 
eyra by  the  other  allies  in  the  month  of  July,  415  b.c.  The 
whole  armament  when  mustered  consisted  of  134  triremes  and 
twoRhodian  penteconters,  and  had  on  board  5100  hoplites,  480 
bowmen,  of  whom  80  were  Cretans,  700  Rhodian  slingers,  and 


B.C.  415. 


THE  ATHENIANS  IN  SICILY. 


833 


120  Megarian  exiles,  who  served  as  light-armed  troops.  The 
fleet  was  accompanied  by  no  fewer  than  500  transports,  carrying 
provisions,  warlike  stores,  and  artificers,  as  well  as  by  a  great 
many  private  trading  vessels.  Three  fast-sailing  triremes  were 
sent  ahead  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of  the  ItaUan  and  Sicilian 
towns,  and  to  notify  to  the  Egestaeans  the  approach  of  assistance. 
•The  fleet  then  made  for  the  lapygian  promontory,  in  three  divi- 
sions, commanded  by  Nicias,  Alcibiades,  and  Lamachus. 

§  2.  Their  reception  in  Italy  was  far  from  encourging.  The 
utmost  they  could  obtain  was  permission  to  take  in  water,  and 
even  this  was  refused  by  the  Tarentines,  and  by  the  Epize- 
phyrian  Locrians.  At  Rhegium,  however,  they  were  allowed  to 
land  and  to  purchase  provisions ;  but  they  were  not  i)ermitted 
to  enter  the  town,  and  the  citizens  refused  to  join  or  assist 
them.  Here,  therefore,  they  awaited  the  return  of  the  three 
exploring  vessels. 

Rumours  of  the  intended  expedition  prevailed  at  Syracuse, 
but  were  treated  as  incredible.  Hermocrates,  however,  was  better 
informed  than  his  fellow-citizens.  He  urged  them  to  summon 
their  allies  and  to  prepare  for  defence,  and  even  exhorted  them 
to  sail  at  once  to  the  friendly  harbour  of  Tarentum,  and  from 
thence  to  ofler  battle  to  the  Athenian  fleet  in  the  Ionian  gulf 
But  the  demagogue  Athenagoras  treated  the  whole  matter  as  a 
fiction  invented  to  serve  the  interests  of  the  oligarchical  party. 
At  last  one  of  the  generals  put  an  end  to  the  debate  by  under- 
taking to  place  the  city  in  a  posture  of  defence. 

§  3.  Meantime  the  three  vessels  which  had  been  sent  to 
Egesta  returned  to  Rhegium,  with  the  discouraging  news  that 
the  accounts  respecting  the  wealth  of  Egesta  were  entirely  fic- 
titious, and  that  the  sum  of  thirty  talents  was  all  the  assistance 
that  could  be  hoped  for  from  that  quarter.  A  council  of  war 
was  now  held.  It  appears  that  the  Athenian  generals  had  pro- 
ceeded thus  far  without  having  formed  any  definite  plan,  and 
each  now  proposed  a  different  one.  Nicias  was  of  opinion  that, 
since  no  etfectual  help  could  be  expected  from  the  Egestaeans, 
the  objects  of  the  expedition  should  be  confined  to  the  narrowest 
possible  limits,  and  with  that  view  that  they  should  sail  at  once 
against  the  Selinuntines,  obtain  from  them  the  best  terms  pos- 
sible, and  then  return  home.  Alcibiades,  whose  hopes  of  glory 
and  profit  would  have  been  ruined  by  this  plan,  proposed  to  gain 
as  many  allies  as  they  could  among  the  Greek  cities  in  Sicily, 
and,  having  thus  ascertained  what  assistance  they  could  rely 
upon,  to  attack  Syracuse  and  Selinus.  Lamachus  was  for  bolder 
measures.  He  recommended  an  immediate  attack  upon  Syracuse, 
whilst  it  was  yet  unprepared  for  defence.     The  terror  of  the 


9M 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CuAP.  XXX- 


Syracusans  would  probably  cause  them  to  surrender,  and  the 
capture  of  their  city  would  determine  the  conduct  of  the  rest  of 
Sicily ;  but,  if  they  lingered,  negotiated,  and  did  nothing,  they 
would  first  be  regarded  with  iudilierence  and  then  with  con- 
tempt. 

f  4.  The  advice  of  Larnachus  was  the  most  soldierlike,  and, 
though  seemingly  the  boldest,  would  undf«ubtedly  have  been  the 
safest  and  most  prudent  in  the  end.  But  neither  of  his  colleagues 
approved  of  it,  and,  as  Larnachus  was  poor,  and  possessed  no  great 
political  interest,  he  was  obliged  to  give  way.  The  counsel  of  Alci- 
biades  was  adopted  as  a  mean  between  the  other  two.  Mcssana 
refused  his  solicitations,  but  Naxos  cordially  joined  the  Athenians. 
Alcibiades  then  sailed  southwards  with  a  considerable  portion  cf 
the  fleet,  and,  passing  Syracuse,  despatched  ten  triremes  into  the 
Great  Harbour,  for  the  purpose  of  surveying  its  docks  and  foiti- 
iications.  Nothing  further  was  attempted  ;  but  as  they  sailed 
back  the  Athenians  obtained  jxissession  by  surprise  of  the  im- 
portant city  of  Catana,  which  was  now  made  the  head -quarters 
of  the  armament. 

§  5.  An  unwelcome  message  greeted  Alcibiades  at  Catana. 
After  his  departure  from  Athens  fresh  inquiries  were  instituted 
respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermaj,  and  the  oiler  of  largo 
rewards  brought  forward  additional  evidence.  The  public  agita- 
tion and  anxiety  were  kept  alive  by  the  demagogues  Pisander 
and  Charicles,  two  of  the  commissioners  of  inquiry,  who  de- 
nounced the  affair  not  only  as  a  sacrilege,  but  also  as  a  con- 
epiracy  for  putting  down  the  democracy  and  establishing  a 
tyranny.  Numerous  arrests  were  made,  and  citizens  of  the 
bighest  character  were  thrown  into  prison  on  the  testimony  of 
hirehng  wretches.  Terror  reigned  in  the  city,  and  the  fear  of 
being  informed  against  rose  to  such  a  pitcli  that  the  convocation 
of  the  senate  by  the  herald  was  a  signal  to  the  crowd  which  filled 
the  market-place  to  disperse.  Among  the  persons  arrested  was 
Andocides,  the  orator,  who  was  induced  by  his  fellow-prisoners 
to  come  forward  and  state  what  he  knew  of  the  aflair.  He  was 
a  young  man  of  rank,  and  his  evidence  was  implicitly  believed, 
especially  as  it  was  confirmed  by  his  slaves,  who  were  put  to  the 
torture.  Those  whom  he  denounced  were  executed.  He  eaved 
his  own  life  by  turning  informer,  but  the  hatred  he  incurred 
was  such  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  city.  His  evidence 
was  most  probably  false,  and  the  whole  affair  has  ever  remained 
involved  in  mystery. 

^  6.  The  execution  of  the  supposed  criminals  had  the  effect 
of  tranquillizing  the  city  respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Herman : 
but  tlie  profanation  of  the  Eleusiiiian  mysteries,  a  rite  regarded 


B.a  416. 


THE  ATHENIANS  IN  SICILY. 


S35 


with  the  deepest  reverence  at  Athens,  still  remained  unexpiated. 
The  Eumolpida?,  and  other  great  families  who  held  hereditary 
offices  in  the  celebration  of  the  mysteries,  looked  upon  them- 
selves as  personally  insulted.  The  public  excitement  was  in- 
creased by  the  appearance  of  a  Lacedasmonian  force  on  the 
frontier,  which,  it  was  suspected,  might  be  connected  with  some 
internal  conspiracy.  Both  oligarchs  and  democrats  were  loud  in 
demanding  the  arrest  of  Alcibiades ;  and  Thessalus,  the  son  of 
Cimon,  who  belonged  to  the  former  party,  preferred  an  indict- 
ment against  him.  In  pursuance  of  this  step  the  Salaminian 
trireme  was  despatched  to  Sicily,  carrying  the  decree  of  the 
assembly  for  Alcibiades  to  come  home  and  take  his  trial,  and 
which  met  him,  as  before  related,  on  his  arrival  at  Catana.  The 
commander  of  the  Salaminia  was,  however,  instructed  not  to 
seize  his  person,  but  to  allow  him  to  sail  in  his  own  trireme. 
Alcibiades  availed  himself  of  this  privilege  to  effect  his  escape. 
When  the  ships  arrived  at  Thurii  in  Italy,  he  absconded,  and 
contrived  to  elude  the  search  that  was  made  after  him.  Never- 
theless, though  absent,  he  was  arraigned  at  Athens,  and  con- 
demned to  death ;  his  property  was  confiscated,  and  the  Eumol- 
pids  pronounced  upon  him  the  curses  of  th^  gods.  On  hearing 
of  his  sentence  Alcibiades  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "  I  will 
show  them  that  I  am  still  alive." 

^  7.  Three  months  had  now  been  frittered  away  in  Sicily, 
during  which  the  Athenians  had  done  little  or  nothing,  if  wo 
except  the  acquisition  of  Naxos  and  Catana.  The  Syracusans 
began  to  look  upon  them  with  contempt.  They  even  meditated 
an  attack  upon  the  Athenians  at  Catana  ;  and  Syracusan  horse- 
men rode  up  and  insulted  them  in  their  camp.  Nicias  was  thus 
absolutely  shamed  into  undertaking  something,  and  resolved  to 
make  an  attempt  upon  Syracuse.  By  a  false  message  that  the 
Catanaeans  were  ready  to  assist  in  expelling  the  Athenians,  he 
induced  the  Syracusans  to  proceed  thither  in  great  force,  and  he 
availed  himself  of  their  absence  to  sail  with  his  whole  fleet  into 
the  Great  Harbour  of  Syracuse,  where  he  landed  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Anapus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  temple  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove.  Here  he  intrenched  himself  in  a  strong  position,  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Anapus,  breaking  down  the  bridge  over 
the  river.  The  Syracusans,  when  they  found  that  they  had  been 
deceived  at  Catana,  marched  back  and  ofiered  Nicias  battle  m 
his  new  position.  The  latter  accepted  it,  and  gained  the  vic- 
tory ;  after  which  he  retired  to  Catana,  and  subsequently  to 
Naxos  into  winter  quarters.  He  then  sent  messages  to  Athens 
for  fresh  supplies  of  cavalry  and  money,  and  to  his  Sicilian  allies 
for  reinforcements. 


S30 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXX 


i  8.  The  Syracusans  employed  the  winter  in  preparations  for 
defence.  They  built  a  new  wall,  covering  both  their  inner  and 
outer  town  to  the  westward  (See  Plan,  G,  H,  I),  and  rendering 
any  attempt  at  circumvallation  more  difficult.  They  fortified 
and  garrisoned  the  temple  and  grove  of  the  Olympian  Jove,  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  They  despatched  envoys  to 
Corinth  and  Sparta  to  sohcit  assistance,  in  the  latter  of  which 
towns  they  found  an  unexpected  advocate.  Alcibiades,  having 
crossed  from  Thurii  to  Cyllene  in  Peloponnesus,  received  a 
special  invitation  to  proceed  to  Sparta.  Here  he  revealed  all  the 
plans  of  Athens,  and  exhorted  the  Lacedemonians  to  frustrate 
them.  For  this  purpose  he  advised  them  to  send  an  army  into 
Sicily,  under  the  command  of  a  Spartan  general,  and  by  way 
of  causing  a  diversion,  to  establish  a  Ibrtified  post  at  Decelea  in 
the  Attic  territories.  The  Spartans  fell  in  with  these  views, 
and  resolved  to  send  a  force  to  the  assistance  of  Syracuse  in  the 
spring,  under  the  command  of  Gylippus. 

^  9.  Kicias,  having  received  a  reuiforcement  of  cavalry  from 
Athens,  as  well  as  300  talents  in  money,  recommenced  hostilities 
as  soon  as  the  season  allowed  of  it,  and  resolved  on  besieging 
Syracuse.  That  town  consisted  of  two  parts — the  inner  and  the 
outer  city.  The  former  of  these — ^the  original  settlement — was 
comprised  in  the  island  of  Ortygia ;  the  latter,  afterwards  known 
by  the  name  of  Achradina,  covered  the  high  ground  of  the  pen- 
insula  north  of  Ortygia,  and  was  completely  separate  from  the 
inner  city.  The  island  of  Ortygia,  to  which  the  modern  city  is 
now  confined,  is  of  an  oblong  shape,  about  two  miles  in  circum- 
ference, lying  between  the  Great  Harbour  on  the  west,  and  the 
Little  Harbour  on  the  east,  and  separated  from  the  mahiland  by 
a  narrow  channel.  The  Great  Harbour  is  a  splendid  bay,  about 
^ve  miles  in  circumierence,  the  entrance  of  which  is  protected 
on  the  left  hand  by  the  promontory  Plemmyrium,  and  on  the 
right  hand  by  a  projecting  cape  of  the  island  of  Ortygia.  The 
little  port,  also  called  Laccius,  which  lay  between  Ortygia  and  the 
outer  city,  was  spacious  enough  to  receive  a  large  fleet  of  ships  of 
war.  The  outer  city  was  surrounded  on  the  nortli  and  east  by  the 
sea,  and  by  sea-walls  which  rendered  an  assault  on  that  side  almost 
impracticable.  On  the  land  side  it  was  defended  by  a  wall, 
and  partly  also  by  the  nature  of  the  gromid,  which  in  some  parts 
was  very  steep.  The  low  ground  between  the  outer  city  and 
Ortygia  seems  not  to  have  been  included  in  the  fortifications  of 
either,  but  was  employed  partly  as  a  burial  ground,  partly  for 
games  and  religious  processions.  West  and  north-west  of  the 
wall  of  the  outer  city  stood  two  unfortified  suburbs,  which  were 
at  a  later  time  included  within  the  walls  of  Syracuse  under  the 


^ 


B.C.  414.  DESCRIPTION  OF  SYRACUSE.  337 

names  of  Tych6  and  Neapolis.  At  the  time  of  which  we  are 
epeakii^,  the  latter  was  called  Temenites,  from  having  within  it 
the  statue  and  consecrated  ground  of  Apollo  Temenites.  Be- 
tween  these  two  suburbs  the  ground  rose  in  a  gentle  acclivity  to 
the  summit  of  the  ranges  of  hills  called  EpipoL 

«  10.  It  was  from  the  high  ground  of  Epipol®  that  Syracuse 
was  most  exposed  to  attack.  The  Syracusan  generals  had 
hitherto  neglected  this  important  position,  and  were  on  the 
point  of  occupying  it,  when  they  were  anticipated  by  Nicias 
l^anding  at  Leon,  a  place  upon  the  bay  of  Thap.us,  at  the  dis^ 
tance  of  only  six  or  seven  stadia  from  Epipol^,  the  Athenian 


Plan  of  Syracuse.    (From  Grote's  Greece  ) 


A,  D,  C,  D. 

E,  F. 

G,  H,  I. 

K. 

K,  L,  M. 

N,  O. 

P.Q. 
K,  R. 

».  T,  U. 
V. 
▼.  W,T 


Southera  porUon  of  the  Athenian  circumvallaUon  from  Syke  to  the  Great  HaT»w>„, 
First  connter-work  erected  by  the  SyracusanB  Hartons. 

Second  counter-work  constructed  by  the  Syracusans. 

''oV%kt^'o^ro'i^!?;  rT-roX!"^*^  ^'  *'^  -'"'""'''"^ '"'"'  *'«  "°^'™  ""^ 

Third  Syracusan  counter-wall. 

Outer  fort  constructed  by  Gylippus. 

Wall  of  juncUon  buCween  this  outer  fort  and  the  third  Syracusa,.  counter-work. 


8S8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXX. 


troops  reached  the  summit  just  as  the  Syracusans  were  march- 
ing  towards  the  heights.     They  made,  however,  an  attempt  to 
dislodge  the  Athenians,  which  was  repulsed  ;  and  on  the  follow- 
ing morning,  Nicias  and  Lamachus  marched  their  troops  down 
the  ridge  and  ofiered  battle,  which  was  decHned  by  the  Syra- 
cusans.    On  the  summit  of  Epipolas  Nicias  constructed  a  fort 
called  Labdalum ;  and  then  coming  farther  down  the  hill  towards 
Syracuse,  he  built  another  fort  of  a  circular  form  and  of  con- 
siderable size  at  a  place  called  Syke.     From  the  latter  point 
he  commenced  his  line  of  circumvallation,  one  wall  extending 
southwards  from  Syke  to  the  Great  Harbour,  and  the  other  wall 
running  northwards  from  the  same  fortress  to  the  outer  sea  at 
Trogilus  (See  Plan.  K,  L,  M).    While  the  Athenians  were  busy 
upon  their  lines  towards  the  north,  the  Syracusans  ran  a  counter 
wall  from  their  own  lines  up  the  slope  of  the  EpipolsB  (See  Plan, 
N,  0),  but  after  a  sharp  conflict  it  was  taken  by  the  Athenians 
and  destroyed.    Not  disheartened  by  this  failure,  the  Syracusans 
commenced  a  second  counter- work,  and  succeeded  in  constructing 
a  ditch  and  stockade,  which  extended  again  from  their  own  lines 
across  the  marsh  to  the  Anapus  (See  Plan,  P,  Q,).     From  tliis 
new  position  they  were  also  dislodged  by  the  Athenians  ;  but  in 
the  assault,  which  was  led  by  Lamachus,  this  gallant  officer  was 
slain.     At  the  same  time  the  Athenian  fleet  entered  the  Great 
Harbour,  where  it  was  henceforth  permanently  established. 

The  Syracusans  offered  no  further  opposition  to  the  progress 
of  the  circumvallation,  which  was  at  length  completed  towards 
the  south.  It  consisted  of  two  distinct  walls,  with  a  space  be- 
tween them,  which  was  perhaps  partly  roofed  over,  in  order  to 
afibrd  shelter  for  the  troops.  The  northern  wall  towards  Trogilus 
was  never  completed,  and  through  the  passage  thus  left  open 
the  besieged  continued  to  obtain  provisions. 

Nicias,  who,  by  the  death  of  Lamachus,  had  become  sole  com- 
mander, seemed  now  on  the  point  of  succeeding.  The  Syracusans 
were  so  sensible  of  their  inferiority  in  the  field  that  they  no 
longer  ventured  to  show  themselves  outside  the  walls.  They 
began  to  contemplate  surrender,  and  even  sent  messages  to 
Nicias  to  treat  of  the  terms.  This  caused  the  Athenian  com- 
mander to  indulge  in  a  false  confidence  of  success,  and  conse- 
quent apathy ;  and  the  army  having  lost  the  active  and  ener- 
getic Lamachus,  operations  were  no  longer  carried  on  with  th© 
requisite  activity. 

H 1  •  It  was  in  this  state  of  affairs  that  the  Spartan  commander 
Gylippus  passed  over  into  Italy  with  a  little  squadron  of  four 
ships — two  Liicedajmoniau  and  two  Corinthian — with  the  view 
merely  of  preserving  the  Greek  cities  in  that  country,  supposing 


1 


B.C.  414. 


ARRIVAL  OF  GYLIPPUS. 


339 


that  Syracuse,  and,  with  her,  the  other  Greek  cities  in  Sicily 
were  irretrievably  lost.  As  he  proceeded  southwards  along  the 
Italian  coast,  a  violent  storm  drove  him  into  Tarentum.  Nicias, 
though  informed  of  his  arrival,  regarded  his  little  squadron  with 
contempt,  and  took  no  measures  to  interrupt  his  progress.  From 
the  Epizephyrian  Locrians  Gylippus  learned  to  his  great  sur- 
prise and  satisfaction  that  the  Athenian  wall  of  circumvallation 
at  Syracuse  had  not  yet  been  completed  on  the  northern  side. 
He  now  sailed  through  the  straits  of  Messana,  which  were  left 
completely  unguarded,  and  arrived  safely  at  Himera  on  the  north 
coast  of  Sicily.  Here  he  announced  himself  as  the  forerunner 
of  larger  succours,  and  began  to  levy  an  army,  which  the  magic 
of  the  Spartan  name  soon  enabled  him  to  ellect ;  and  in  a  lew 
days  he  was  in  a  condition  to  march  towards  Syracuse  with 
about  3000  men.  His  approach  had  been  already  announced  by 
Gongylus,  a  Corinthianr  who  had  been  sent  forwards  from  the 
Corinthian  fleet  then  assembled  at  Leucas.  The  Syracusans  now 
dismissed  all  thoughts  of  surrender,  and  went  out  boldly  to  meet 
Gylippus,  who  marched  into  Syracuse  over  the  heights  of  Epi- 
polae,  which  the  supineness  of  Nicias  had  left  unguarded.  Upon 
arriving  in  the  city,  Gylippus  sent  a  message  to  the  Athenians 
allowing  them  a  five  days'  truce  to  collect  their  efl'ects  and  eva- 
cuate the  island.  Nicias  returned  no  answer  to  this  insulting 
proposal ;  but  the  operations  of  Gylippus  soon  showed  that  the 
tide  of  affairs  was  really  turned.  His  first  exploit  was  to  cap- 
ture the  Athenian  fort  at  Labdalum,  which  made  him  master 
of  Epipolae.  He  next  commenced  constructing  a  counter- wall 
to  intersect  the  Athenian  lines  on  the  northern  side.  This  third 
counter- work  of  the  Syracusans  extended  from  their  city- wall  to 
the  northern  cliff'  of  Epipola?,  and  was  brought  to  a  successful 
completion.  (See  Plan,  S,  U.)  Gylippus  subsequently  built  a 
fort  (V)  upon  Epipolffi ;  and  from  this  Ibrt  carried  another  wall 
which  joined  at  right  angles  the  counter-work  already  erected 
(See  Plan,  V,  W,  U).  This  turn  of  affairs  induced  those  SiciHan 
cities,  which  had  hitherto  hesitated,  to  embrace  the  side  of  Syra- 
cuse. Gylippus  was  also  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  thirty  tri- 
remes firom  Corinth,  Leucas,  and  Ambracia.  Nicias  now  felt 
that  the  attempt  to  blockade  Syracuse  with  his  present  force 
was  hopeless.  He  therefore  resolved  to  occupy  the  headland  of 
Plemmyrium,  the  southernmost  point  of  the  entrance  to  the 
Great  Harbour,  which  would  be  a  convenient  station  for  watch- 
ing the  enemy,  as  well  as  for  facilitating  the  introduction  of 
supplies.  Here  he  accordingly  erected  three  forts  and  formed  a 
naval  station.  Some  slight  affairs  occurred  in  which  the  balance 
of  advantage  was  in  favour  of  the  Syracusans.     By  their  change 


11^ 


840 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chat.  XXX. 


of  station,  the  Athenians  were  now  a  besieged  rather  than  a 
besieging  force.  Their  triremes  were  becoming  leaky,  and  their 
soldiers  and  sailors  were  constantly  deserting.  Nicias  himself 
had  fallen  into  a  bad  state  of  health ;  and  in  this  discouraging 
posture  of  affairs  he  wrote  to  Athens  requesting  to  be  recalled, 
and  insisting  strongly  on  the  necessity  of  sending  reinforce- 
ments. 

§  12.  The  Athenians  refused  to  recall  Nicias,  but  they  deter- 
mined on  sending  a  large  reinforcement  to  Sicily,  under  the  joint 
command  of  Demosthenes  and  Eurymedon.  The  news  of  these 
fresh  and  extensive  preparations  incited  the  Lacetlamonians  to 
more  vigorous  action.  The  peace,  if  such  it  can  be  called,  had 
been  violated  in  the  year  414  b.c,  when  the  Lacedaemonians  in- 
vaded and  ravaged  the  Argive  territories,  whilst  the  Athenians 
assisted  the  Argives  with  a  fleet  of  thirty  triremes,  and  laid  waste 
Epidaurus,  and  some  neighbouring  places.  But  in  the  spring 
of  413  B.C.,  the  Lacedaemonians,  under  king  Agis,  invaded  Attica 
itself,  and  following  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  established  them- 
selves permanently  at  Decelea,  a  place  situated  on  the  ridge  of 
Mount  Fames,  about  14  miles  north  of  Athens,  and  command- 
ing the  Athenian  plain.  The  city  was  thus  placed  in  a  state  of 
eiege.  Scarcity  began  to  be  felt  within  the  walls ;  the  revenues 
were  falling  offi  whilst  on  the  other  hand  expenses  were  increas- 
ing. Yet  even  under  these  circumstances  the  Athenians  had 
no  thoughts  of  abandoning  their  ambitious  enterprises.  It  was 
resolved  not  only  to  send  reinforcements  to  Sicily,  but  also  to 
insult  the  coasts  of  Laconia.  For  this  purpose  Charicles  was 
sent  thither  with  a  fleet  of  thirty  triremes ;  and  being  assisted 
by  Demosthenes  with  the  armament  which  he  was  conducting 
to  Sicily,  Charicles  succeeded  in  establishing  himself  on  the  coast 
of  Laconia,  at  a  spot  opposite  to  the  island  of  Cythera,  in  a 
manner  somewhat  similar  to  the  Athenian  fort  at  Pylus. 

f  13.  Meanwhile  in  Sicily  the  Syracusans  had  gained  such 
confidence  that  they  even  ventured  on  a  naval  engagement  with 
the  Athenians.  A  battle  was  fought  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Harbour,  in  which  the  Athenians  were,  indeed,  victorious ;  but 
when  they  sailed  back  to  their  station  at  Plemmyrium,  they 
found  that  Gylippus  had  taken  advantage  of  this  diversion  to 
attack  and  take  their  forts  there,  and  that  a  great  quantity  of 
Etores  and  provisions  had  fallen  into  his  hands.  Moreover,  the 
Syracusans  were  not  discouraged  by  their  defeat  from  venturing 
on  another  naval  engagement.  They  had  greatly  improved  the 
construction  of  their  vessels  by  strengthening  their  bows,  and 
had  learnt  how  to  meet  or  evade  the  nautical  manoeuvres  of  the 
Athenians,  which  were  also  considerably  impeded  by  the  narrow 


B.C.  413.  THE  ATHENIAN  FLEET  DEFEATED. 


341 


^^■^.^B 


limits  of  the  Great  Harbour,  now  the  scene  of  conflict.  The 
second  battle  lasted  two  days,  and  ended  in  the  deleat  of  the 
Athenians,  who  were  now  obliged  to  haul  up  their  ships  in  the 
innermost  part  of  the  Great  Harbour,  under  the  lines  of  their 
fortified  camp.  A  still  more  serious  disaster  than  the  loss  of 
the  battle  was  the  loss  of  their  naval  reputation.  It  was  evident 
that  the  Athenians  had  ceased  to  te  invincible  on  the  sea ;  and 
the  Syracusans  no  longer  despaired  of  overcoming  them  on  their 
own  element. 

H4.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  Syrsicusans,  a  fresh  Athenian  fleet  of  75  triremes,  under 
Demosthenes  and  Eurymedon,  entered  the  Great  Harbour  with 
all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war.     It  had  on  board  a  force 
of  5000  hoplites,  of  whom  about  a  quarter  were  Athenians,  and 
a  great  number  of  light  armed  troops.     The  active  and  enter- 
prising character  of  Demosthenes  led  him  to  adopt  more  vigor- 
ous measures  than  those  which  had  been  hitherto  pursued.     He 
saw  at  once  that  whilst  Epipolaj  remained  in  the  possession  of 
the  Syracusans  there  was  no  hope  of  taking  their  city,  and  he 
therefore  directed  all  his  efforts  to  the  recapture  of  that  position. 
But  all  his  attempts  were  unavailing.     He  was  defeated  not  only 
in  an  open  assault  upon  the  Syracusan  wall,  but  m  a  nocturnal 
attempt  to  carry  it  by  surprise.     These  reverses  were  aggra- 
vated by  the  breaking  out  of  sickness  among  the  troops.     De- 
mosthenes now  proposed  to  return  home  and  assist  in  expelling 
the  Lacedaemonians  from  Attica,  instead  of  pursuing  an  enter- 
prise which  seemed  to  be  hopeless.     But  Nicias,  who  feared  to 
return  to  Athens  with  the  stigma  of  failure,  refused  to  give  his 
consent  to  this  step.     Demosthenes  then  urged  Nicias  at  least 
to  sail  immediately  out  of  the  Great  Harbour,  and  take  up  their 
position  either  at  Thapsus  or  Catana,  where  they  could  obtain 
abundant  supplies  of  provisions,  and  would  have  an  open  sea  for 
the  manoeuvres  of  their  fleet.     But  even  to  this  proposal  Nicias 
would  not  consent ;  and  the  army  and  navy  remained  in  their 
former  position.     Soon  afterwards,  however,  Gylippus  received 
such  large  reinforcements,  that  Nicias  found  it  necessary  to 
adopt  the  advice  of  his  colleague.     Preparations  were  secretly 
made  for  their  departure,  the  enemy  appear  to  have  had  no  sus- 
picion of  their  intention,  and  they  were  on  the  point  of  quitting 
their  ill-fated  quarters  on  the  following  morning,  when  on  the 
very  night  before  (27  Aug.  413  b.c.)  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  took 
place.     The  soothsayers  who  were  consulted,  said  that  the  army 
must  wait  thrice  nine  days,  a  full  circle  of  the  moon,  before  it 
could  quit  its  present  position  ;  and  the  devout  and  superstitious 
Nicias  forthwith  resolved  to  abide  by  this  decision. 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXX 


Meanwhile  the  intention  of  the  Athenians  became  known  to 
the  Syracusans,  who  determined  to  strike  a  blow  before  their 
enemy  escaped.  They  accordingly  attacked  the  Athenian  station 
both  by  sea  and  land.  On  land  the  attack  of  Gylippus  was  re- 
pulsed ;  but  at  sea  the  Athenian  fleet  was  completely  defeated, 
and  Eurymedon,  who  commanded  the  right  division,  was  slain. 

Tlie  spirits  of  the  Syracusans  rose  with  their  victories,  and 
though  tliey  would  formerly  have  been  content  with  the  mere 
letreat  of  the  Athenians,  they  now  resolved  on  cfiectiiig  their 
utter  destruction.  With  this  view  they  blocked  up  the  entrance 
of  the  Great  Harbour  with  a  line  of  vessels  moored  across  it. 
All  hope  seemed  now  to  be  cut  off  from  the  Athenians,  unless 
they  could  succeed  in  forcing  this  line  and  thus  etlecting  their 
escape.  The  Athenian  fleet  still  numbered  1 1 0  triremes,  which 
l^icias  furnished  with  grappling-irons,  in  order  to  bring  the 
enemy  to  close  quarters,  and  then  caused  a  large  proportion  of 
his  land-force  to  embark.  Before  they  set  off,  Nicias  addressed 
the  most  earnest  and  touching  appeals  both  to  the  crews  and  to 
the  individual  commanders  to  fight  with  bravery,  since  not  only 
their  own  fate,  but  that  of  Athens  itself,  depended  on  the  issue 
of  that  day's  combat.  He  himself  remained  on  shore,  where  the 
army  was  drawn  up  to  witness  the  conflict. 

M5.  Never  perhaps  was  a  battle  fought  under  circumstances 
of  such  intense  interest,  or  witnessed  by  so  many  spectators 
vitally  concerned  in  the  result.  The  basin  of  the  Great  Harbour, 
about  5  miles  in  circumference,  in  which  nearly  200  ships,  each 
with  crews  of  more  than  200  men,  were  about  to  engage,  was 
lined  with  spectators  ;  whilst  the  walls  of  Ortygia,  overhanging 
the  water,  were  crowded  with  old  men,  women,  and  children, 
anxious  to  behold  a  conflict  which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  their 
enemies,  if  not  their  ovm.  The  surface  of  the  water  swarmed 
with  Syracusan  small  craft,  many  of  them  manned  by  youthful 
volunteers  of  the  best  families,  ready  to  direct  their  services 
wherever  they  might  be  wanted.  The  whole  scene,  except  in  its 
terrible  reality,  and  the  momentous  interests  depending  on  it, 
resembled  on  a  large  scale  the  naumachise  exhibited  by  the  Ro- 
man emperors  for  the  amusement  of  their  subjects.  The  Syra- 
cusan  fleet,  consisting  of  76  triremes,  was  the  first  to  leave  the 
shore.  A  considerable  portion  was  detached  to  guard  the  barrier 
at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour.  Hither  the  first  and  most  impe- 
tuous attack  of  the  Athenians  was  directed,  who  sought  to  break 
through  the  narrow  opening  which  had  been  left  for  the  passage 
of  merchant  vessels.  Their  onae'  was  repulsed,  and  the  battle 
then  became  general.  The  shout  *  of  the  combatants,  and  the 
crash  of  the  iron  heads  of  the  vessels  as  they  were  driven  to- 


B.C.  413.  FIGHT  IN  THE  GREAT  HARBOUR. 


343 


V 


gether,  resounded  over  the  water,  and  were  answered  on  shore 
by  the  cheers  or  wailings  of  the  spectators  as  their  friends  were 
victorious  or  vanquished.  For  a  long  time  the  battle  was  main- 
tained with  heroic  courage  and  dubious  result.  At  length  as 
the  Athenian  vessels  began  to  yield  and  make  back  towards  the 
shore,  a  universal  shriek  of  horror  and  despair  arose  from  the 
Athenian  army,  whilst  shouts  of  joy  and  victory  were  raised  from 
the  pursuing  vessels,  and  were  echoed  back  from  the  Syracusans 
on  land.  As  the  Athenian  vessels  neared  the  shore  their  crews 
leaped  out,  and  made  for  the  camp,  whilst  the  boldest  of  the 
land  army  rushed  forward  to  protect  the  ships  from  being  seized 
by  the  enemy.  The  Athenians  succeeded  in  saving  only  60 
ships,  or  about  half  their  fleet.  The  Syracusan  fleet,°however, 
had  been  reduced  to  50  ships ;  and  on  the  same  afternoon,  Nicias 
and  Demosthenes,  as  a  last  hope  of  escape,  exhorted  their  men 
to  make  another  attempt  to  break  the  enemy's  line,  and  force 
their  way  out  of  the  harbour.  But  the  courage  of  the  crews 
was  so  completely  damped  that  they  positively  refused  to  re- 
embark. 

§  16.  The  Athenian  army  still  numbered  40,000  men ;  and  as 
all  chance  of  escape  by  sea  was  now  hopeless,  it  was  resolved  to 
retreat  by  land  to  some  friendly  city,  and  there  defend  them- 
selves against  the  attacks  of  the  Syracusans.  This  Hermocrates 
was  determined  to  prevent.  The  day  on  which  the  battle  was 
fought  happened  to  be  sacred  to  Hercules,  and  a  festival  among 
the  Syracusans.  This  circumstance,  in  addition  to  the  joy  and 
elation  naturally  resulting  from  so  great  a  victory,  had  throvm 
the  city  into  a  state  of  feasting  and  intoxication;  and  had 
the  Athenians  taken  their  departure  that  night,  nobody  would 
have  been  found  to  oppose  them.  Hermocrates,  therefore,  when 
darkness  had  set  in,  sent  down  some  men  to  the  Athenian  wall, 
who,  pretending  to  come  from  the  secret  correspondents  of 
Nicias  in  Syracuse,  warned  liim  not  to  decamp  that  night,  as  all 
the  roads  were  beset  by  the  Syracusans.  Nicias  fell  into  the 
snare,  and  thus,  by  another  fatal  mistake,  really  afforded  the 
Syracusans  an  opportunity  for  obstructing  his  retreat. 

It  was  not  till  the  next  day  but  one  after  the  battle  that  the 
Athenian  army  began  to  move.  Never  were  men  in  so  complete 
a  state  of  prosti-ation.  Their  vessels  were  abandoned  to  the 
enemy  without  an  attempt  to  save  them.  As  the  soldiers  turned 
to  quit  that  fatal  encampment,  the  sense  of  their  own  woes  was 
for  a  moment  suspended  by  the  sight  of  their  unburied  com- 
rades, who  seemed  to  reproach  them  with  the  neglect  of  a  sacred 
duty  ;  but  still  more  by  the  wailings  and  entreaties  of  the 
wounded,   who   clung  around  their  knees,   and  implored   not 


114 


niSTCRY  OF  GKEtCK 


CUAT.  XXX. 


to  be  abandoned  to  certain  destruction.  Amidst  this  scene  of 
universal  woe  and  dejection,  a  fresh  and  unwonted  spirit  ol 
energy  and  heroism  seemed  to  be  infused  into  Nicias.  Though 
suffering  under  an  incurable  complaint,  he  was  everywhere  seen 
marshalling  his  troops,  and  encouraging  them  by  his  exhorta- 
tions. The  march  was  directed  towards  the  territory  of  the 
Sicels  in  the  interior  of  the  island.  The  army  was  formed  into 
a  hollow  square  with  the  baggage  in  the  middle ;  Nicias  leading 
the  van,  and  Demosthenes  bringing  up  the  rear.  Having  forced 
the  passage  of  the  river  Anapus,  they  marched  on  the  first  day 
about  five  miles  to  the  westward,  on  the  second  day  about  half 
that  distance,  and  encamped  on  a  cultivated  plain.  From  this 
place  the  road  ascended  by  a  sort  of  ravine  over  a  steep  hill 
called  the  Acrajan  chff,  on  which  the  Syracusans  had  fortified 
themselves.  After  spending  two  days  in  vain  attempts  to  force 
this  position,  Nicias  and  Demosthenes  resolved  during  the  night 
to  strike  off  to  the  left  towards  the  sea.  Nicias,  with  the 
van,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  coast ;  but  Demosthenes,  who 
had  lost  his  way,  was  overtaken  by  the  Syracusans  at  noon 
on  the  following  day,  and  surrounded  in  a  narrow  pass.  Many 
of  his  troops  had  disbanded  during  the  night  march,  and  many 
fell  in  the  conflict  which  now  ensued,  till  being  reduced  to  the 
number  of  6000,  they  surrendered,  on  condition  of  their  lives 
being  spared. 

§  17.  Meanwhile  Nicias,  with  the  van,  had  pursued  his  march, 
and  crossed  the  river  Erineus.  On  the  following  day,  however, 
GyUppus  overtook  him,  and,  having  informed  him  of  the  fate  of 
his  colleague,  summoned  him  to  surrender.  But  Nicias  was  in- 
credulous, and  pursued  his  march  amidst  the  harassing  attacks 
of  the  Syracusans.  The  attempt  to  cross  the  river  Asinarus 
decided  the  fate  of  his  army.  The  men  rushed  into  the  water 
in  the  greatest  disorder,  partly  to  escape  tlie  enemy,  but  chiefly 
from  a  desire  to  quench  the  burning  thirst  with  which  they  were 
tormented.  Hundreds  were  pressed  forwards  down  the  steep 
banks  of  the  river,  and  were  either  trodden  under  foot,  or  im- 
paled on  the  spears  of  those  below,  or  carried  away  by  the 
stream.  Yet  others  from  behind  still  kept  pressing  on,  anxious 
to  partake  of  the  now  turbid  and  bloody  water.  The  troops 
thus  became  so  completely  disorganised  that  all  further  resist- 
ance was  hopeless,  and  Nicias  surrendered  at  discretion. 

Out  of  the  40,000  who  started  from  the  camp  only  10,000  at 
the  utmost  were  left  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  day's  march,  the 
rest  had  either  deserted  or  been  slain.  The  prisoners  were  sent 
to  work  in  the  stone-quarries  of  Achradina  and  EpipolaB.  Here 
they  were  crowded  together  without  any  shelter,  and  with  scarcely 


B.C.  413.      DEATH  OF  NICIAS  AKD  DEMOSTHENES. 


340 


■• 


provisions  enough  to  sustain  life.  The  numerous  bodies  of  those 
who  died  were  left  to  putrefy  where  they  had  fallen,  till  at  length 
the  place  became  such  an  intolerable  centre  of  stench  and  in- 
fection that,  at  the  end  of  seventy  days,  the  Syracusans,  lor  their 
own  comfort  and  safety,  were  obliged  to  remove  the  survivors. 
All  but  the  Athenians  and  the  Italian  and  8iciUan  Greeks  were 
sold  into  slavery.  What  became  of  the  Athenians  we  are  not 
informed,  but  they  were  probably  employed  as  slaves  by  the 
richer  Syracusans,  since  the  story  runs  that  many  succeeded  in 
winning  the  affection  and  pity  of  their  masters  by  reciting  por- 
tions of  the  dramas  of  Euripides.  Nicias  and  Demosthenes  were 
condemned  to  death  in  spite  of  all  the  eflbrts  of  Gylippus  and 
Hermocrates  to  save  them.  The  latter  contrived  to  spare  them 
the  humiliation  of  a  public  execution  by  providing  them  with 
the  means  of  committing  suicide. 

§18.  Such  was  the  end  of  two  of  the  largest  and  best  appointed 
armaments  that  had  ever  gone  forth  from  Athens.     Nicias,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  from  the  first  opposed  to  the  expedition  in 
which  they  were  employed,  as  pregnant  with  the  most  dangerous 
consequences  to  Athens ;  and,  though,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
in  this  respect  his  views  were  sound,  it  cannot  at  the  same  time 
be  concealed,  that  his  own  want  of  energy,  and  his  incompetence 
as  a  general,  were  the  chief  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  under- 
taking.    Possessing  much  fortitude  but  little  enterprise,  respect- 
able, in  private  life,  punctual  in  the  performance  of  his  rehgious 
duties,  not  deficient  in  a  certain  kind  of  political  wisdom,  which, 
however,  derived  its  colom-  rather  from  timidity  and  over-caution 
than  from  that  happy  mixture  of  boldness  and  prudence  which 
characterises  the  true  statesman,  Nicias  had  by  these  quahties 
obtained  far  more  than  his  just  share  of  political  reputation  and 
influence,  and  had  thus  been  named  to  the  command  of  an  expe- 
dition for  which  he  was  qualified  neither  by  military  skill  nor 
by  that  enthusiasm  and  confidence  of  success  which  it  so  pecu- 
liarly demanded .    His  mistakes  involved  the  fall  of  Demosthenes, 
an  officer  of  far  greater  resolution  and  ability  than  himself,  and 
who,  had  his  counsels  been  followed,  would  in  all  probability 
have  conducted  the  enterprise  to  a  safe  termination,  though 
there  was  no  longer  room  to  hope  for  success.     The  career  of 
Demosthenes  marks  him  as  one  of  the  first  generals  of  the  age, 
but  unfortunately  he  held  only  a  subordinate  rank  in  Sicily. 
The  Athenians  became  sensible  when  too  late  of  the  diflerence 
between  the  two  commanders.     On  the  pillar  erected  to  the  me- 
mory of  the  warriors  who  fell  in  Sicily  the  name  of  Demosthenes 
(omid  a  place,  whilst  that  of  Nicias  was  omitted. 


If  ' 


Street  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens,  from  a  has  relieC 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

FROM  TIIE  END  OF  THE  SICILIAN  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  OVERTHROW 
OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS. 

§  1.  Consternation  and  hardships  at  Athens.  §  2.  Measures  for  defence. 
§  3.  Revolt  of  Chios,  Erythraj,  and  Clazomenaj.  §  4.  Spread  of  the 
revolt  Defection  of  Teos,  Lesbos,  and  Miletus.  Revolution  at  Samos, 
which  becomes  the  head-quarters  of  the  Athenian  fleet.  §  6.  Recovery 
of  Lesbos  bv  the  Athenians.  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Lacedfemonians 
with  Tissaphernes.  §  6.  Schemes  of  Alcibiades.  §  1.  He  proposes  a 
league  between  the  Athenians  and  Persians,  and  the  establishment  of 
an  oligarchy  at  Athens.  §  8.  Agitation  for  an  oligarchy  at  Athens. 
f  9.  Conference  of  Pisander  with  Alcibiades.  Artifices  of  the  latter. 
Fresh  treaty  between  Tissaphernes  and  the  Laceda?nioninn8.  §  10.  Pro- 
gress of  the  oligarchical  conspiracy  at  Athens  and  Samos.  i^  H.  Es- 
tablishment of  the  Four  Hundred  §  1 2.  Their  proceedings.  ^^  3.  Pro- 
ceedings at  Samos.  Alcibiades  joins  the  democracy  there.  §  14.  The 
Athenian  envoys  at  Samoa  §  15.  Dissensions  among  the  Four  Hun- 
dred. They  negotiate  with  Sparta.  §  16.  Counter  revolution  at 
Athena  Defeat  of  the  Athenian  fleet  and  capture  of  Eubfea  by  tho 
Lacedjeraonians.  §  17.  The  Four  Hundred  deposed  and  democracy 
re-established  at  Athens. 

f  1.  The  first  intelligence  of  the  destruction  of  the  Sicilian  arma- 
ment is  said  to  have  been  communicated  by  a  stranger,  in  a 
barber's  shop  in  the  Pineus.  Big  with  the  eventful  news,  tho 
unfortunate  barber  hastened  up  to  Athens  to  communicate  it  to 
the  archons  and  the  public  ;  hut  he  was  treated  as  a  tale-bearer 
and  impostor  ;  ind  being  miable  to  corroborate  his  story,  in 
consequence  of  the  disappearance  of  his  informant,  he  was  put 
to  the  torture.  The  tidings  were,  however,  soon  confirmed  by 
the  arrival  of  fugitives  who  had  managed  to  escape  from  the 


B.C.  413. 


DISMAY  OF  THE  ATHEMANS. 


347 


'^ 


k 


disastrous  scene.  Athens  was  now  filled  with  affliction  and  dis- 
may. To  private  grief  for  the  loss  of  friends  was  added  despair 
of  the  public  safety.  There  seemed  to  be  no  means  of  prevent- 
ing the  city  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 
The  popular  fury  vented  itself  in  abusing  the  orators  who  had 
recommended  the  expedition,  and  the  soothsayers  who  had  fore- 
told its  success. 

The  affairs  of  the  Athenians  wore  indeed  a  most  threatening 
aspect.  The  Lacedaemonian  post  at  Decelea  was  a  constant 
source  of  aimoyance.  No  part  of  Attica  escaped  the  forays 
which  were  made  from  thence.  All  the  cattle  were  destroyed, 
and  the  most  valuable  slaves  began  to  desert  in  great  numbers 
to  the  enemy.  Athens  was  almost  in  a  state  of  siege.  The 
fatigue  of  guarding  the  large  extent  of  wall  became  very  onerous 
on  the  reduced  number  of  citizens.  The  knights  or  horsemen 
were  on  constant  duty  in  order  to  repress  the  enemy's  ma- 
rauders ;  but  their  horses  were  soon  lamed  and  rendered  ineffi- 
cient by  the  hard  and  stony  nature  of  the  soil.  But  what  chiefly 
excited  the  despondency  of  the  Athenians  was  the  visible  decline 
of  their  naval  superiority.  An  engagement  with  the  Corinthian 
fleet  near  Naupactus,  in  the  summer  of  413  B.C.,  had  ended  with 
neither  side  gaining  the  advantage,  though  the  forces  were 
nearly  equal ;  but  to  the  Athenians  the  moral  effects  were  equi- 
valent to  a  defeat. 

^  2.  Yet  that  cheerfulness  and  energy  under  misfortune  which 
form  such  striking  and  excellent  traits  in  the  character  of  the 
Athenians,  did  not  long  desert  them.  After  the  first  movements 
of  rage  and  despair,  they  began  to  contemplate  their  condition 
more  calmly,  and  to  take  the  necessaiy  measures  for  defence. 
A  board  of  elders  was  appointed,  under  the  name  of  Probuli,* 
to  watch  over  the  public  safety.  The  splendour  of  the  pubHc 
ceremonies  was  curtailed  in  order  to  raise  funds  for  the  neces- 
sities of  the  state ;  the  garrison  recently  established  on  the 
coast  of  Laconia  was  recalled  ;  the  building  of  a  new  fleet  was 
commenced  ;  and  Cape  Sunium  was  fortified  in  order  to  ensure 
an  uninterrupted  communication  between  Piraeus  and  Euboea, 
from  which  island  the  Athenians  principally  drew  their  pro- 
visions. 

^  3.  Whilst  the  imperial  city  was  thus  driven  to  consult  for 
her  very  existence,  it  seemed  a  chimerical  hope  that  she  could 
retain  her  widely  scattered  dependencies.  Her  situation  in- 
spired her  enemies  with  new  vigour ;  states  hitherto  neutral  de- 
clared against  her ;  her  subject-allies  prepared  to  throw  off  the 

*  Ilgoj^ovTioi. 


348 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


( 


Chap.  XXXI 


I! 


II 


yoke ;  even  the  Persian  satraps  and  the  court  of  Susa  bestirred 
themselves  against  her.  The  first  blow  to  the  Athenian  empire 
was  struck  by  the  wealthy  and  populous  island  of  Chios.  Tliis 
agam  was  the  work  of  Alcibiades,  the  implacable  enemy  of  liis 
native  land.  In  the  winter  following  the  overthrow  of  the  Atlie- 
nian  armament  in  Sicily,  several  of  the  most  powerful  allies  of 
Athens,  among  whom  were  the  Eubceaus,  Chians,  and  Lesbians, 
had  solicited  Sparta  to  assist  them  in  throwing  off  the  Athenian 
yoke.  At  the  same  time  envoys  appared  at  Sparta  from  Tissa- 
phemes,  the  Persian  satrap  of  Ionia,  Caria,  and  the  adjacent 
coasts,  and  from  Pharnabazus,  whose  satrapy  extended  from  the 
Euxuie  to  the  gulf  of  El(ca,  inviting  the  Lacedemonians  to  co- 
operate with  them  iu  destroyuig  the  Athenian  empire  in  Asia, 
and  promising  to  provide  the  necessary  funds. 

By  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  the  Lacedajmonians  resolved  that 
the  Chians  should  have  the  preference,  and  tliat  a  fleet  should 
be  sent  to  their  assistance.  Impatient  of  delay,  Alcibiades 
shortly  afterwards  crossed  over  to  Chios  with  a  Lacedajinoniau 
squadron  of  five  ships,  under  the  command  of  Chalcideus.  The 
oligarchical  party  at  Cliios  had  matured  all  their  plans  for  the 
revolt,  and  the  arrival  of  Alcibiades  caused  them  to  be  put  into 
execution.  The  people  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  were  re- 
luctantly induced  to  renounce  their  alliance  with  Athens.  Their 
example  was  almost  immediately  followed  by  Erythraj  and  Cla- 
zomena}. 

k  4.  The  reserve  of  1000  talents,  set  apart  by  Pericles  to  meet 
the  contingency  of  an  actual  invasion,  still  remained  untouched  • 
but  now  by  a  unanimous  vote  the  penalty  of  death,  which  forbad 
Its  appropriation  to  any  other  purpose,  was  abohshed,  and  the 
fund  applied  m  fitting  out  a  fieet  against  Chios.  Meantime, 
Alcibiades  was  indefatigable  in  fanning  the  flames  of  revolt* 
which  now  spread  rapidly  through  the  Athenian  allies.  Teos! 
Lesbos,  and  Miletus  proclaimed  their  independence  of  Athens! 
At  Miletus,  Chalcideus,  on  the  part  of  Sparta,  concluded  an  in- 
iarnous  treaty  with  Tissaphernes,  stipulating  that  the  Greek  cities 
and  territory  formerly  belonging  to  Persia  should  be  restored  to 
her ;  that  the  Athenians  should  not  be  permitted  to  derive  any 
revenue  from  them ;  and  that  Persia  and  the  Lacedaemonians 
should  jointly  carry  on  the  war  against  Athens.  To  conclude 
the  bargain,  Mdetus  was  handed  over  to  Tissaphernes. 

Samos  stiU  remained  faithful  to  the  Athenians,  and  amidst 
the  general  defection  of  their  Asiatic  allies  had  become  of  the 
last  miportance  to  them.  This  island,  like  Chios,  was  governed 
by  an  oligarchy  ;  but  warned  by  the  revolution  in  that  island, 
the  Samians  rose  against  the  oligarchs,  slew  200  of  them,  and 


B.C.  412. 


REVOLUTION  AT  SAMOS. 


849 


bamshed  4^00  more.  The  Athenians  at  once  recognized  the 
newly  established  democracy,  and  secured  the  adhesion  of  the 
feamians  by  putting  them  on  the  footing  of  equal  and  independ- 
ent  allies,  feamos  became  the  head-quarters  of  the  Athenian 
fleet,  and  the  base  of  their  operations  during  the  remainder  of 
the  war. 

^i,  ^  k'J^^^^  *^^^  ^^  ^^^^^  ^*  ^^^^^  ^^an  to  turn  in  favour  of 
the  Athenians.  They  had  succeeded  in  collecting  a  considerable 
fleet  at  feamos,  with  which  they  recovered  Lesbos  and  Clazome- 
naB,  defeated  the  Chians,  and  laid  waste  their  territory  Thev 
also  gained  a  victory  over  the  Peloponnesians  at  Miletus,  but 

A  r'^^'f"^  ""'^^  '^'^^  remained  in  the  hands  of  Tissaphernes 
and  the  reloponnesians. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  Astyochus,  the  Lacedemonian 
commander,  received  large  reinfbrcements  from  Peloponnesus 
and  was  now  at  the  head  of  so  imposing  an  armament  that  he 
was  enabled  to  modify  the  former  treaty  with  Tissaphernes,  of 
Which  the  Lacedaemonians  were  heartily  ashamed.     The  new 
treaty,  however,  diflered  from  the  previous  one  rather  in  terms 
than  substance,  and  appears  to  have  been  far  from  giving  satis- 
faction  at  Sparta.     The  conduct  of  Tissaphernes  afforded  another 
reason  for  discontent.     He  had  given  notice  that  he  could  no 
longer  contmue  the  high  rate  of  payment  of  a  drachma  per  day 
for  the  seamen  s  wages,  the  sum  agreed  upon  in  the  first  treaty 
without  express  instructions  from  the  court  of  Susa ;  and  though 
he  had  reduced  that  sum  by  one  half,  it  was  very  irregularly 
paid ;   whilst  his  whole  behaviour  displayed  a  great  want  of 
hearty  co-operation  with  the  Lacedaemonians.     Another  Pelo- 
ponnesian  squadron  was  therefore  despatched  to  the  coast  of 
Asia,  having  on  board  Lichas  and  ten  other  Spartans,  for  the 
purpose  of  romonstrating  with  Tissaphernes  and  openincr  fresh 
negotiations.     Having  obtained  an  interview  with  Tissaphernes 
at  Onidus,  Lichas  took  exceptions  to  the  two  former  treaties  •  of 
which  the  first  expressly,  the  second  by  implication,  recognized 
the  claims  of  Persia  not  only  to  the  islands  of  the  ^^ean   but 

^rZ'""-  ^T'^^  ""f  ^^^*^^-  ^^'^^^^'  '^^'^^ore,  proposed  anew 
treaty,  but  Tissaphernes  was  so  indignant  at  the  proposition 
that  he  immediately  broke  off  the  negotiation 

^  6.  The  conduct  of  Tissaphernes  towards  the  Lacedemo- 
nians was  the  result  of  the  counsels  of  Alcibiades,  who  was 
scheming  to  effect  his  return  to  Athens  by  means  of  his  in- 
trigues  with  the  Persian  Satrap.  In  the  course  of  a  few  months 
Alcibiades  liad  completely  forlbited  the  confidence  of  the  Lace- 
demonians. His  ultra-Athenian  temperament  and  manners 
must  have  been  as  unwelcome  to  them  as  their  own  slowness 


i 


I>l 


I 


850 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXI. 


and  gravity  were  to  him.  The  Spartan  King  Agis,  whose  wife 
he  had  seduced,  was  his  personal  enemy ;  and  the  Ephor  Endius, 
his  chief  protector,  went  out  of  office  in  412  B.C.  To  the  pre- 
ceding causes  for  private  dislike  was  now  added  the  want  of  that 
rapid  success  which  he  had  promised  to  the  Lacedamonians  in 
the  East.  In  a  man  whose  character  ibr  deceit  was  notorious  it 
is  not  surprising  that  this  failure  should  excite  a  suspicion  of 
treachery.  After  the  defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Miletus, 
King  Agis  denounced  Alcibiades  as  a  traitor,  and  persuaded  the 
new  Ephors  to  send  out  instructions  to  put  him  to  death.  Of 
this,  however,  he  was  informed  time  enough  to  make  his  escape 
to  Tissaphernes  at  Magnesia.  Here  he  began  to  play  an  anti- 
Hellenic,  instead  of  his  former  anti- Athenian  game.  He  ingra- 
tiated himself  into  the  contidence  of  the  satrap,  and  persuaded 
him  that  it  was  not  for  the  interest  of  Persia  that  either  of  the 
Grecian  parties  should  be  successful,  but  rather  that  they  should 
wear  each  other  out  in  their  mutual  struggles,  when  Persia 
would  in  the  end  succeed  in  expelling  both.  This  advice  was 
adopted  by  the  satrap ;  and  in  order  to  carry  it  into  execution, 
steps  were  taken  to  secure  the  inactivity  of  the  Peloponnesian 
armament,  which,  if  vigorously  employed,  was  powerl'ul  enough 
to  put  a  speedy  end  to  the  war.  With  this  view  the  Lacede- 
monian commanders  were  first  persuaded  to  await  the  arrival  of 
the  PhoBnician  fleet,  which,  however,  was  never  intended  to  ap- 
pear. But  as  this  was  a  pretext  which  could  not  be  made 
available  for  any  length  of  time,  the  next  argument  was  in  the 
more  solid  shape  of  pecuniary  bribes  administered  to  Astyochus 
and  the  other  Spartan  leaders.  Spartan  virtue,  which  exists 
rather  in  imagination  than  reality,  was  not  proof  against  this  se- 
duction. The  Syracusan,  Hermocrates — for  a  Sicilian  squadron 
was  co-operating  with  the  Pelopomiesian  fleet — was  alone  found 
to  be  incorruptible. 

§  7.  Alcibiades,  having  thus  in  some  degree  detached  Tissa- 
phernes from  the  Lacedaemonians,  now  endeavoured  to  persuade 
him  that  it  was  more  for  the  Persian  interest  to  conclude  a 
league  with  Athens  than  with  Sparta ;  since  the  former  state 
sought  only  to  retain  her  maritime  dependencies,  whilst  Sparta 
had  held  out  promises  of  liberty  to  every  Grecian  city,  from 
which  she  could  not  consistently  recede.  The  only  part  of  his 
advice,  however,  which  the  satrap  seems  to  have  sincerely 
adopted  was  that  of  playing  off  one  party  against  the  other. 
But  about  this  Alcibiades  did  not  at  all  concern  himself  It 
was  enough  for  his  views,  which  had  merely  the  selfish  aim  of 
his  own  restoration  to  Athens,  if  he  could  make  it  appear 
that   he   possessed   sufficient   influence  with    Tissaphernes   tp 


7 


A 


% 


I 


B.C.  412. 


SCHEMES  OP  ALCIBIADES. 


851 


procure  his  assistance  for  the  Athenians;  and  for  this  the 
intimate  terms  on  which  he  lived  with  the  satrap  seemed  a 
sufficient  guarantee.  He  therefore  began  to  communicate  with 
the  Athenian  generals  at  Samos,  and  held  out  the  hope  of  a 
Persian  alliance  as  the  price  of  his  restoration  to  his  country. 
But  as  he  both  hated  and  feared  the  Athenian  democracy,  he 
coupled  his  offer  with  the  condition  that  a  revolution  should  be 
effected  at  Athens,  and  an  oligarchy  established.  The  Athenian 
generals  greedily  caught  at  the  proposal ;  and  though  the  great 
mass  of  the  soldiery  were  violently  opposed  to  it,  they  were 
silenced,  if  not  satisfied,  when  told  that  Athens  could  be  saved 
only  by  means  of  Persia.  The  oligarchical  conspirators  formed 
themselves  into  a  confederacy,  and  Pisander  was  sent  to  Athens 
to  organize  the  clubs  in  the  city.  But  the  conspirators  over- 
looked the  fact  that  the  word  of  Alcibiades  was  their  only  se- 
curity for  the  co-operation  of  Persia.  Phrynichus  alone  among 
the  Athenian  generals  opposed  the  scheme ;  not  that  he  dis- 
liked oligarchy,  but  that  he  hated  Alcibiades,  and  saw  through 
his  designs. 

^  8.  The  proposition  for  an  oligarchy  which  Pisander  made  in 
the  Athenian  assembly  met  with  the  most  determined  oppo- 
sition ;  whilst  the  personal  enemies  of  Alcibiades,  especially  the 
sacred  families  of  the  Eumolpidaj  and  Ceryces,  violently  opposed 
the  return  of  the  man  who  had  profaned  the  mysteries.  The 
single  but  unanswerable  reply  of  Pisander  was,  the  necessities 
of  the  republic.  A  reluctant  vote  for  a  change  of  constitution 
was  at  length  extorted  from  the  people.  Pisander  and  ten  others 
were  despatched  to  treat  with  Alcibiades  and  Tissaphernes.  At 
the  same  time  Phrynichus  and  his  colleague  Scironides  were  de- 
posed from  their  command  at  Samos,  and  their  places  supplied 
by  Diomedon  and  Leon.  Before  his  departure  Pisander  had 
brought  all  the  oligarchical  clubs  in  Athens  into  full  activity. 
During  his  absence  the  same  task  was  undertaken  by  Antiphon, 
the  rhetorician.  He  was  assisted  by  Theramenes,  and  subse- 
quently  by  Phrynichus,  who,  after  his  arrival  at  Athens,  had  be- 
come a  violent  partisan  of  the  oligarchy. 

^  9.  When  Pisander  and  his  colleagues  arrived  in  Ionia,  they 
informed  Alcibiades  that  measures  had  been  taken  for  establish- 
ing an  oligarchical  form  of  government  at  Athens,  and  required 
him  to  fulfil  his  part  of  the  engagement  by  procuring  the  aid 
and  alliance  of  Persia.  But  Alcibiades  knew  that  he  had  under- 
taken what  he  could  not  perform,  and  now  resolved  to  escape 
from  the  dilemma  by  one  of  his  habitual  artifices.  He  received 
the  Athenian  deputation  in  the  presence  of  Tissaphernes  him- 
self, and  made  such  extravas:ant  demands  on  behalf  of  the  satrap 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXI 


II 


tliat  Pisander  and  his  colleagues  indignantly  broke  off  the  con- 
ference. They  attributed,  however,  the  duplicity  of  Alcibiades 
to  his  want  of  will,  and  not  to  his  want  of  power,  to  serve  them : 
and  they  now  began  to  suspect  that  his  oligarchical  scheme  was 
a  mere  trick,  and  that  in  reality  he  desired  the  democracy  to 
remain,  and  to  procure  his  restoration  to  its  bosom. 

Tissaphemes,  who  did  not  wish  absolutely  to  break  with  the 
Lacedaemonians,  now  began  to  fear  that  he  was  pushing  matters 
too  far ;  and,  as  they  ahready  felt  the  pinch  of  want,  he  funiished 
them  with  some  pay,  and  concluded  a  new  treaty  with  them,  by 
which  they  agreed  to  abandon  all  the  continent  of  Asia,  and 
consequently  the  Greek  cities  in  that  quarter.  To  this  treaty 
Pharnabazus  was  also  a  party.  Persia  did  not  waive  her  claim 
to  the  islands,  but  nothing  was  stipulated  respecting  them.  On 
these  conditions  the  aid  of  a  Phoenician  fleet  was  promised  to 
the  Peloponnesians. 

^  10.  Notwithstanding  the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  the  oligarchi- 
cal conspirators  proceeded  with  the  revolution  at  Athens,  in 
which  they  had  gone  too  far  to  recede.  Pisander,  with  five  of 
the  envoys,  returned  to  Athens  to  complete  the  work  they  had 
begun;  the  rest  were  sent  to  estabhsh  oligarchies  among  the 
allies.  The  leaders  of  the  army  at  Samos  began  a  similar  move- 
ment in  that  island.  Their  lirst  step  was  the  gratuitous  murder 
of  Hyperbolus,  an  Athenian  demagogue  who  had  been  ostracised 
Bome  years  before,  and  who  was  now  residing  at  8amos,  though 
apparently  without  possessuig  any  influence  there.  But  the  new 
commanders,  Diomedon  and  Leon,  were  favourable  to  the  de- 
mocracy, and  they  found  by  personal  inquiry  that  the  great 
majonty  of  the  crews,  and  especially  that  of  the  public  trireme 
called  the  Paralus,  were  ready  to  support  the  ancient  constitu- 
tion. Accordingly,  when  the  oligarchs  rose  they  were  over- 
powered by  superior  numbers ;  thirty  of  them  were  killed  in  the 
contest,  and  three  were  subsequently  indicted  and  banished. 

Meanwhile  at  Athens,  after  the  departure  of  Pisander,  tho 
council  of  Probuli,  as  well  as  many  leading  citizens,  had  joined 
the  oligarchs.  Their  attacks  upon  the  democracy  were  not  open, 
but  were  conducted  by  means  of  depreciating  speeches  respect- 
ing its  costhness,  through  the  pay  given  to  the  dicasts  and  others 
discharging  civil  oflices,  which,  it  was  represented,  the  state  could 
no  longer  afibrd.  They  did  not  venture  to  projxise  the  entire 
abolition  of  the  democracy,  but  merely  a  modification  of  it,  by 
restricting  the  number  of  those  entitled  to  the  franchise  to  5000. 
But  even  this  proposition  was  never  intended  to  be  carried  into 
execution.  Those  who  stood  forward  to  oppose  the  scheme  were 
privately  assassinated.     A  reign  of  terror  now  commenced.    Citi- 


4 


B.C.  411. 


THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS. 


S68 


zens  were  continually  falling ;  yet  no  man  could  tell  whose  hand 
struck  the  blow,  or  whose  turn  might  come  next. 

§11.  The  return  of  Pisander  was  the  signal  for  consummating 
the  revolution.  He  proposed  in  the  assembly,  and  carried  a 
resolution,  that  a  comnuttee  of  ten  should  be  appointed  to  pre 
pare  a  new  constitution,  wliich  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  ap- 
probation of  the  people.  But  when  the  day  appointed  for  that 
purpose  arrived,  the  assembly  was  not  convened  in  the  Pnyx,  but 
in  the  temple  of  Poseidon  at  Colonus,  a  village  upwards  of  a  mile 
from  Athens.  Here  the  conspirators  could  plant  their  own  par- 
tisans, and  were  less  liable  to  be  overawed  by  superior  numbers. 
The  Graphe  Paranomon,  or  action  against  those  who  proposed 
any  unconstitutional  measure,  having  first  been  repealed,  Pisander 
obtained  the  assent  of  the  meeting  to  the  following  revolutionary 
changes: — 1.  The  abolition  of  all  the  existing  magistracies; 
2.  The  cessation  of  all  payments  for  the  discharge  of  civil  func- 
tions ;  3.  The  appointment  of  a  committee  of  five  persons,  who 
were  to  name  ninety-five  more ;  each  of  the  hundred  thus  con- 
stituted to  choose  three  persons  ;  the  body  of  Four  Hundred  thus 
formed  to  be  an  irresponsible  government,  holding  its  sittings  in 
the  senate  house.  The  four  hundred  were  to  convene  the  select 
body  of  five  thousand  citizens  whenever  they  thought  proper. 
Nobody  knew  who  these  five  thousand  were,  but  they  answered 
two  purposes,  namely,  to  give  an  air  of  greater  popularity  to  the 
government,  as  well  as  to  overawe  the  people  by  an  exaggerated 
notion  of  its  strength. 

k  12.  The  government  thus  constituted  proceeded  to  establish 
itself  by  force.  A  body  of  hoplites  having  been  posted  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Senate  House,  the  Four  Hundred  entered 
it,  each  with  a  dagger  concealed  under  his  garment,  and  followed 
by  their  body-guard  of  120  youths,  the  instruments  of  the  secret 
assassinations  already  mentioned.  The  ancient  senate  was  dis- 
missed, but  the  pay  due  to  the  members  was  ofiered,  and  basely 
accepted.  Thus  perished  the  Athenian  democracy,  after  an 
existence  of  nearly  a  century  since  its  establishment  by  Clis- 
thenes.  The  revolution  was  begun  from  despair  of  the  foreign 
relations  of  Athens,  and  from  the  hope  of  assistance  from  Persia ; 
but  it  was  carried  out  through  the  machinations  of  Antiphon  and 
his  accomplices  after  that  delusion  had  ceased. 

Having  divided  themselves  into  Prytanies  or  sections,  and  in- 
stalled themselves  with  sacrifice  and  prayer,  the  Four  Hundred 
proceeded  to  put  to  death  or  imprison  the  most  formidable  of 
their  political  enemies.  Their  next  step  was  to  make  overtures 
for  peace  to  Agis.  The  Spartan  king,  however,  believed  that 
the  revolution  was  not  safely  established,  and   preferred  an 


S54 


mSTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXXI 


1    I 


attempt  to  capture  the  city  during  the  dissensions  by  which  he 
supposed  It  to  be  torn.  But  on  marching  up  to  the  walls  he 
found  them  carefully  guarded,  and  his  troops  were  repulsed  ^  -  a 
sally  of  the  besieged.  A  second  application  of  the  Four  hun- 
dred met  with  a  better  reception,  and  they  were  encouraffcd  to 
send  to  Sparta. 

^  13.  The  failure  of  the  revolution  at  Samos  was  highly  unfa- 
vourable to  the  success  of  the  revolution  at  Athens ;  but  the 
Four  Hundred  despatched  envoys  to  that  island,  with  instruc- 
tions to  make  the  matter  as  palatable  as  possible.     These  how- 
ever, had  been  forestalled  by  Chaereas.     Under  the  impression 
that  the  democracy  still  existed  at  Athens,  Chiereas  had  been 
sent  to  the  city  from  Samos  in  the  Paralus  with  the  news  of  the 
counter-revolution  in  the  island.     But  when  the  Paralus  arrived 
the  Four  Hundred  had  already  been  installed ;  whereupon  some 
of  her  democratic  crew  were  imprisoned,  and  the  rest  transferred 
to  an  ordmary  trireme.     Chajreas  himself  found  means  to  escape, 
and  returned  to  Samos,  where  he  aggravated  the  proceedings  at 
Athens  by  additions  of  his  own,  and  filled  the  army  with  uncon- 
trollable  wrath.    At  the  instance  of  Thrasybulus  and  Thrasyllus 
a  naeeting  was  called  in  which  the  soldiers  pledged  themselves  to 
maintain  the  democracy,  to  continue  the  war  against  Pelopon- 
nesus, and  to  put  down  the  usurpers  at  Athens.     The  whole 
army,  even  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  oligarchical  move- 
ments,^ were  sworn  to  uphold  these  pnnciples ;   and  to  every 
male  Samian  of  military  age  a  similar  oath  was  administered. 
Thus  the  Athenian  democracy  continued  to  exist  at  Samos  alone. 
The  soldiers,  laying  aside  for  awhile  their  military  character 
constituted  themselves  into  an  assembly  of  the  people,  deposed 
several  of  their  officers,  and  appointed  others  whom  they  could 
better  trust.     The  meeting  resounded  with  patriotic  speeches 
Thrasybulus  and  Thrasyllus  were  appointed  to  the  chief  com- 
mand;  the  former  of  whom  proposed  the  return  of  Alcibiades, 
who,  it  was  believed,  was  now  able  and  willing  to  aid  the  demo^ 
cratic  cause  with  the  gold  and  forces  of  Persia.     After  consider- 
able opposition   the   proposal  was  agreed  to ;  Alcibiades  was 
brought  to  Samos  and  introduced  to  the  assembly,  where  by  his 
magnificent  promises,  and  extravagant  boasts  respecting  his  influ- 
ence with  Tissaphernes,  he  once  more  succeeded  in  deceiving  the 
Athenians.     The  accomplished  traitor  was  elected  one  of  the 
generals,  and,  in  pursuance  of  his  artful  policy,  began  to  pass 
backwards  and  forwards  between  Samos  and  MagneSa,  with  the 
view  of  inspiring  both  the  satrap  and  the  Athenians  with  a  reci- 
procal idea  of  his  influence  with  either,  and  of  instiUing  distrust 
of  Tissaphernes  into  the  minds  of  the  Pelopomiesians. 


X 


B.a  411. 


PROCEEDINGS  AT  SAMOS. 


856 


4  14.  Such  was  the  state  of  afiliirs  at  Samos  when  the  envoys 
from  the  Four  Hundred  arrived.  They  were  invited  by  the 
generals  to  make  their  communication  to  the  assembled  troops ; 
but  so  great  was  the  antipathy  manifested  towards  them,  that 
they  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing.  Their  presence  revived  a 
proposition  which  had  been  started  before, — to  sail  fit  once  to 
Athens,  and  put  down  the  oligarchy  by  force.  By  the  advice  of 
Alcibiades,  seconded  by  Thrasybulus,  this  proposal  was,  how- 
ever, again  discarded.  The  envoys  were  sent  back  to  Athens 
with  the  answer  that  the  army  approved  of  the  5000,  but  that 
the  Four  hundred  must  resign  and  reinstate  the  ancient  Senate 
of  Five  Hundred. 

{  15.  At  the  first  news  of  the  re-establishment  of  democracy 
at  Samos,  distrust  and  discord  had  broken  out  among  the  Four 
Hundred.  Antiphon  and  Phrynicus,  at  the  head  of  the  ex- 
treme section  of  the  oligarchical  party,  were  for  admitting  a 
Lacedaemonian  garrison ;  and  with  a  view  to  further  that  object, 
actually  caused  a  fort  to  be  erected  at  Eetionea,  a  tongue  of  land 
commanding  the  entrance  to  the  harbour  of  the  Piraeus.  But 
others,  discontented  with  their  share  of  power,  began  to  affect 
more  popular  sentiments.  Conspicuous  among  these  were  The- 
ramenes  and  Aristocrates,  the  former  of  whom  began  to  insist 
on  the  necessity  for  calling  the  shadowy  body  of  5000  into  a  real 
existence.  As  the  answer  from  Samos  very  much  strengthened 
this  party,  their  opponents  found  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost ; 
and  Antiphon,  Phrynicus,  and  ten  others,  proceeded  in  all  haste 
to  Sparta,  with  ofiers  to  put  the  Lacedaemonians  in  possession  of 
the  Pira3us.  The  latter,  however,  with  their  usual  slowness,  or 
perhaps  from  a  suspicion  of  treachery,  let  slip  the  golden  oppor- 
tunity. All  they  could  be  induced  to  promise  was,  that  a  fleet 
of  42  triremes  should  hover  near  the  Piraeus,  and  watch  a  favour- 
able occasion  for  seizing  it.  The  failure  of  this  mission  was  an- 
other blow  to  the  party  of  Phrynicus;  and  shortly  afterwards 
that  leader  himself  was  assassinated  in  open  daylight  whilst 
leaving  the  Senate  House.  Some  hoplites,  of  the  same  tribe  as 
Aristocrates.  now  seized  the  fort  at  Eetionea.  Theramenes  gave 
his  sanction  to  the  demohtion  of  the  fort,  which  was  forthwith 
accomplished ;  whilst  the  inability  of  the  Four  Hundred  to  pre- 
vent it.  betrayed  the  extent  of  their  power,  or  rather  of  their 
weakness. 

M6.  The  Four  Hundred  now  appear  to  have  taken  some  steps 
to  call  the  5000  into  existence.  But  it  was  too  late.  The  leaders 
of  the  counter-revolution  entering  armed  into  the  theatre  of 
Dionysus  at  the  Piraeus,  formed  a  democratic  assembly  under 
the  old  forms,  which  adjourned  to  the  Anaceum,  or  temple  of 


U6 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXI 


i 


»  t 


I; 


^e  Bioscun,  immediately  under  the  Acropolis.     Here  the  Four 
Hundred  sent  deputies  to  negotiate  with  them,  and  another 
assembly  was  appointed  to  be  held  in  the  theatre  of  Dionysus  • 
but  just  as  they  were  meeting  the  news  arrived  that  the  Lace- 
daemonian fleet  was  approaching  the  Piraus.     The  Athenians 
were  immediately  on  the  alert,  and  the  Laceda)monian  admiral 
perceivmg  no  signs  of  assistance  from  within,  doubled  Cape 
httnmm  and  proceeded  to  Oropus.     It  was  now  plain  that  their 
object  was  to  excite  a  revolt  in  Eubc^a.     In  all  haste  the  Athe- 
mans  launched  an  inadequate  fleet  of  36  triremes,  manned  bv 
inexperienced  crews.     At  Eretria  in  Eubcea  it  was  encountered 
by  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet,  and  completely  defeated  with  the 
loss  ot  22  ships.     Eubcea,  supported  by  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
HoBotians,  then  revolted  from  Athens. 

$  17.  Great  was  the  dismay  of  the  Athenians  on  receiving  this 
news.     The  loss  of  Eubcea  seemed  a  death  blow.     The  Lacede- 
monians might  now  easily  blockade  the  ports  of  Athens  and  starve 
her  into  surrender;  whilst  the  partisans  of  the  Four  Hundred 
would  doubtless  co-operate  with  the  enemy.     But  from  this  fate 
tHey  were  agam  saved  by  the  characteristic  slowness  of  the 
Lacedaemomans,  who  confined  themselves  to  securing  the  con- 
quest  of  Eubcea.     Thus  left  unmolested,  the  Athenians  con vened 
an  assembly  m  the  Pnyx.     Votes  were  passed  for  deposing  the 
%Zl  ^I?'T^'  a'^d  placing  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the 
^00,  ot  whom  every  citizen  who  could  furnish  a  panoply  miffht 
be  a  member.      In  short,  the  old  constitution  was  restored, 
except  that  the  franchise  was  restricted  to  5000  citizens,  and 
payment  for  the  discharge  of  civil  functions  abolished.     In  sub- 
sequent assembhes,  the  Archons,  the  Senate,  and  other  institu- 
tions  were  revived ;  and  a  vote  was  passed  to  recall  Alcibiades 
and  some  of  his  friends.     The  number  of  the  5000  was  never 
exactly  observed,  and  was  soon  enlarged  into  universal  citizen- 
ship.    Thus  the  Four  Hundred  were  overthrown  after  a  reiffn 
ot  lour  months.     Theramenes  stood  forward  and  impeached  the 
leaders  of  the  extreme  ohgarchical  party,  on  the  gromid  of  their 
embassy  to  Sparta.     Most  of  them  succeeded  in  making  their 
escape  fmm  Athens;   but  Antiphon  and  Archiptolemus  were 
apprehended,  condemned  and  executed,  in  spite  of  the  admira- 
tion  excited  by  the  speech  of  the  former  in  his  defence.     The 
rest  were  arrai^ed  in  their   absence   and   condemned,  their 
liouses  razed,  and  their  property  confiscated. 


" 


One  of  the  Caryatides  supporting  the  southern  portico  of  the  Erechthevm. 


CHAPTER  XXXn. 

rROM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS  TO  THL 

BATTLE  OF  -£GOSPOTAMI. 

§  1.  State  of  the  belligerents.  §  2.  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cynos- 
sema.  §  3.  Capture  of  Cvzicus  by  the  Athenians,  and  second  defeat  of 
the  Peloponnesians  at  Aoydus.  §  4.  Arrest  of  Alcibiades  by  Tissapher- 
nes,  and  his  subsequent  escape.  Signal  defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at 
Cjzicus.  §  5.  The  Athenians  masters  of  the  Bosporus.  The  Lacedaemo- 
nians propose  a  peace,  which  is  rejected.  §  6.  Phamabazus  assists  the 
Lacedaemonians.  §  7.  Capture  of  Chalcedon  and  Byzantium  by  the 
Athenians.  §  8.  Return  of  Alcibiades  to  Athens.  §  9.  He  escorts  the 
sacred  procession  to  Eleusis.  §  10.  Cyrus  comes  down  to  the  coast  of 
Asia.  Lysander  appointed  commander  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  §  1 1. 
Interview  between  Cyrus  and  Lysander.  §  12.  Alcibiades  at  Samoa. 
Defeat  of  Antiochus  at  Notium.  §  13.  Alcibiades  is  dismissed.  §  14. 
Lysander  superseded  by  Callicratidas.  Energetic  measures  of  the  lat- 
ter. §  16.  Defeat  of  Conon  at  Mytilene,  and  investment  of  that  town  by 
Callicratidas.   §  16.  Excitement  at  Athens,  and  equipment  of  alarg« 


^HB 


if 


I   I' 


3d8 


KBTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIL 


fleet  §  17.  Battle  of  ArgiiiiisJB.  Defeat  and  death  of  Callicratidaa  S 18. 
ArraignraeatandcondcmnationoftheAtheniangencials.  g  19  ulnu- 
pointmentofLysanderasAavarcAio.  §20.  Siege  of  Larapsacus,  aild 
battle  of  Jflgoapotomi.  * 

H.  It  is  necessary  now  to  revert  to  the  war,  and  the  state  of 
the  contending  parties.     The  struggle  had  become  wholly  mari- 
time.    Although  the  Lacedajmoiiians   occupied  at  Decclea  a 
strong  post  within  sight  of  Athens,  yet  their  want  of  skill  in  the 
art  of  besieging  towns  prevented  them  Irom  making  any  regular 
attempt  to  capture  that  city.     On  the  other  hand,  the  great  re- 
verses sustained  by  the  Athenians  in  Sicily  disabled  them  from 
carrying  the  war,  as  they  had  formerly  done,  into  tl>e  enemy's 
country.     Yet  they  still  possessed  a  tolerable  fleet,  with  which 
they  were  endeavouring  to  maintain  their  power  in  the  iEirean 
and  on  the  coasts  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor.     This  was  now 
becoma  t!ij  vital  point  where  they  had  to  struggle  for  empire, 
and  even  for  existence  ;  for,  since  the  commencement  of  the  war' 
the  maritime  power  of  the  Spartans  and  their  allies  had  become 
almost  equal  t  j  the  maritime  power  of  Athens.     They  now  put  to 
sea  with  fleets  generally  larger  than  the  fleets  of  the  Athenians ; 
and  their  ships  were  handled,  and  naval  manceuvres  executed] 
with  a  skill  equal  to  that  of  their  rivals.     The  great  attention 
which  the  Lacedaemonians  had  bestowed  on  naval  alikirs  is  evinced 
by  the  importance  into  which  the  new  oflice  of  the  Navarchia^ 
hid  now  risen  amongst  them.    The  Navarchus*  enjoyed  a  power 
cvjn  superior,  whilst  it  lasted,  to  that  of  the  Spartan  kin^rs, 
8i:i23  he  was  wholly  uncontrolled  by  the  Ephors  ;  but  his  tenure 
of  office  was  limited  to  a  year.     From  this  state  of  things  it 
TiJoulted  that  the  remainder  of  the  war  had  to  be  decided  on°the 
coasts  of  Asia  ;  and  it  will  assist  the  memory  to  conceive  it  divided 
into  four  periods  :   1.  The  war  on  the  Hellesi^ont  (which  must  be 
taken  to  include  the  Propontis,  whither  it  was  transferred  soon 
after  the  ohgarchical  revolution  at  Athens) ;  2.  From  the  Hel- 
lespont it  was  transferred  to  Ionia ;  3.  From  Ionia  to  Lesbos  ; 
4.  Back  to  the  Hellespont,  where  it  was  finally  decided. 

k  2.  Mindarus,  who  now  commanded  the  Peloponnesian  fleet, 
disgusted  at  length  by  the  often-broken  promises  of  Tissaphernes,* 
and  the  scanty  and  irregular  pay  which  he  furnished,  set  sail 
from  Mdetus  and  proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  assisting  the  satrap  Phamabazus,  and  of  effecting,  if  pos- 
itble,  the  revolt  of  the  Athenian  dependencies  in  that  quarter 
Hither  he  was  pursued  by  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Thrasyllus. 
In  a  few  days  an  engagement  ensued  (in  August,  4 1 1  b.c),  in  the 
iamous  straits  between  Sestos  and  Abydos^  in  wliich  the  Atho- 


B.C.  411. 


NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  CYNOSSEMA. 


859 


nians,  though  with  a  smaller  force,  gained  the  victory,  and  erected 
a  trophy  on  the  promontory  of  Cynossema,  near  the  tomb  and 
chapel  of  the  Trojan  queen,  Hecuba.  After  this  defeat  Mindarus 
sent  for  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  at  Euboea,  which,  however,  was 
overtaken  by  a  violent  storm  near  the  headland  of  Moimt  Athos, 
and  totally  destroyed.  But  though  this  circumstance  afforded 
some  relief  to  Athens,  by  withdrawing  an  annoying  enemy  from 
her  shores,  it  did  not  enable  her  to  regain  possession  of  Euboea. 
The  Euboeans,  assisted  by  the  Boeotians,  and  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Chalcis  and  other  cities,  constructed  a  bridge  across  the  nar- 
rowest part  of  the  Euripus,  and  thus  deprived  EubcBa  of  its  in- 
sular character. 

§  3.  The  Athenians  followed  up  their  victory  at  Cynossema  by 
the  reduction  of  Cyzicus,  which  had  revolted  from  them.  A 
month  or  two  afterwards  another  obstinate  engagement  took 
place  between  the  Peloponnesian  and  Athenian  fleets  near  Aby- 
dos,  which  lasted  a  whole  day,  and  was  at  length  decided  in 
favour  of  the  Athenians  by  the  arrival  of  Alcibiades  with  his 
squadron  of  eighteen  ships  from  Samos.  The  Peloponnesian  ships 
were  run  ashore,  where  they  were  defended  with  great  personal 
exertion,  by  Pharnabazus  and  his  troops. 

§  4.  Shortly  after  this  battle  Tissaphemes  arrived  at  the 
Hellespont  with  the  view  of  conciliating  the  offended  Pelopon- 
nesians.  He  was  not  only  jealous  of  the  assistance  which  the 
latter  were  now  rendering  to  Pharnabazus,  but  it  is  also  evident 
that  his  temporizing  policy  had  displeased  the  Persian  court. 
This  appears  from  his  conduct  on  the  present  occasion,  as  well 
as  from  the  subsequent  appointment  of  Cyrus  to  the  supreme 
command  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  as  we  shall  presently  have  to 
relate.  When  Alcibiades,  who  imagined  that  Tissaphemes  was 
still  favourable  to  the  Athenian  cause,  waited  on  him  with  the 
customary  presents,  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  satrap,  and 
sent  in  custody  to  Sardis.  At  the  end  of  a  month,  however,  he 
contrived  to  escape  to  Clazomenae,  and  again  joined  the  Athenian 
fleet  early  in  the  spring  of  410  b.c.  Mindarus,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  Pharnabazus  on  the  land  side,  was  now  engaged  in  the 
siege  of  Cyzicus,  which  the  Athenian  admirals  determined  to 
relieve.  Having  passed  up  the  Hellespont  in  the  night  they 
assembled  at  tlie  island  of  Proconnesus.  Here  Alcibiades  ad- 
dressed the  seamen,  telling  them  that  they  had  nothing  further 
to  expect  from  the  Persians,  and  must  be  prepared  to  act  with 
the  greatest  vigour  both  by  sea  and  land.  He  tlien  sailed  out 
with  his  squadron  towards  Cyzicus,  and  by  a  pretended  flight 
inveigled  Mindarus  to  a  distance  from  the  harbour  ;  whilst  the 
other  two  divisions  of  the  Athenian  fleet,  under  Thrasybulus  and 


II 


S60  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXH 

them  again^  the  attacks  oSML^l^'^^^^^tf''' 
landed  his  men,  a  battle  ensued,  in  which  Mi^dt^  ^"^ 

the  Lacedemonians  and  Persians  routTd  and  thl  T.T,''^'»' 
nesian  fleet  captured,  with  theTxZ  i™  „fl  «^''°^^  ^^'"P""' 
which  Hermocrates  caused  to  Humt  Th  ^''""'''"  ^J^'P'' 
Wow  was  pictured  in  the  laconic  epMe  in  Iv  uT'^  "^ '^^ 
thesecond.in  command.*  aTlTe^^^'ft  "  JlfcT' 
good  luck  IS  gone ;  Mindarus  is  slain  the  ml  «!l  V  •°"' 
we  know  not  what  to  do  "  ^®  starvmg ; 

Athenians.  on^more  mr^r^^f ''p''  *'^"'.  ~«°vered  ;  and  the 

^chrysopoCor'S'^B^iJrar^^^^^^^  «-  *T 

Bosporus  ;  i^estabUshed  their  toll  oS  ™,  ^1^  *'^°^f  "^  ^^e 
pa^g  from  the  Euxine;  and  left  a  sluacCn  f„  ""/"^"^^'^ 
Md  collect  the  dues     So  mv,t  w Jl  T^'l™"  *°  g^ard  the  strait 

Lacedemonians  Tthe  W  therfleet'tfrthTr */;''^ 
proceeded  to  Athens  to  tZJ  f  ,    ^P''"'"  ^n^'us 

parties  standing  Ss  the—'  S".!"  *'"'  '«'«'«  •"'  ''"th 

at  this  time  w\y  tL  dL4VSe^lr"a  tr''^  ^ 
known  to  us  bv  the  later  nnm™i;^  <•  a  -V  ?'  lamp-maker, 
appears  to  have  W  a  r^ 'Tf^r  f  ^"^*°Ph,anes.  Cleophon 
victories  had  kspTrf  him^lT"''"'"'  "^'^^  ^  ''"'  ^^-^ !««« 

vised  the  AthcCto"  "^^tb'tZs"'"  *"'P^,\n''«  '^■ 
Athens  thus  threw  awav  J^       u  Proposed  by  Endius. 

her  shattered  for^eT  of  Xt  ^  JL  7^^T'*^  °'"  T "''»'"8 
aroied  their  seamen,  furnished  them  wiTJ'  •  •  ^^'^^  ^"^ 

out  for  a  W  time  ^  But  t  kTaI^  .^^^«,^J^«  ^"^bled  to  hold 

their  principal  obTeet.     TL'^tionTt^  ^'^^"^^^ 

to  them  the  trade  of  the  E^^^e      pl^^^^f^^^^^^ 
Becelea  the  Spartan  kinl    aAT'  oIu  a        ^'^1^  ^^"^'"^^  ^* 
*Called7fWW7      ^^     \      ^  '     °"^*^  ^^''^''^  ^^«  corn-ships 
^^C^eai:p.Men.  ('E.^arolevc)  or  "Secretar/'  in  the Laeed.monia, 


B.C.  407. 


ALCIBIADES  RETURNS  TO  ATHENa 


3Ci 


from  the  Euxine  sailing  into  the  harbour  of  the  Piraeus,  and 
felt  how  fruitless  it  was  to  occupy  the  fields  of  Attica,  whilst 
such  abundant  supplies  of  provisions  were  continually  finding 
their  way  to  the  city. 

§  7.  The  year  409  b.c.  was  not  marked  by  any  memorable 
events ;  but  in  the  following  year  Chalcedon  at  length  surren- 
dered to  the  combined  Athenian  forces,  in  spite  of  an  attempt 
of  Pharnabazus  to  save  it.  Selymbria  was  also  taken  by  Alci- 
biades  about  the  same  time.  Byzantium  fell  next.  After  it  had 
been  besieged  by  Alci blades  for  some  months,  ll  e  gates  were 
opened  to  the  Athenians  towards  the  close  of  the  year  408  b.c, 
through  the  treachery  of  a  party  among  its  inhabitants. 

§  8.  These  great  achievements  of  Alcibiades  naturally  paved 
the  way  for  his  return  to  Athens.  In  the  spring  of  407  b.c.  he 
proceeded  with  the  fleet  to  Samos,  and  from  thence  sailed  to 
Pira3us.  His  reception  was  far  more  favourable  than  he  had 
ventured  to  anticipate.  The  whole  population  of  Athens  flocked 
down  to  Piraeus  to  welcome  him,  and  escorted  him  to  the  city. 
In  the  KSenate  and  in  the  assembly  he  protested  his  innocence  of 
the  impieties  imputed  to  liim,  and  denounced  the  injustice  of 
his  enemies.  His  sentence  was  reversed  without  a  dissentient 
voice ;  his  confiscated  property  restored ;  the  curse  of  the  Eu- 
molpidae  revoked,  and  the  leaden  plate  on  which  it  was  engraven 
thrown  into  the  sea.  He  seemed  to  be  in  the  present  juncture 
the  only  man  capable  of  restoring  the  grandeur  and  the  empire 
of  Athens  :  he  was  accordingly  named  general  with  unlimited 
powers,  and  a  force  of  100  triremes,  1500  hoplites,  and  150 
cavalry  placed  at  his  disposal. 

^9.  But  whatever  change  eight  years  of  exile  and  his  recent 
achievements  had  produced  in  the  pubhc  feeling  towards  Alci- 
biades, it  was  one  of  forgiveness  rather  than  of  love,  and  rested 
more  on  the  hopes  of  the  future  than  on  the  remembrance  of  the 
past.  The  wounds  which  he  had  inflicted  on  Athens  in  the 
afiairs  of  Syracuse  and  Dccelea,  in  the  revolts  of  Chios  and  Mi- 
letus, and  in  the  organization  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Four 
Hundred,  were  too  severe  to  be  readily  forgotten ;  and  he  had 
still  many  enemies  who,  though  silent  amid  the  general  applause, 
did  not  cease  to  whisper  their  secret  condemnation.  Alcibiades, 
however,  disbeheved  or  disregarded  their  machinations,  and 
yielded  himself  without  reserve  to  the  breeze  of  popular  favour 
which  once  more  filled  his  sails.  Before  his  departure,  he  took 
an  opportunity  to  atone  for  the  impiety  of  which  he  had  been 
suspected.  Although  his  armament  was  in  perfect  readiness,  he 
delayed  its  sailing  till  after  the  celebration  of  the  Eleusinian 
mysteries  at  the  beginning  of  September.     For  seven  years  the 

II 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIX. 


customary  procession  across  the  Thriasian  plain  had  been  sus- 
pended, owing  to  the  occupation  of  Decelea  by  the  enemy,  which 
compelled  the  sacred  troop  to  proceed  by  sea.  Alcibiades  now 
escorted  them  on  their  progress  and  return  with  his  forces,  and 
thus  succeeded  in  reconciling  himself  with  the  offended  god- 
desses and  with  their  holy  priests,  the  Eumolpidae. 

§  10.  Meanwhile,  a  great  change  had  been  going  on  in  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  East.  We  have  already  seen  that  the 
Great  King  was  displeased  with  the  vacillating  policy  of  Tissa- 
phemes,  and  had  determined  to  adopt  more  energetic  measures 
against  the  Athenians.  During  the  absence  of  Alcibiades,  Cyrus, 
the  younger  son  of  Darius,  a  prince  of  a  bold  and  enterprising 
spirit,  and  animated  with  a  lively  hatred  of  Athens,  had  arrived 
9X  the  coast  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  altered  policy  of 
the  Persian  court ;  and  with  that  view  had  been  invested  vi4th 
the  satrapies  of  Lydia,  the  Greater  Phrygia,  and  Cappadocia,  as 
well  as  with  the  military  command  of  all  those  forces  which 
mustered  at  Castolus.  The  arrival  of  Cyrus  opens  the  last 
phase  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Another  event,  in  the  highest 
degree  unfavourable  to  the  Athenian  cause,  was  the  accession  of 
Lysander,  as  Navarchm,  to  the  command  of  the  Peloponnesian 
fleet.  Lysander  was  the  third  of  the  remarkable  men  whom 
Sparta  produced  during  the  war.  In  abihty,  energy,  and  suc- 
cess he  may  be  compared  with  Brasidas  and  Gylippus,  though 
immeasurably  inferior  to  the  former  in  every  moral  quality. 
He  was  bom  of  poor  parents,  and  was  by  descent  a  nwtliax, 
or  one  of  those  Lacedsemonians  who  could  never  enjoy  the 
full  rights  of  Spartan  citizenship.  The  allurements  of  money 
imd  of  pleasure  had  no  influence  over  Mm ;  but  his  ambition 
was  boundless,  and  he  was  wholly  unscrupulous  about  the  means 
which  he  employed  to  gratify  it.  In  pursuit  of  his  objects  he 
hesitated  at  neither  deceit,  nor  iHjrjury,  nor  cruelty,  and  he  is 
reported  to  have  laid  it  down  as  one  of  his  maxims  in  life  to 
avail  himself  of  the  fox's  skin  where  the  lion's  failed. 

§11.  Lysander  had  taken  up  his  station  at  Ephesus,  with  the 
Lacedaemonian  fleet  of  70  triremes ;  and  when  Cyrus  arrived  at 
Sardis,  in  the  spring  of  407  B.C.,  he  hastened  to  pay  his  court 
to  the  young  prince,  and  was  received  with  every  mark  of  fa- 
vour. A  vigorous  line  of  action  was  resolved  on.  Cyrus  at 
once  offered  500  talents,  and  afiirmed  that  if  more  were  needed, 
he  was  prepared  to  devote  his  private  funds  to  the  cause,  and 
even  to  coin  into  money  the  very  throne  of  gold  and  silver  on 
which  ho  sat.  In  a  banquet  which  ensued  Cyrus  drank  to  the 
health  of  Lysander,  and  desired  him  to  name  any  wish  which 
he  codd  gratify.     Lysander  immediately  requested  an  addition 


kii 


B.C.  407.   ARRIVAL  OF  CYRUS  ON  THE  COAST.       S5.3 

of  an  obolus  to  the  daily  pay  of  the  seamen.     Cyrus  was  sur- 
prised at  so  disinterested  a  demand,  and  from  that  day  conceived 
a  high  degree  of  respect  and  confidence  for  the  Spartan  com- 
mander.   °Lysander  on  his  return  to  Ephesus  employed  himself 
in  refitting  his  fleet,  and  in  organizing  clubs  in  the  Spartan  in- 
terest in  the  cities  of  Asia.  ^    n    ^ 
k  12.  Alcibiades  set  sail  from  Athens  in  September.    He  hrst 
proceeded  to  Andros,  now  occupied  by  a  Lacedaemonian  force ; 
but  meeting  with  a  stouter  resistance  than  he  expected,  he  left 
Conon  with°20  ships  to  prosecute  the  siege,  and  proceeded  with 
the  remainder  to  Samos.     It  was  here  that  he  first  learnt  the 
altered  state  of  the  Athenian  relations  with  Persia.     Beuig  ill 
provided  with  funds  for  carrying  on  the  war,  he  was  driven  to 
make  predatory  excursions  for  the  purpose  of  raising  money.    He 
attempted  to  levy  contributions  on  Cyme,  an  unoH'ending  Athe- 
nian dependency,  and  being  repulsed,  ravaged  its  territory  ;  an 
act  which  caused  loud  complaints  against  him  to  be  lodged  at 
Athens.     During  his  absence  on  this  expedition  he  intrusted  the 
bulk  of  the  fleet  at  Samos  to  his  pilot,  Antiochus,  with  strict 
injunctions  not  to  venture  on  an  action.    Notwithstanding  these 
orders,  however,  Antiochus  sailed  out  and  brought  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian fleet  to  an  engagement  off  Notium,  in  which  the 
Athenians  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  15  ships,  and  An- 
tiochus himself  was  slain.     Among  the  Athenian  armament 
itself  great  dissatisfaction  was  growing  up  against  Alcibiades. 
Thou<rh  at  the  head  of  a  splendid  force,  he  had  in  three  months' 
time  accomplished  literally  nothing.     His  debaucheries  and  dis- 
solute conduct  on  shore  were  charged  against  him,  as  well  as 
his  selecting  for  confidential  posts  not  the  men  best  fitted  for 
them,  but  those  who,  like  Antiochus,  were  the  boon  companions 
and  the  chosen  associates  of  his  revels. 

k  13.  These  accusations  forwarded  to  Athens,  strengthened  by 
complaints  from  Cyme,  and  fomented  by  his  secret  enemies, 
soon  produced  an  entire  revulsion  in  the  public  feeUng  towards 
Alcibiades.  It  was  seen  that  he  was  still  the  same  man,  and 
that  he  had  relapsed  into  all  his  former  habits,  in  the  confidence 
that  his  success  and  two  or  three  years  of  good  behaviour  had 
succeeded  in  recovering  for  him  the  favour  and  esteem  of  his 
countrymen.  The  Athenians  voted  that  he  should  be  dismissed 
from  his  command,  and  appointed  in  his  place  ten  new  generals, 
with  Conon  at  their  head. 

H4.  The  year  of  Lysander's  command  expired  about  the  same 
lime  as  the  appointment  of  Conon  to  the  Athenian  command. 
Through  the  intrigues  of  Lysander,  his  successor  Calhcratidas 
was  received  with  dissatisfaction  botli  by  the  Lacedajmonian  sea- 


i 


s&t 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CflAP.  XXXIL 


men  and  by  Cyrus.  Loud  complaints  were  raised  of  the  im- 
policy of  an  annual  change  of  commanders.  Lysander  threw 
all  sorts  of  difficulties  into  the  way  of  his  successor,  to  whom 
he  handed  over  an  empty  chest,  having  first  repaid  to  Cyrus 
all  the  money  in  his  possession,  under  the  pretence  that  it  was 
a  private  loan.  The  straightforward  conduct  of  Callicratidas, 
however,  who  summoned  the  LacedaBmonian  commanders,  and 
after  a  dignified  remonstrance,  plainly  put  the  question  whether 
he  should  return  home  or  remain,  silenced  all  opposition.  But 
he  was  sorely  embarrassed  for  funds.  Cyrus  treated  him  with 
haughtiness ;  and  when  he  waited  on  that  prince  at  Sardis,  he 
was  dismissed  not  only  without  money,  but  even  without  an 
audience.  Callicratidas,  however,  had  too  much  energy  to  be 
daunted  by  such  obstacles.  Sailing  with  his  fleet  from  Ephesus 
to  Miletus,  he  laid  before  the  assembly  of  that  city,  in  a  spirited 
.  address,  all  the  ills  they  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  exhorted  them  to  bestir  themselves  and  dispense  with 
their  alliance.  He  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Milesians  to 
make  him  a  large  grant  of  money,  whilst  the  leading  men  even 
came  forward  with  private  subscriptions.  By  means  of  this 
assistance  he  was  enabled  to  add  50  triremes  to  the  90  delivered 
to  him  by  Lysander ;  and  the  Chians  further  provided  him  with 
ten  days'  pay  for  the  seamen.  He  now  sailed  for  Lesbos,  and 
taking  the  town  of  Methymna  by  stonn,  delivered  it  over  to  be 
plundered  by  his  men.  He  Hkewise  caused  all  the  slaves  to  be 
sold  for  their  benefit,  but  he  nobly  refused  to  follow  the  example 
of  his  predecessors,  in  selling  tlie  Athenian  garrison  and  Mcthym- 
nsean  citizens  as  slaves ;  declaring,  that  so  long  as  he  held  the 
command,  no  Greek  should  ever  be  reduced  to  slavery. 

^  15.  The  fleet  of  Callicratidas  was  now  double  that  of  Conon. 
Like  the  doge  of  Venice  in  modern  times,  he  claimed  the  sea  as 
his  lawful  bride,  and  warned  Conon  by  a  message  to  abstain  from 
his  adulterous  intercourse.  The  latter,  wjio  had  ventured  to  ap- 
proach Methymna,  was  compelled  to  run  before  the  superior 
force  of  Callicratidas.  Both  fleets  entered  the  harbour  of  My- 
telene  at  the  same  time,  where  a  battle  ensued  in  which  Coijou 
lost  30  ships,  but  he  saved  the  remaining  40  by  hauling  thciii 
ashore  mider  the  walls  of  the  town.  Callicratidas  then  blockaded 
Mytilene  both  by  sea  and  land  ;  whilst  Cyrus,  on  learning  his 
success,  immediately  furnished  him  with  supplies  of  money.  Co- 
non, however,  contrived  to  despatch  a  trireme  to  Athens  with 
the  news  of  his  desperate  position. 

HG.  As  soon  as  the  Athenians  received  intelligence  of  the 
blockade  of  Mytilene,  vast  eflbrts  were  made  for  its  relief;  and 
wc  loam  v«th  surprise  that  in  tliirty  days  a  fleet  of  110  triremes 


B.C.  406. 


BATTLE  OF  ARGINUS^. 


3C5 


was  equippea  and  despatched  from  Piraeus.  Tlie  armament 
assembled  at  Samos,  where  it  was  reinforced  by  scattered  Athe- 
nian ships,  and  by  contingents  from  the  allies  to  the  extent  of  40 
vessels.  The  whole  fleet  of  150  sail  then  proceeded  to  the 
small  islands  of  Arginusa;,  near  the  coast  of  Asia,  and  facing 
Malea,  the  south-eastern  cape  of  Lesbos.  Callicratidas,  who  went 
out  to  meet  them,  took  up  his  station  at  the  latter  point,  leaving 
Eteonicus  with  50  ships  to  maintain  the  blockade  of  Mytilene. 
He  had  thus  only  120  ships  to  oppose  to  the  150  of  the  Athe- 
nians, and  his  pilot,  Hernion,  advised  him  to  retire  before  the 
superior  force  of  the  enemy.  But  Callicratidas  replied  that  he 
would  not  disgrace  himself  by  flight,  and  that  if  he  should  perish, 
Sparta  would  not  feel  his  loss. 

§  17.  The  greatest  precautions  were  taken  in  drawing  up  the 
Athenian  fleet.  The  main  strength  was  thrown  into  the  wings, 
each  of  which  consisted  of  GO  Athenian  ships,  divided  into  lour 
squadrons  of  15  each,  ranged  in  a  double  line.  The  Pelopon- 
nesian  fleet,  on  the  contrary,  was  drawn  up  in  a  single  extended 
line  ;  a  circumstance  displaying  great  confidence  of  superiority, 
and  which  denoted  a  vast  change  in  the  relative  naval  skill  of  the 
parties ;  for  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  their  tactics  had  been 
precisely  the  reverse.  It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind,  that 
the  far  greater  part  of  the  Athenian  fleet  was  on  this  occasion 
manned  by  hastily  raised  crews,  who  had  never  been  to  sea 
before  ;  whilst  the  Peloponnesian  sailors  had  been  well  trained 
by  several  years'  experience. 

The  battle  was  long  and  obstinate.  All  order  was  speedily 
lost,  and  the  ships  fought  singly  with  one  another.  In  one  of 
these  contests,  Callicratidas,  who  stood  on  the  prow  of  his  vessel 
ready  to  board  the  enemy,  was  thrown  overboard  by  the  shock 
of  the  vessels  as  they  met,  and  perished.  At  length  victory 
began  to  declare  for  the  Athenians.  The  Lacedaemonians,  after 
losing  77  vessels,  retreated  with  the  remainder  to  Chios  and 
Phoc^a.     The  loss  of  the  Athenians  was  25  vessels. 

Eteonicus  was  now  in  jeopardy  at  Mytilene.  When  informed 
of  the  defeat  of  his  countrymen,  he  directed  the  vessel  which 
brought  the  news  to  put  to  sea  again,  and  to  return  with  wreaths 
and  shouts  of  triumph  ;  whilst,  taking  advantage  of  the  false  im- 
pression thus  raised  in  the  minds  of  the  Athenians,  he  hastily 
got  ready  for  sea,  and  reached  Chios  in  safety.  At  the  same 
time  the  blockading  army  was  withdrawn  to  Methymna.  Conon, 
thus  unexpectedly  liberated,  put  to  sea,  and  the  united  fleet  took 
up  their  station  at  Samos. 

H8.  The  battle  of  Arginusseled  to  a  deplorable  event,  which 
has  for  ever  sullied  the  pages  of  Athenian  history.     At  least  a 


SSft 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Ciup.  XXXIL 


dozen  Athenian  vessels  were  left  floating  about  in  a  disabled 
condition  after  the  battle ;  but,  owing  to  a  violent  slorm  that 
ensued,  no  attempt  was  made  to  rescue  the  survivors,  or  to 
collect  the  bodies  of  the  dead  for  burial.  Eight  of  the  ten 
generals  were  summoned  home  to  answer  iur  this  conduct ; 
Conon,  by  his  situation  at  Mytilene,  was  of  course  exculpated, 
and  Archestratus  had  died.  Six  of  the  generals  obeyed  the 
summons,  and  were  denounced  in  the  Assembly  by  Theramenes, 
formerly  one  of  the  Four  Hundred,  ibr  neglect  of  duty.  The 
generals  replied  that  they  had  commissioned  Theramenes  him- 
self and  Thrasybulus,  each  of  Avhom  commanded  a  trireme  in 
the  engagement,  to  undertake  the  duty,  and  had  assigned  48 
ships  to  them  for  that  purpose.  This,  however,  was  denied  by 
Theramenes  ;  and  unluckily  the  generals,  from  a  feeling  of  kind- 
ness towards  the  latter,  had  made  no  mention  of  the  circum- 
stance in  their  public  despatches,  but  had  attributed  the  aban- 
donment of  the  Ibundering  vessels  solely  to  the  violence  of  the 
storm.  There  are  discrepancies  in  the  evidence,  and  we  have 
no  materials  for  deciding  positively  which  statement  was  true ; 
but  probability  inclines  to  the  side  of  the  generals.  Public  feel- 
ing, however,  ran  very  strongly  against  them,  and  was  increased 
by  an  incident  which  occurred  during  their  trial.  After  a  day's 
debate  the  question  was  adjourned ;  and  in  the  interval  the 
festival  of  the  Ajiaturia  was  celebrated,  in  which,  according  to 
annual  custom,  the  citizens  met  together  according  to  their 
families  and  phratries.  Those  who  had  perished  at  Arginusaj 
were  naturally  missed  on  such  an  occasion  ;  and  the  usually 
cheerful  character  of  the  festival  was  deformed  and  rendered 
melancholy  by  the  relatives  of  the  deceased  appearing  in  black 
clothes  and  with  shaven  heads.  The  passions  of  the  people 
were  violently  roused.  At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Assembly, 
Callixenus,  a  senator,  proposed  that  the  people  should  at  once 
proceed  to  pass  its  verdict  on  the  generals,  though  they  had 
been  only  partially  heard  in  their  delencc  ;  and,  moreover,  that 
they  should  all  be  included  in  one  sentence,  though  it  was  con- 
trary to  a  rule  of  Attic  law,  known  as  the  psephisma  of  Can- 
nonus,  to  indict  citizens  otherwise  than  individually.  Callixenus 
carried  his  motion  in  spite  of  the  threat  of  Euryptolemus  to 
indict  him  for  an  illegal  proceeding  under  the  GrajM  Farancymwi. 
The  Prytanes,  or  senators  of  the  presiding  tribe,  at  first  refused 
to  put  the  question  to  the  Assembly  in  this  illegal  way  ;  but 
their  opposition  was  at  length  overawed  by  clamour  and  vio- 
lence. There  was,  however,  one  honourable  exception.  The 
philosopher  Socrates,  who  was  one  of  the  Prytans,  refused  to 
withdraw  liis  protest.     But  his  opposition  was  disregarded,  and 


B.C.  406. 


EXECUTION  OF  THE  GENERATE 


S67 


the  proposal  of  CalUxenus  was  carried.  The  generals  were  con- 
demned, delivered  over  to  the  Eleven  for  execution,  and  com- 
pelled to  drmk  the  fatal  hemlock.  Among  them  was  Pericles, 
the  son  of  the  celebrated  statesman.  The  Athenians  afterwards 
repented  of  their  rash  precipitation,  and  decreed  that  CaUixenus 
and  his  accompUces  should  in  their  turn  be  brought  to  trial ; 
but  before  the  appointed  day  they  managed  to  escape. 

\  19.  After  the  battle  of  Arginusse  the  Athenian  fleet  seems 
to  have  remained  inactive  at  Samos  during  the  rest  of  the  year. 
Through  the  influence  of  Cyrus,  and  the  other  allies  of  Sparta, 
Lysander  again  obtained  the  connnand  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet 
at  the  commencement  of  the  year  405  B.C. ;  though  nominaUy 
under  Aracus  as  admiral ;  since  it  was  contrary  to  Spartan  usage 
that  the  same  man  should  be  twice  Navarchus.*  His  return  to 
power  was  marked  by  more  vigorous  measures.  Fresh  funds 
were  obtained  from  Cyrus  ;  the  arrears  due  to  the  seamen  were 
paid  up ;  and  new  triremes  were  put  upon  the  stocks  at  Antan- 
drus.  Oligarchical  revolutions  were  effected  in  Miletus  and 
other  towns.  Summoned  to  visit  his  sick  father  in  Media, 
Cyrus  even  delegated  to  Lysander  the  management  of  his  satrapy 
and  revenues  during  his  absence.  Lysander  was  thus  placed  in 
possession  of  power  never  before  realized  by  any  Lacedaemonian 
commander.  But  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Conon  and  his  coad- 
jutors was  still  superior  in  numbers,  and  Lysander  carefully 
avoided  an  engagement.  He  contrived,  however,  to  elude  the 
Athenian  fleet,  and  to  cross  the  iEgean  to  the  coast  of  Attica, 
where  he  had  an  interview  with  Agis ;  and,  proceeding  thence 
to  the  Hellespont,  which  Conon  had  left  unguarded,  he  took  up 
his  station  at  Abydos. 

§  20.  The  Athenians  were  at  this  time  engaged  in  ravagmg 
Chios ;  but  when  they  heard  of  this  movement,  and  that  Ly- 
sander had  commenced  the  siege  of  Lampsacus,  they  inmie- 
diately  sailed  for  the  Hellespont.  They  arrived  too  late  to  save 
the  town,  but  they  proceeded  up  the  strait  and  took  post  at  ^Egos- 
potami,  or  the  "Goat's  River;"  a  place  which  had  nothing  to 
recommend  it,  except  its  vicinity  to  Lampsacus,  from  which  it 
was  separated  by  a  channel  somewhat  less  than  two  miles  broad. 
It  was  a  mere  desolate  beach,  without  houses  or  inhabitants,  so 
that  all  the  sunplies  had  to  be  fetched  from  Sestos,  or  from  the 
surrounding  country,  and  the  seamen  were  compelled  to  leave 
their  ships  hi  order  to  obtain  their  meals.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  Athenians  were  very  desirous  of  bringing  Lysander 
to  an  engagement.     But  the  Spartan  commander,  who  was  in  a 


Lysander  received  the  title  of  Epistoleus.    See  note  on  p. 


360. 


368 


HISTORY  OF  GKEECR 


Chap.  XXXII 


strong  position,  and  abundantly  fumislied  with  provisions,  was 
in  no  hurry  to  run  any  risks.  In  vain  did  the  Athenians  sail 
over  several  days  in  succession  to  ofier  him  battle  ;  they  always 
found  his  ships  ready  manned,  and  drawn  up  in  too  strong  a 
position  to  warrant  an  attack  ;  nor  could  they  by  all  their  ma- 
ucBUvres  succeed  in  enticing  him  out  to  combat.  This  cowardice, 
as  they  deemed  it,  on  the  part  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  begat  a 
corresponding  negligence  on  theirs ;  discipline  was  neglected  and 
the  men  allowed  to  straggle  almost  at  will.  It  was  in  vain  that 
-Alcibiades,  who  since  his  dismissal  resided  in  a  fortress  in  that 
neighbourhood,  remonstrated  with  the  Athenian  generals  on  the 
exposed  nature  of  the  station  they  had  chosen,  and  advised 
them  to  proceed  to  Sestos.  His  counsels  were  received  with 
taunts  and  insults.  At  length  on  the  fifth  day,  Lysander,  having 
watched  an  opportunity  when  the  Athenian  seamen  had  gone  on 
shore  and  were  dispersed  over  the  country,  rowed  swiftly  across 
the  strait  with  all  his  ships.  He  found  the  Athenian  fleet,  with 
the  exception  of  10  or  12  vessels,  totally  unprepared,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  capturing  nearly  the  whole  of  it,  without  having  occa- 
sion to  strike  a  single  blow.  Of  the  180  ships  which  composed 
the  fleet,  only  the  trireme  of  Conon  himself,  the  Paralus,  and  8 
or  10  other  vessels  succeeded  in  escaping.  Conon  was  afraid 
to  return  to  Athens  after  so  signal  a  disaster,  and  took  refuge 
with  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis  in  Cj^rus.  All  the  Atlicnian 
prisoners,  amounting  to  3000  or  4000,  together  with  the  generals, 
were  put  to  death  by  order  of  Lysander,  in  retaliation  for  the 
cruelty  with  which  the  Athenians  had  treated  the  prisoners  they 
had  lately  made. 

By  this  momentous  victor}',  which  was  suspected  to  have  been 
achieved  through  the  corrupt  connivance  of  some  of  the  Athe- 
nian generals,  the  contest  on  the  Hellesiwnt,  and  virtually  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  was  brought  to  an  end.  The  closing  scene 
of  the  catastrophe  was  enacted  at  Athens  itself;  but  the  fate  of 
the  imperial  fi|y  siiist  be  reserved  for  another  chapter. 


Bust  or  the  Poet  Euripid««. 


View  of  Phy  e. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 


FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  ^GOSPOTAMl  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  DEMOCRACY 
AT  ATHENS. 

§  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.  §  2.  Proceedings  of  Lysander.  Capture  of  the 
Athenian  dependencies.  §  3.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.  Athens  in- 
vested. §  4.  Embassy  of  Theramenes.  Conditions  of  capitulation. 
8  5.  Lysander  takes  possession  of  Athens.  Destruction  of  the  long 
walls,  Ac.  §  6.  Return  of  the  oligarchical  exiles.  Establishment  of 
the  Thirty.  §  7.  Surrender  of  Saraos  and  triumph  of  Lysander.  §  8.  Pre 
ceedings  of  the  Thirty  at  Athens.  §  9.  Opposition  of  Theramenes. 
8  10.  Proscriptions,  Death  of  Theramenes.  §  U.  Suppression  of  in- 
tellectual culture.  Socrates.  §12.  Death  of  Alcibiades.  §13.  Jealousy 
of  the  Grecian  states  towards  Sparta  and  Lysander.  §  14.  Thrasy- 
bulus  at  Phyle.  §  15.  Seizure  and  massacre  of  the  Eleusinians. 
8  16.  Thrasybulus  occupies  Pirajus.  Death  of  Critias.  §  lY.  Deposi- 
tion of  the  Thirty,  and  establishment  of  the  Ten.  Return  of  Lysander 
4o  Athens,  and  arrival  of  Pausanias.  §  18.  Peace  with  Thrasybulus, 
and  evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians.  §  1 9.  Restoration  of 
the  democracy.    §  20.  Archonship  of  Euclides.    Reduction  of  Lleusis. 

\  1.  The  defeat  of  iEgospotami,  which  took  place  about  Sep- 
tember, 405  B.C.,  was  announced  at  Piraeus  in  the  night,  by  tha 

R* 


3GS 


HISTORY  OF  GKEECR 


Chap.  XXXIL 


strong  position,  and  abundantly  furnished  with  provisions,  was 
in  no  hurry  to  run  any  risks.  In  vain  did  tlie  Athenians  sail 
over  several  days  in  succession  to  olier  him  battle  ;  they  always 
found  his  ships  ready  manned,  and  drawn  up  in  too  strong  a 
position  to  warrant  an  attack  ;  nor  could  they  by  all  their  ma- 
iiOBUvres  f^ucceed  in  enticing  him  out  to  combat.  This  cowjirdice, 
as  they  deemed  it,  on  the  part  of  the  Laceihi'inonians,  begat  a 
corresponding  negligence  on  theirs ;  dis-ciphne  was  neglected  and 
the  men  .allowed  to  straggle  almost  at  will.  It  was  in  vain  that 
'Alcibiades,  who  since  liis  dismissal  resided  in  a  fortress  in  that 
neighbourhood,  remonstrated  with  the  Athenian  generals  on  the 
exposed  nature  of  the  station  they  had  chosen,  and  advised 
them  to  proceed  to  Scstos.  His  counsels  were  received  with 
taunts  and  insults.  At  length  on  the  liflh  day,  Lysander,  having 
watched  an  ctpportunity  when  the  Athenian  seamen  had  gone  on 
shore  and  were  dis})ersed  over  the  country,  rowed  swiftly  across 
the  strait  with  all  liis  ships.  He  found  the  Athenian  ileet,  with 
the  exception  of  10  or  12  vessels,  totally  unprepared,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  capturing  nearly  the  whole  of  it,  without  having  occa- 
sion to  strike  a  single  blow.  Of  the  180  ships  Avhich  composed 
the  fleet,  only  the  trireme  of  Conon  himself,  the  Paralus,  and  8 
or  10  other  vessels  succeeded  in  escaping.  Conon  was  afraid 
to  return  to  Athens  after  so  signal  a  disaster,  and  took  refuge 
with  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis  in  Cypnis.  All  the  Atlienian 
prisoners,  amounting  to  3000  or  4000,  together  with  the  generals, 
were  put  to  death  by  order  of  Lysander,  in  retaliation  for  the 
cruelty  with  which  the  Athenians  had  treated  the  prisoners  they 
had  lately  made. 

By  tliis  momentous  victor}',  which  was  suspected  to  have  been 
achieved  through  the  corrupt  comiivance  ot"  some  of  the  Athe- 
nian generals,  the  contest  on  the  Hellespont,  and  virtually  the 
Pelopomiesian  war,  was  brought  to  an  end.  The  closing  scene 
of  the  catastrophe  was  enacted  at  Athens  itself;  but  the  fate  of 
tlie  imperial  city  must  be  reserved  for  another  chapter. 


^ 


Bust  of  the  Poet  Euripides. 


View  of  Phy  e. 

CHAPTEU  XXXni. 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  /EGOSFOTAMl  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  DEMOCRACY 
AT  ATHENS. 

^  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.  §  2.  Proceedinira  of  Lysander.  Capture  of  the 
^  Atiioniaii  (lopendeneies.  g  3.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.  Athens  in- 
vested. §  4.  Enibassy  of '  Theranienes.  Conditions  of  capitulation. 
^  5  Lysander  takes  possession  of  Athens.  Destruction  of  the  long 
wails,  etc.  §  6.  Return  of  the  oliirarchical  exiles.  Establishment  of 
the  Tiiirtv.  87.  Surrender  of  Samos  and  triumph  of  Lysander.  §  8.  Pro* 
ceedinjTs  of 'the  Thirty  at  Athens.  §  9.  Opposition  of  Theramenes. 
§  10.  Proscriptions.  Death  of  Theramenes.  §  1 1.  Suppression  of  in- 
tellectual culture.  Socrates.  §  12.  Death  of  Alcibiades.  §13.  Jealousy 
of  the  Grecian  states  towards  Sparta  and  Lysander.  §  14.  Thrasy- 
bulus  at  Phyle.  §  15.  Seizure  and  massacre  of  the  Eleusinians. 
ij  IG.  Thrasybulus  occupies  Pira;ui».  Death  of  Critias.  §  17.  Deposi- 
tion of  the  Thirty,  and  establishment  of  the  Ten.  Return  of  Lysander 
to  Athens,  and  arrival  of  Pausanias.  §  18.  Peace  with  Thrasybulus, 
and  evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians.  §  19.  Restoration  of 
the  democracy.    §  20.  Archonship  of  Euclides.    Reduction  of  Lleusia. 

S  1.  The  defeat  of  JEgospotami,  which  took  place  about  Sep- 
tember, 405  B.C.,  was  announced  at  Pirajus  in  the  night,  by  the 


8*70 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


CuAP.  XXXIIi 


arrivai  of  the  Paralus.  "  On  that  night,"  says  Xenophon,  "  no 
man  slept."  The  disaster,  hideed,  was  as  sudden  and  as  authen- 
tic as  it  was  vast  and  irretrievable.  The  proceedings  of  the  de- 
jected assembly  which  met  on  the  following  day  at  once  showed 
that  the  remaining  struggle  was  one  lor  bare  existence.  In 
order  to  make  the  best  preparations  for  a  siege,  it  was  resolved  to 
block  up  two  of  the  three  ports  of  Athens — a  plain  confession 
that  maritime  supremacy,  the  sole  basis  of  her  power,  had  de- 
parted from  her. 

f  2,  Lysander,  secure  of  an  easy  triumph,  was  in  no  haste  to 
gather  it  by  force.  The  command  of  the  Euxine  enabled  him  to 
control  the  supplies  of  Athens  ;  and  sooner  or  later,  a  few  weeks 
of  famine  must  decide  her  fall.  With  the  view  of  hastening  the 
catastrophe  he  compelled  the  garrisons  of  all  the  towns  which 
surrendered  to  proceed  to  the  capital.  The  question  was  not 
one  of  arms,  but  of  hunger ;  and  an  additional  garrison,  so  far 
from  adding  to  her  strength,  would  complete  her  weakness.  A 
strong  proof  of  the  insecure  foundation  of  her  power  I  A  naval 
defeat  in  a  remote  quarter  had  not  only  deprived  her  of  empire, 
but  was  about  to  render  her  in  turn  a  captive  and  a  subject. 

Lysander  now  sailed  forth  to  take  possession  of  the  Athenian 
towns,  which  fell  one  after  another  into  his  power  as  soon  as 
he  appeared  before  them.  In  all  a  new  fonn  of  government 
was  established,  consisting  of  an  oligarchy  of  ten  of  the  citizens, 
called  a  decarchy,  under  a  Spartan  harmost.  Chalcedon,  Byzan- 
tium, Mytilene,  surrendered  to  Lysander  himself;  whilst  Eteoni- 
cus  was  despatched  to  occupy  and  revolutionize  the  Athenian 
towns  in  Thrace.  Amidst  the  general  defection,  Samos  alone 
remained  faithful  to  Athens.  All  her  other  dependencies  at 
once  yielded  to  the  Lacedemonians ;  whilst  her  cleruchs  were 
forced  to  abandon  their  possessions  and  return  home.  In  many 
places,  and  especially  in  Thasos,  these  revolutions  were  attended 
with  violence  and  bloodshed. 

f  3.  The  situation  of  Athens  was  now  more  desperate  even 
than  when  Xerxes  was  advancing  against  her  with  his  countless 
host.  The  juncture  demanded  the  hearty  co-operation  of  all 
her  citizens ;  and  a  general  amnesty  was  proposed  and  carried 
lor  the  purpose  of  releasing  all  debtors,  accused  persons,  and 
state  prisoners,  except  a  few  of  the  more  desperate  criminals 
and  homicides.  The  citizens  were  then  assembled  in  the  Acro- 
polis, and  swore  a  solemn  oath  of  mutual  forgiveness  and  har- 
mony. 

About  November  Lysander  made  his  appearance  at  JEgina, 
with  an  overwhelming  fleet  of  150  triremes,  and  proceeded  to 
devastate  Salamis  and  blockade  Piraeus.     At  the  samo  time  the 


B.C.  404. 


CAPITULATION  OF  ATHENE 


371 


\ 


. 


whole  Peloponnesian  army  was  marched  into  Attica,  and  en- 
camped in  the  precincts  of  the  Academus,  at  the  very  gates  of 
Athens.  Famine  soon  began  to  be  felt  within  the  walls.  Yet 
the  Athenians  did  not  abate  of  their  pretensions.  In  their  pro- 
posals for  a  capitulation  they  demanded  the  preservation  of  their 
long  walls,  and  of  the  port  of  Piraeus.  But  the  Spartan  Ephors, 
to  whom  the  Athenian  envoys  had  been  referred  by  king  Agis, 
refused  to  listen  to  such  terms,  and  insisted  on  the  demolition 
of  the  long  walls  for  the  space  of  10  stadia  at  least.  The  spirit 
of  the  people,  however,  was  still  so  unsubdued — though  some  of 
them  were  actually  dying  of  hunger — ^Ihat  the  senator  Arches- 
tratus  was  imprisoned  for  proposing  to  accept  the  terms  offered 
by  the  Ephors  ;  and  on  the  motion  of  Cleophon,  it  was  forbidden 
to  make  any  such  proposal  in  future. 

§  4.  Theramenes,  formerly  one  of  the  Four  Hundred,  now 
offered  to  proceed  to  Lysander  for  the  purpose  of  learning  his 
real  intentions  with  regard  to  the  fate  of  Athens ;  and  as  he 
pretended  that  his  personal  connexions  would  afford  him  great 
facilities  in  such  an  undertaking,  his  offer  was  accepted.  After 
wasting  three  months  with  Lysander, — ^three  months  of  ter- 
rible sufl^ering  to  the  Athenians, — he  said  that  Lysander  had 
then  informed  him  for  the  first  time  that  the  Ephors  alone 
had  power  to  treat.  The  only  construction  that  can  be  put  on 
this  conduct  of  Theramenes  is,  that  he  designed  to  reduce  the 
Athenians  to  the  last  necessity,  so  that  they  should  be  compelled 
to  purchase  peace  at  any  price.  If  such  was  his  object  he  com- 
pletely succeeded.  When  he  returned  to  Athens  the  famine  had 
become  so  dreadful,  that  he  was  inunediately  sent  back  to  con- 
clude a  peace  on  whatever  terms  he  could.  In  the  debate  which 
ensued  at  Sparta,  the  Thebans,  the  Corinthians,  and  others  of 
the  more  bitter  enemies  of  Athens,  urged  the  very  extinction 
of  her  name  and  the  sale  of  her  whole  population  into  slavery. 
But  this  proposition  was  resolutely  opposed  by  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, who  declared,  with  great  appearance  of  magnanimity, 
though  probably  with  a  view  to  their  own  interest  in  converting 
Athens  into  a  useful  dependency,  that  they  would  never  consent 
to  enslave  or  annihilate  a  city  which  had  rendered  such  eminent 
services  to  Greece.  The  terms  which  the  Ephors  dictated,  and 
which  the  Athenians  were  in  no  condition  to  refuse,  were :  That 
the  long  walls  and  the  fortifications  of  Piraeus  should  be  de- 
molished ;  that  the  Athenians  should  give  up  all  their  foreign 
possessions,  and  confine  themselves  to  their  own  territory ;  that 
they  should  surrender  all  their  ships  of  war ;  that  they  should 
readmit  all  their  exiles  ;  and  that  they  should  become  allies  of 
Sparta.     As  Theramenes  re-entered  Athens,  bearing  in  his  hand 


S72 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


II 
11 


Chap.  XXXIIL 


the  roll  or  scytaUr  which  contained  these  terms,  he  was  pressed 
upon  by  an  anxious  and  haggard  crowd,  who,  heedless  of  the 
terms,  gave  loud  vent  to  their  joy  that  peace  was  at  length  con- 
cluded. And  though  there  was  still  a  small  minority  for  holding 
out,  the  vote  for  accepting  the  conditions  was  carried,  and  noti- 
fied to  Lvsander. 

k  5.  It  was  about  the  middle  or  end  of  March,  b.c.  404,  that 
Lysandcf  sailed  into  Piricus,  and  took  formal  possession  of 
Athens;  the  war,  in  singular  conformity  with  the  prophecies 
current  at  the  beginning  of  it,  having  lasted  for  a  period  of  thrice 
nine,  or  27  years.  The  Lacedajmonian  fleet  and  army  remained 
in  possession  of  the  city  till  the  conditions  of  its  capitulation 
had  been  executed.  Lysander  carried  away  all  the  Athenian 
triremes  except  twelve,  destroyed  the  naval  arsenals,  and  burned 
the  ships  on  the  stocks.  The  insolence  of  the  victors  added 
another  blow  to  the  feeUngs  of  the  conquered.  The  work  of  de- 
struction, at  which  Lysander  presided,  was  converted  into  a  sort 
of  festival.  Female  ilute-players  and  wreathed  dancers  inaugu- 
rated the  demolition  of  the  strong  and  proud  bulwarks  of 
Athens;  and  as  the  massive  walls  fell  piece  by  piece  excla- 
mations arose  from  the  ranks  of  the  Peloponnesians  that  free- 
dom had  at  length  begun  to  dawn  upon  Greece.  The  sohdity  of 
the  works  rendered  the  task  of  demolition  a  laborious  one.  After 
aorae  httle  progress  had  been  made  in  it,  Lysander  withdrew 
with  his  fleet  to  prosecute  the  siege  of  Samos. 

Thus  fell  imperial  Athens  in  the  seventy-third  year  after  the 
formation  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  the  origm  of  her  subse- 
quent empire.  During  that  interval  she  had  doubtless  com- 
mitted many  mistakes  and  much  injustice ;  had  uniformly,  per- 
haps, overrated  the  real  foundations  of  her  strength,  and  fre- 
quently employed  unjustifiable  means  hi  order  to  support  it. 
But  on  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  recollected  that  in  that  brief 
career  she  had  risen  by  her  genius  and  her  valour,  from  the  con- 
dition of  a  small  and  subordinate  city  to  be  the  leading  power 
in  Greece  ;  that  in  the  first  instance  empire  had  not  been  sought 
by  her  ambition,  but  laid  at  her  feet,  and  in  a  manner  thrust 
upon  her ;  that  it  had  been  accepted,  and  successfully  employed, 
for  the  most  noble  of  human  purposes,  and  to  avert  an  over- 
whelming deluge  of  barbarism ;  and  that  Greece,  and  more 
particularly  Athens  herself,  had  been  thus  enabled  to  become  the 
mother  of  refinement,  the  nurse  of  literature  and  art,  ainl  the 
founder  of  European  ci\'ilisation. 

\  6.  The  fall  of  Athens  brought  back  a  host  of  exiles,  all  of 
them  the  enemies  of  her  democratical  constitution.  Of  these  the 
most  distinguished  was  Critias,  a  man  of  wealth  and  family,  the 


B.C.  404. 


THE  THIRTY  TYRANTS. 


S7S 


. 


uncle  of  Plato  and  once  the  intimate  friend  of  Socrates,  distin- 
guished both  for  his  literary  and  political  talents,  but  of  unmea- 
sured ambition  and  unscrupulous  conscience.  Critias  and  his 
companions  soon  found  a  party  with  which  they  could  co-operate. 
A  large  jwrtion  of  the  senators  was  favourable  to  the  establish- 
ment of  an  oligarchy ;  of  which  Theramenes  had  already  laid 
the  foundation  during  his  residence  with  Lysander.  Scarcely 
was  the  city  surrendered,  when  this  faction  began  to  organize 
its  plans.  The  poHtical  clubs  met  and  named  a  committee  of 
five,  who,  in  compliment  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  were  called 
Ephors.  Their  first  step  was  to  seize  the  leaders  of  the  de- 
mocratical party,  whom  they  accused  of  a  design  to  overturn 
the  peace.  Cleophon  had  already  fallen,  on  an  accusation  of 
neglect  of  military  duty,  but  in  reahty  from  his  perseverance  in 
opposing  the  surrender  of  Athens.  The  way  being  thus  pre- 
pared, Critias  and  Theramenes  invited  Lysander  from  Samos,  in 
order  that  his  presence  might  secure  the  success  of  the  move- 
ment. It  was  then  proposed  in  the  assembly  that  a  committee 
of  thirty  should  be  named  to  draw  up  laws  for  the  future 
government  of  the  city,  and  to  undertake  its  temporary  ad- 
ministration. Among  the  most  prominent  of  the  thirty  names 
were  those  of  Critias  and  Theramenes.  The  proposal  was  of 
course  carried.  Lysander  himself  addressed  the  assembly,  and 
contemptuously  told  them  that  they  had  better  take  thought  for 
their  personal  safety,  which  now  lay  at  his  mercy,  than  for  their 
political  constitution.  The  committee  thus  appointed  soon  ob- 
tained the  title  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  the  name  by  which  they 
have  become  known  in  all  subsequent  time. 

k  7.  After  completing  the  revolution  of  Athens,  Lysander  re- 
turned to  Samos.  The  island  surrendered  towards  the  end  of 
summer,  when  an  oligarchical  government  was  established,  as 
in  the  other  conquered  states.  Never  had  Greek  commander 
celebrated  so  great  a  triumph  as  that  which  adorned  the  return 
of  Lysander  to  Sparta.  He  brought  with  him  all  the  prow  orna- 
ments of  the  numerous  ships  he  had  taken  ;  he  was  loaded 
with  golden  crowns,  the  gifts  of  various  cities ;  and  he  ostenta- 
tiously displayed  the  large  sum  of  470  talents,  the  balance  w  hich 
still  remained  of  the  sums  granted  by  Cyrus  for  prosecutmg  the 
war. 

k  8.  Meanwhile,  the  Thirty  at  Athens  having  named  an  en- 
tirely new  Senate,  and  appointed  fresh  magistrates,  proceeded  to 
exterminate  some  of  their  most  obnoxious  opponents.  In  order 
to  insure  their  condemnation,  the  Thirty  presided  in  person  in 
the  place  formerly  occupied  by  the  Prytanes ;  and  the  senators 
were  obliged  to  deposit  their  voting  pebbles  on  tables  placed 


I 

I 


If 


ZU 


HISTORY  OF  GREEGK 


Chap.  XXXIII. 


immediately  before  them.  Frequently  even  this  show  of  legahty 
was  dispensed  with,  and  the  accused  were  put  to  death  by  the 
mere  order  of  the  Thirty.  But  Critias,  and  the  more  violent 
party  among  them,  still  called  for  more  blood ;  and  with  the 
view  of  obtaining  it,  procured  a  Spartan  garrison,  under  the 
harmost  CaUibius,  to  be  uistalled  in  the  Acropolis.  Besides 
this  force,  they  had  an  organized  band  of  assassins  at  their  dis- 
posal. Blood  now  flowed  on  all  sides.  Many  of  the  leading  men 
of  Athens  fell,  others  took  to  flight.  A  still  greater  refinement 
of  cunning  and  cruelty  was,  to  implicate  distinguished  citizens  in 
their  own  crimes  by  making  them  accomplices  in  their  acts  of 
violence.  Thus,  on  one  oc!casion,  they  sent  for  five  citizens  to 
the  government  house,  and  ordered  them  with  horrible  menaces 
to  proceed  to  Salamis,  and  bring  back  as  a  prisoner  an  eminent 
Athenian  named  Leon.  Socrates  was  one  of  the  five,  and  again 
did  himself  immortal  honour  by  refusuig  to  participate  in  such 
an  act  of  violence. 

{  9.  Thus  the  reign  of  terror  was  completely  cstabhshed.  In 
the  bosom  of  the  Thirty,  however,  there  was  a  party,  headed  by 
Theramenes,  who  disapproved  of  these  proceedings.  Thera- 
meiies  was  long-sighted  and  cumiing,  as  we  have  seen  from 
his  former  acts,  and  so  shifting  and  unstable  in  his  political 
views  as  to  have  obtained  the  nick-name  of  Cothurnus^  from 
resembling  a  shoe  that  would  fit  either  foot.  But  he  was  not 
unnecessarily  and  gratuitously  cruel ;  and  though  he  had  ap- 
proved of  the  slaughter  of  those  citizens  whom,  from  their  former 
political  conduct,  he  deemed  dangerous  and  irreconcilable  ene- 
mies to  the  new  state  of  things,  yet  he  was  not  disposed  to 
sanction  murder  merely  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  the  wealth  of 
the  victims.  He  was  also  incUned  to  give  the  new  government 
a  more  constitutional  form ;  and  it  was  at  his  suggestion  that 
the  Thirty  were  induced  to  bestow  the  franchise  on  3000  citi- 
zens, chosen,  however,  as  much  as  possible  from  their  own 
adherents.  But  this  show  of  liberaUty,  as  managed  by  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Thirty,  was  in  reality  only  a  vehicle  for  greater 
oppression  towards  the  remainder  of  the  citizens.  All  except 
the  chosen  3000  were  considered  to  be  without  the  pale  of  the 
law,  and  might  be  put  to  death  without  form  of  trial  by  the 
simple  fiat  of  the  Thirty ;  whilst  in  older  to  render  them  inca- 
pable of  resistance,  they  were  assembled  under  pretence  of  a 
review,  during  which  their  arms  were  seized  by  a  stratagem. 

§10.  The  Thirty  now  proceeded  more  unsparingly  than 
ever.  A  regular  proscription  took  place.  A  list  was  made 
out  of  those  who  were  to  be  slain  and  plundered ;  and 
llie  adherents  of  the  Thirty  were  permitted  to  insert  in  it 


B.a  404. 


DEATH  OF  THERAMENES. 


375 


■ 


whatever  names  they  pleased.  So  little  was  the  proscription 
of  a  political  character,  that  it  extended  to  metics  (resident 
aliens)  as  well  as  to  citizens  ;  and  under  the  metics  were  in- 
cluded Lysias,  the  celebrated  orator,  and  his  brother,  Polemar- 
chus.  Theramenes  stood  aloof  from  these  atrocities  ;  and  when 
oflered  the  choice  of  a  victim  among  the  metics,  to  be  destroyed 
and  plundered  for  his  own  especial  benefit,  he  indignantly  re- 
jected the  olTer.  His  moderation  cost  him  his  life.  One  day 
as  he  entered  the  Senate-house,  Critias  rose  and  denounced  him 
as  a  public  enemy,  struck  his  name  out  of  the  privileged  3000, 
and  ordered  him  to  be  carried  off  to  instant  death.  Upon  hear- 
ing these  words  Theramenes  sprang  for  refuge  to  the  altar  in 
the  Senate-house  ;  but  he  was  dragged  away  by  Satyrus,  the 
cruel  and  unscrupulous  head  of  the  *'  Eleven,"  a  body  of  officers 
who  carried  into  execution  the  penal  sentence  of  the  law.  Being 
conveyed  to  prison,  he  was  compelled  to  drink  the  fatal  hem- 
lock. The  constancy  of  his  end  might  have  adorned  a  better 
life.  After  swallowing  the  draught,  he  jerked  on  the  floor  a 
drop  which  remained  in  the  cup,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
game  called  cottabos,  exclaiming,  "  This  to  the  health  of  the 
gentle  Critias  !" 

Ml.  Thus  released  from  all  check,  the  tyranny  of  Critias  and 
his  colleagues  raged  with  tenfold  violence.  It  has  been  affirmed 
by  subsequent  orators  that  no  fewer  than  1500  victims  were  put 
to  death  without  trial  by  the  Thirty  ;  and,  though  this  is  pro- 
bably an  exaggeration,  the  number  was  undoubtedly  prodigious. 
Measures  were  taken  to  repress  all  intellectual  culture,  and  to 
convert  the  government  into  one  of  brute  force.  A  decree  was 
promulgated,  forbidding  the  teaching  of  "  the  art  of  words  ;"  a 
phrase  which,  in  its  comprehensive  Greek  meaning,  included 
logic,  rhetoric,  and  literature  in  general,  and  was  more  particu- 
larly levelled  at  those  ingenious  and  learned  men  who  went  by 
the  name  of  *'  Sophists."  Socrates,  the  most  distinguished  among 
them,  had  commented  with  just  severity  on  the  enormities  per- 
petrated by  the  Thirty.  He  was  summoned  before  Critias,  and 
prohibited  in  future  from  all  conversation  with  youths.  Socrates 
exposed,  in  his  usual  searcliing  style,  the  vagueness  of  the  com- 
mand, and  the  impossibiUty  of  its  execution  ;  but  this  only  pro- 
voked the  more  the  rage  of  the  tyrants,  who  dismissed  him  with 
the  hint  that  they  were  not  ignorant  of  the  censures  he  had 
passed  upon  them. 

§  12.  Alcibiades  had  been  included  by  the  Thirty  in  the  list 
of  exiles  ;  but  the  fate  which  now  overtook  him  seems  to  have 
sprung  from  the  fears  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  or  perhaps  fronri 
the  personal  hatred  of  Agis.     After  the  battle  of  jEgospotami 


sffe 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXlll 


Alcibiades  felt  himself  insecure  on  the  Thracian  Chersonese,  and 
fled  to  Pharaabazus  in  Phrygia,  not,  however,  without  the  loss  of 
much  of  his  wealth.  He  solicited  from  the  satrap  a  safe  conduct 
to  the  court  of  8uza,  in  the  hope,  perhaps,  of  playing  the  same 
part  as  Themistocles.  Phamabazus  refused  this  request,  hut 
j3crmitted  him  to  live  in  Phrygia,  and  assigned  him  a  revenue 
ibr  his  maintenance.  But  a  scytalc,  or  despatch,  came  out  from 
Sparta  to  Lysander,  directing  that  Alcibiades  should  be  put  to 
death.  Lysander  communicated  the  order  to  Phamabazus.  The 
motives  of  the  latter  for  carrying  it  into  execution  are  not  alto- 
gether clear.  It  seems  probable  that  the  demands  of  the  Spar- 
tans were  supported  by  Cyrus,  who  was  now  forming  designs 
against  his  brother's  tlirone,  and  feared  perhaps  that  Alcibiades 
would  reveal  them  at  Susa.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  it  is 
certain  that  the  murder  was  undertaken  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  the  uncle  and  brother  of  Phamabazus.  They  surrounded 
the  house  of  Alcibiades  with  a  band  of  assassins,  and  set  it  en 
&o.  Alcibiades  rushed  out  with  drawn  sword  upon  his  assail- 
ants, who  shrank  from  his  attack,  but  who  slew  him  from  a 
distance  with  their  javelins  and  arrows.  Timandra,  a  iemale 
with  whom  he  lived,  perlbrmed  towards  his  body  the  last  offices 
of  duty  and  afiection.  Thus  perished  miserably,  in  the  vigour 
of  his  age,  one  of  the  most  remarkable,  but  not  one  of  the 
greatest,  characters  in  Grecian  history.  Alcibiades  was  endowed 
with  most  of  those  qualities  which  serve  to  constitute  greatness. 
He  possessed  talent,  ambition,  enterprise,  courage,  great  presence 
of  mind,  and  inexhaustible  resources  in  emergencies ;  but  all 
these  were  marred  and  rendered  pemicious,  instead  of  profitable, 
to  himself  and  to  his  country,  by  profligacy,  selfishness,  pride, 
rapacity,  and  utter  want  of  principle.  With  qualities  which, 
properly  applied,  might  have  rendered  him  the  gieatest  bene- 
iactor  of  Athens,  he  contrived  to  attain  the  infamous  distinction 
of  being  that  citizen  who  had  inflicted  upon  her  the  most  signal 
amount  of  damage. 

§  13.  Meantime  an  altered  state  of  feeling  was  springing  up  in 
Greece.  Athens  had  ceased  to  be  an  object  of  fear  or  jealousy, 
and  those  feelings  began  now  to  be  directed  towards  Sparta. 
That  state  persisted  in  retaining  the  large  amount  of  booty 
acquired  by  the  war ;  and  when  the  Thebans  and  Corinthians 
aent  in  their  claim  it  was  resented  almost  as  an  insult.  Yet  in 
the  monument  erected  at  Delphi  in  commemoration  of  the  vic- 
tory at  jEgospotami,  Lysander  had  not  only  caused  liis  ovra 
statue  in  bronze  to  be  erected,  but  also  that  of  each  commander 
of  the  allied  contingents.  Lysander  had  risen  to  a  height  of  un- 
paralleled power.  He  was  in  a  manner  idolized.    Poets  showered 


B.C.  404. 


THRASYBULUS  AT  PHYLK 


SYT 


their  praises  on  him,  and  even  altars  were  raised  in  his  honour  by 
the  Asiatic  Greeks.  The  Ephesians  set  up  his  statue  in  the  famous 
temple  of  their  goddess  Artemis ;  the  Samians  did  the  like  at  Olym- 
pia,  and  altered  the  name  of  their  principal  festival  from  Hersea 
to  Lysandria.  In  the  name  of  Sparta  he  exercised  almost  uncoii' 
trolled  authority  in  the  cities  he  had  reduced,  including  Athens 
itself  But  it  was  soon  discovered  that,  instead  of  the  freedom 
promised  by  the  Spartans,  only  another  empire  had  been  esta- 
blished, whilst  Lysander  was  even  meditating  to  extort  from  the 
subject  cities  a  yearly  tribute  of  one  thousand  talents.  And  all 
these  oppressions  were  rendered  still  more  intolerable  by  the 
overweening  pride  and  harshness  of  Lysander's  demeanour. 

M4.  Even  in  Sparta  itself  the  conduct  of  Lysander  was  be- 
ginning to  inspire  disgust  and  jealousy.  Pausanias,  son  of  Plis- 
toanax,  who  was  now  king  with  Agis,  as  well  as  the  new  Ephors 
appointed  in  September,  B.C.  404,  disapproved  of  his  proceedings. 
The  Thebans  and  Corinthians  themselves  were  beginning  to 
sympathise  with  Athens,  and  to  regard  the  Thirty  as  mere  in- 
stmments  for  supporting  the  Spartan  dominion ;  whilst  Sparta 
in  her  turn  looked  upon  them  as  the  tools  of  Lysander's  ambi- 
tion. Many  of  the  Athenian  exiles  had  found  refuge  in  BoBotia ; 
and  one  of  them,  Thrasybulus,  with  the  aid  of  Ismenias  and 
other  Theban  citizens,  starting  from  Thebes  at  the  head  of  a 
small  band  of  exiles,  seized  the  fortress  of  Phyle,  in  the  passes 
of  Mount  Panics  and  on  the  direct  road  to  Athens.  The  Thirty 
marched  out  to  attack  Thrasybulus,  at  the  head  of  the  La- 
cedaemonian garrison,  the  three  thousand  enfranchised  citizens, 
and  all  the  Athenian  knights.  But  their  attack  was  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss.  A  timely  snow-storm,  by  compelling 
the  Thirty  to  retreat,  relieved  Thrasybulus  and  the  exiles  from 
a  threatened  blockade,  and  enabled  him  to  obtain  reinforce- 
ments which  raised  his  little  garrison  to  the  number  of  seven 
hundred.  In  a  subsequent  rencontre  Thrasybulus  surprised  at 
daybreak  a  body  of  Spartan  hoplites  and  Athenian  horse  that 
had  been  sent  against  him ;  and,  after  kilUng  one  hundred  and 
twenty  of  the  Spartans,  carried  olf  a  considerable  store  of  arms 
and  provisions  to  Phyle. 

M5.  Symptoms  of  wavering  now  began  to  be  perceptible,  not 
only  among  the  three  thousand,  but  even  among  the  Thirty 
themselves ;  and  Critias,  learful  that  power  was  slipping  from  his 
grasp,  resolved  to  secure  Salamis  and  Eleusis  as  places  of  refuge. 
All  the  Eleusians  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  accordingly 
seized  and  carried  to  Athens,  and  their  town  occupied  by  ad- 
herents of  the  Thirty.  The  same  was  done  at  Salamis.  Critias 
then  convoked  the  three  thousand  and  the  knights  in  the  Odeum, 


878 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CaAP.  XXXIIL 


B.C.  403. 


THE  THIRTY  DEPOSED. 


879 


which  he  had  partly  filled  with  Lacedaemonian  soldiers,  and  com- 
pelled them  to  pass  a  vote  condemning  the  Eleusinians  to  death. 
This  was  done,  as  he  plainly  told  them,  in  order  the  more 
thoroughly  to  identify  their  interests  with  those  of  the  TL.ay. 
The  prisoners  were  immediately  led  otF  to  execution. 

§  16.  Thrasybulus,  whose  forces  were  now  a  thousand  strong, 
incited  probably  by  this  enormity,  and  reckoning  on  support 
from  the  party  of  the  reaction  at  Athens,  marched  from  Phyle  to 
Piraeus,  which  was  now  an  open  town,  and  seized  upon  it  without 
opposition.  When  the  whole  force  of  the  Thirty,  including  the 
Lacedaemonians,  marched  on  the  ibllowing  day  to  attack  him,  he 
retired  to  the  hill  of  Munychia,  the  citadel  of  Piraius,  the  only 
approach  to  which  was  by  a  steep  ascent.  Here  he  drew  up  his 
hoplites  in  files  of  ten  deep,  posting  behind  them  his  slingers 
and  dartmsn,  whose  missiles,  owing  to  the  rising  ground,  could 
hi  hurled  over  the  heads  of  the  foremost  ranks.  Against  them 
Critias  and  his  confederates  advanced  in  close  array,  his  hoplites 
formed  in  a  column  of  fifty  deep.  Tlirasybulus  exhorted  his  men 
to  stand  patiently  till  the  enemy  came  within  reach  of  the  mis- 
siles. At  the  first  discharge  the  assailing  columii  seemed  to 
waver ;  and  Thrasybulus,  taking  advantage  of  their  confusion, 
charged  down  the  hill,  and  completely  routed  them,  killing 
seventy,  among  whom  was  Critias  himself 

§  17.  The  partisans  of  the  Thirty  acknowledged  the  victory 
by  begging  a  truce  to  bury  their  dead.  The  loss  of  their  leader 
had  thrown  the  mijority  into  the  hands  of  the  party  formerly 
led  by  Theramanes,  who  resolved  to  depose  the  Thirty  and  con- 
stitute a  new  oligarchy  of  Ten.  Some  of  the  Thirty  were  re- 
elected into  this  body  ;  but  the  more  violent  colleagues  of  Critias 
were  deposed,  and  retired  for  safety  to  Eleusis.  The  new 
government  of  the  Ten  sent  to  Sparta  to  solicit  further  aid ;  and 
a  similar  application  was  made  at  the  same  time  from  the  section 
of  the  Tnirty  at  Eleusis.  Their  request  was  complied  with ; 
and  Lysander  once  more  entered  Athens  at  the  head  of  a  La- 
cedajmonian  force,  whilst  his  brother  Libys  blockaded  Piraeus 
with  40  triremes.  Fortunately,  however,  the  jealousy  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  towards  Lysander  led  them  at  this  critical 
juncture  to  supersede  him  in  the  command.  King  Pausanias 
was  appointed  to  lead  an  army  into  Attica,  and  when  he  en- 
camped in  the  Academus  he  was  joined  by  Lysander  and  his 
forces.  It  was  known  at  Athens  that  the  views  of  Pausanias 
were  unfavourable  to  the  proceedings  of  Lysander ;  and  his 
presence  elicited  a  vehement  reaction  against  the  oligarchy, 
which  fear  had  hitherto  suppressed.  At  first,  however,  Pausa- 
nias made  a  show  of  attacking  Thrasybulus  and  his  adherents. 


and  sent  a  herald  to  require  them  to  disband  and  return  to  their 
homes.  As  this  order  was  not  obeyed,  Pausanias  made  an  attack 
on  Pincus,  but  was  repulsed  with  loss.  Retiring  to  an  eminence 
at  a  little  distance  he  rallied  his  forces  and  formed  them  into  a 
deep  phalanx.  Thrasybulus,  elated  by  his  success,  was  rash 
enough  to  venture  a  combat  on  the  plain,  in  which  his  troops 
were  completely  routed  and  driven  back  to  Piraeus  with  the  loss 
of  150  men. 

§  18.  Pausanias,  content  with  the  advantage  he  had  gained, 
began  to  listen  to  the  entreaties  for  an  accommodation  which 
poured  in  on  all  sides  ;  and  when  Thrasybulus  sent  to  sue  lor 
peace,  he  granted  him  a  truce  for  the  purpose  of  sending  envoys 
to  Sparta.  The  Ten  also  despatched  envoys  thither,  ottering  to 
submit  themselves  and  the  city  to  the  absolute  discretion  of 
Sparta.  The  Ephors  and  the  Lacedaemonian  Assembly  referred 
the  question  to  a  committee  of  fifteen,  of  whom  Pausanias 
was  one.  The  decision  of  this  board  was  :  That  the  exiles  in 
Piraeus  should  be  readmitted  to  Athens  ;  and  that  there  should 
be  an  amnesty  for  all  that  had  passed,  except  as  regarded  the 
Thirty,  the  Eleven,  and  the  Ten.  Eleusis  was  recognised  as  a 
distinct  government,  in  order  to  serve  as  a  refuge  for  those  who 
felt  themselves  compromised  at  Athens. 

§19.  When  these  terms  were  settled  and  sworn  to,  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  quitted  Attica ;  and  Thrasybulus  and  the  exiles,  marching 
in  solemn  procession  from  Piraeus  to  Athens,  ascended  to  the 
Acropolis  and  ofiered  up  a  solemn  sacrifice  and  thanksgiving. 
An  assembly  of  the  people  was  then  held,  and  after  Thrasybulus 
had  addressed  an  animated  reproof  to  the  ohgarchical  party,  the 
democracy  was  unanimously  restored.  This  important  counter- 
revolution appears  to  have  taken  place  in  the  spring  of  403  B.C. 
The  archons,  the  senate  of  500,  the  public  assembly,  and  the 
dicasteries  seen^  to  have  been  reconstituted  in  the  same  form  as 
before  the  capture  of  the  city.  All  the  acts  of  the  Thirty  were 
annulled,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  revise  the  laws  of 
Draco  and  Solon,  and  to  exhibit  their  amendments  at  the  statues 
of  the  eponymous  heroes.  These  laws,  as  afterwards  adopted 
by  the  whole  body  of  500  nomothetae,  and  by  the  Senate,  were 
ordered  to  be  inscribed  on  the  walls  of  the  Poecile  Stoa,  on  which 
occasion  the  full  Ionic  alphabet  of  24  letters  was  for  the  first 
time  adopted  in  public  acts,  though  it  had  long  been  in  private 
use.  The  old  Attic  alphabet,  of  16  or  18  letters,  hftd  been  pre- 
viously employed  in  public  documents. 

§  20.  Thus  was  terminated,  after  a  sway  of  eight  months,  the 
despotism  of  the  Thirty.  The  year  which  contained  their  rule 
was  not  named  after  the  archon,  but  was  termed  "  the  year  of 


880 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXXIII. 


anarchy."  The  first  archoii  drawn  after  their  fall  was  Eueliilcs, 
who  gave  his  name  to  a  year  ever  afterwards  memorable  among 
the  Athenians.  The  democracy,  though  smarting  under  receiit 
wrongs,  behaved  with  great  moderation  ;  a  circumstance,  how- 
ever, which  may  in  some  degree  be  accounted  Ibr  by  the  facts, 
that  3000  of  the  more  influential  citizens  had  been  more  or  less 
mripUcated  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Tliirty,  and  that  the  number 
oi  those  entitled  to  the  francliise  was  now  reduced  by  its  being 
restricted  to  such  only  as  were  bom  of  an  Athenian  mother  as 
well  as  father.  Eleusis  was  soon  afterwards  brought  back  into 
community  with  Athens.  The  only  reward  of  Thrasybulus  and 
his  party  were  wreaths  of  olive,  and  1000  drachm®  given  ibr  a 
common  sacrifice. 

But  though  Athens  thus  obtained  internal  peace,  she  was  left 
a  mere  shadow  of  her  former  self  Her  fortifications,  her  fleet, 
her  revenues,  and  the  empire  founded  on  them  had  vanished ; 
and  her  history  henceforwards  consists  of  struggles,  not  to  rule 
over  others,  but  to  maintain  her  own  independence. 


Ciio,  the  Muse  of  ilistofy. 


The  Erechtheuin  restored,  viewed  from  the  S.W.  angle. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 


ATHENS,  AND  ATHENIAN   AND  GRECIAN   ART   DURING    THE    PERIOD 

OF    HER  EMPIRE. 

§  1.  Situation  of  Athens.  §  2.  Origin  and  progress  of  the  ancient  city. 
§  3.  Extent  of  the  new  city.  Piraeus  and  the  ports.  §  4.  General 
appearance  of  Athens.  Population.  §  5.  Periods  and  general  char- 
acter of  Attic  art.  §  6.  Sculptors  of  the  first  period.  Ageladas,  Ona- 
tas,  and  others.  §  7.  Second  period.  Phidias.  §  8.  Polycletus  and 
Myron.  §  9.  Painting.  Polygnotus.  §  10.  Apollodorus,  Zeuxis,  and 
Parrhasius.  §11.  Architecture.  Monuments  of  the  age  of  Cimon. 
The  temple  of  ^'ike  Apteros,  the  Theseum,  and  the  Poecile  Stoa.  §  12. 
The  Acropolis  and  its  monuments.  The  Propylaia.  §  13.  The  Par- 
thenon. §  14.  Statues  of  Athena.  §  15.  The  Erechtheum.  §  10. 
Monuments  in  the  Asty.  The  Dionysiac  theatre.  The  Odeum  of 
Pericles.  The  Areopagus.  The  Pnyx.  The  Agora  and  Ceramicus.. 
§  17.  Monuments  out  of  Attica.  The  Temple  of  Jove  at  Olympia. 
§  18.  The  Temple  of  Apollo  near  Phigalia. 

f  1.  In  the  present  book  we  have  beheld  the  rise  of  Athens 
from  the  condition  of  a  second  or  third  rate  city  to  the  headship 
of  Greece  •   we  are  now  to  contemplate  her  triumphs  in  the 


381 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


CITY  OF  ATHENS. 


383 


peaceful  but  not  less  glorious  pursuits  of  art,  and  to  behold  her 
establishing  an  empire  of  taste  and  genius,  not  only  over  her 
own  nation  and  age,  but  over  the  most  civilized  portion  of  the 
world  throughout  all  time. 

First  of  all,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  give  a  brief  description 
of  Athens  itself,  the  repository,  as  it  were,  in  which  the  most 
precious  treasures  of  art  were  preserved.  Athens  is  situated 
about  three  miles  from  the  sea-coast,  in  the  central  plain  of 
Attica,  which  is  enclosed  by  mountains  on  every  side  except 
the  south,  where  it  is  open  to  the  sea.  In  the  southern  part 
of  the  plain  rise  several  eminences.  Of  these  the  most  pro- 
minent is  a  lofty  insulated  mountain,  with  a  conical  peaked 
summit,  now  called  the  Hill  of  St.  George,  and  which  bore  in 
ancient  times  the  name  of  LtjcahettMS.  This  mountain,  which 
was  not  included  within  the  ancient  walls,  lies  to  the  north-east 
of  Atheii  >,  and  forms  the  most  striking  feature  in  the  environs 
of  the  city.  It  is  to  Athens  what  Vesuvius  is  to  Naples,  or 
Arthur's  Seat  to  Edinburgh.  South-west  of  Lycabettus  there 
are  four  hills  of  moderate  height,  all  of  which  formed  part  of  the 
city.  Of  these  the  nearest  to  Lycabettus,  and  at  the  distance  of 
a  mile  from  the  latter,  was  the  Acropolis,  or  citadel  of  Athens,  a 
square  craggy  rock  rising  abruptly  about  150  feet,  with  a  flat 
summit  of  about  1000  feet  long  from  east  to  west,  by  500  feet 
broad  from  north  to  south.  Immediately  west  of  the  Acropolis 
is  a  second  hill  of  irregular  form,  the  Areojxigus.  To  the  south- 
w  jst  there  rises  a  third  hill,  the  Pnyx,  on  which  the  assemblies 
of  the  citizens  were  held  ;  and  to  the  south  of  the  latter  is  a 
fourth  hill,  known  as  the  Museum.  On  the  eastern  and  western 
sides  of  the  city  there  run  two  small  streams,  which  are  nearly 
exhausted  before  they  reach  the  sea,  by  the  heats  of  summer  and 
by  the  channels  for  artificial  irrigation.  That  on  the  east  is  the 
Ilissus,  which  flowed  through  the  southern  quarter  of  the  city : 
that  on  the  west  is  the  Cephissus.  South  of  the  city  was  seen 
the  Saronic  Gulf,  with  the  harbours  of  Athens.  The  ground  on 
which  Athens  stands  is  a  bed  of  hard  limestone  rock,  which  the 
ingenuity  of  the  inhabitants  converted  to  architectural  purposes, 
by  hewing  it  into  walls,  levelling  it  into  pavements,  and  forming  it 
into  steps,  seats,  cisterns,  and  other  objects  of  utility  or  ornament. 

The  noblest  description  of  Athens  is  given  by  Milton  in  liis 
Paradise  Refrained : — 


« 


Look  once  more,  ere  we  leave  this  specular  mount. 
Westward,  much  nearer  by  Bouth-west  behold, 
Where  on  the  -/Egean  Bhore  a  city  stands, 
Built  nobly ;  pure  the  air,  and  light  the  soil ; 
Athens,  the  eye  of  Greece,  mother  of  arts 
And  eloquttnco,  native  to  famous  wits. 


Or  hospitable,  in  her  sweet  recess. 

City  or  suburban,  studious  walks  and  shades. 

See  there  the  olive  grove  of  Academe, 

Plato's  retirement,  where  the  Attic  bird 

Trills  her  thick  warbled  notes  the  summer  long; 

There  flowery  hill  Hymettus,  with  the  sound 

Of  bees'  industrious  murmur,  oft  invites 

To  studious  musing ;  there  Ilissus  rolls 

His  whispering  stream :  within  the  walls  then  view 

The  schools  of  ancient  sages ;  his  who  bred 

Great  Alexander  to  subdue  the  world, 

Lyceum  there,  and  painted  Stoa  next" 


Flan  of  Athens. 


1.  Pnyx  Ecclesia. 

8.  Theaeum. 

3.  Theatre  of  Dionysus. 


4.  Odenm  of  Pericles. 

5.  Temple  of  the  Olympiaa 

Jove. 


§  2.  Athens  is  said  to  have  derived  its  name  from  the  pro* 
minence  given  to  the  worship  of  Athena  by  its  King  Erechtheus. 
The  inhabitants  were  previously  called  Cranai  and  Cecropidae, 
from  Cecrops,  who,  according  to  tradition,  was  the  original 
founder  of  the  city.  This  at  first  occupied  only  the  hill  or  rock 
which  afterwards  became  the  Acropolis;  but  gradually  the 
buildings  began  to  spread  over  the  ground  at  the  southern  foot 
of  this  hill.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Pisistratus  and  his 
sons  (b.c.  560-514)  that  the  city  began  to  assume  any  degree 
of  splendour.  The  most  remarkable  building  of  these  despots 
was  the  gigantic  temple  of  the  Olympian  Jove,  which,  however, 


I 


884 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXTV. 


li 


was  not  finished  till  many  centuries  later.  In  B.C.  500,  the 
theatre  of  Dionysus  was  commenced  on  the  south-eastern  slope 
of  the  Acropolis,  but  was  not  completed  till  B.C.  340 ;  though  it 
must  have  been  used  for  the  representation  of  plays  long  before 
that  period. 

^  3.  Xerxes  reduced  the  ancient  city  almost  to  a  heap  of 
ashes.     After  the  departure  of  the  Persians,  its  reconstruction 
on  a  much  larger  scale  was  commenced  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  Theraistocles,  whose  first  care  was  to  provide  for  its 
safety  by  the  erection  of  walls.     The  Acropolis  now  formed  the 
centre  of  the  city,  round  which  the  new  walls  described  an  ir- 
regular circle  of  about  GO  stadia,  or  7^  miles  in  circumference. 
The  new  walls  were  built  in  great  haste  in  consequence  of  the 
attempts  of  the  Spartans  to  interrupt  their  progress ;  but  though 
this  occasioned  great  irregularity  in  their  structure,  they  were 
nevertheless  firm  and  solid.     The  space  thus  enclosed  formed 
the  Asty*ot  city,  properly  so  called.    But  the  views  of  Thernis- 
tocles  were  not  confined  to  the  mere  defence  of  Athens :    he 
contemplated  making  her  a  great  naval  power,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose adequate  docks  and  arsenals  were  required.    Previously  the 
Athenians  had  used  as  their  only  harbour  the  open  roadstead  of 
Fluderum  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Phaleric  bay,  where  the 
sea-shore  is  nearest  to  Athens.      But  Themistocles  transferred 
the  naval  station  of  the  Athenians  to  the  peninsula  of  Pirajus, 
which  is  distant  about  4  J  miles  from  Athens,  and  contains  three 
natural  harbours — a  large  one  on  the  western  side,  called  simply 
Pirteus,  or  Tlie  Harbour,  and  two  smaller  ones  on  the  eastern 
side,  called  respectively  Zea  and  Munychia,  the  latter  being 
nearest  to  the  city.     Themistocles  seems  to  have  anticipated 
from  the  first  that  the  port-town  would  speedily  become  as  large 
a  place  as  the  Asty  or  city  itself ;  for  the  walls  which  he  built 
around  the  peninsula  of  PirtTus  were  of  the  same  circumference 
as  those  of  Athens,  and  were  14  or  15  feet  thick.     It  was  not, 
however,  till  tlie  time  of  Pericles  that  Pirajus  was  regularly  laid 
out  as  a  town  by  the  architect,  Hippodamus  of  Miletus.    It  was 
also  in  the  administration  and  by  the  advice  of  Pericles,  but  in 
pursuance  of  the  policy  of  Themistocles,  that  the  walls  were 
built  which  connected  Athens  with  her  ports.     These  were  at 
first  the  outer  or  northern  Long  Wall,  which  ran  from  Athens  to* 
Piraeus,  and  the  Phaleric  wall  connecting  the  city  with  Phalerum. 
These  were  commenced  in  b.c.  457,  and  finished  in  the  following 
year.     It  was  soc\^  found,  however,  that  the  space  thus  inclosed 
was  too  vast  to  oe  easily  defended ;  and  as  the  port  of  Phalerum 

*  To  'Affrv. 


Chap.  XXXIV.       ITS  GENERAL  APPEARANCE. 


385 


was  small  and  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  Piraeus,  and 
soon  ceased  to  be  used  by  the  Athenian  ships  of  war,  its  wall 
was  abandoned  and  probal)ly  allowed  to  fall  into  decay.  Its 
place  was  supplied  by  another  Long  Wall,  which  was  built  parallel 
to  the  first  at  a  distance  of  only  550  feet,  thus  rendering  both 
capable  of  being  defended  by  the  same  body  of  men.  The  mag- 
nitude of  these  walls  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  the 
foundations  of  the  northern  one,  which  may  still  be  traced,  are 
about  12  feet  thick,  and  formed  of  large  quadrangular  blocks  of 
stone.  Their  height  in  all  probability  was  not  lesj  that  GO  feet. 
In  process  of  time  the  space  between  the  two  Long  Walls  was 
occupied  on  each  side  by  houses. 

k  4.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  description  that  Athens, 
in  its  larger  acceptation,  and  niclucling  its  port,  consisted  of  two 
circular  cities,  the  A.sty  and  Pineus,  each  of  about  7  J  miles  in 
circumference,  and  joined  together  by  a  broad  street  of  between 
4  and  5  miles  long.  Its  first  appearance  was  by  no  means  agree- 
able or  striking.  The  streets  were  narrow  and  crooked,  and  the 
meanness  of  the  private  houses  formed  a  strong  contrast  to  the 


Athens  and  its  Port-towns. 


A. 

The  Asty. 

GG. 

The  Phaleric  Wall, 

B. 

Pirwus. 

H. 

Hnrbour  of  Pirwus. 

C. 

Miinvohin,  citadel  of  Pinein. 

I. 

Phaleric  Bav. 

D. 

PIinlfTum. 

K. 

Harbour  of  Miinvchbl. 

KK,  FF. 

Til.-  I...ii^'  Wnlls  ;  KR,  t»H'  NortWrn 
lout,'  "h11  ;  FF,  tlie  ^uutbt-ru  wull. 

L. 

Harbour  of  Tma. 

s 


38G 


mSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


magnificence  of  the  public  buildings.  None  of  the  houses  were 
more  than  one  story  high,  which  often  projected  over  the  street. 
They  were  for  the  most  part  constructed  either  of  a  framework 
of  wootl,  or  of  unbumt  bricks  dried  in  the  open  air.  The  front 
towards  the  street  had  rarely  any  windows,  and  was  usually 
nothing  but  a  curtain  wall  covered  Avith  a  coating  of  plaster.  It 
was  not  till  the  Macedonian  period,  when  pubhc  spirit  had  de- 
cayed, that  the  Athenians,  no  longer  satisfied  with  participating 
in  the  grandeur  of  the  state,  began  to  erect  handsome  private 
houses.  Athens  was  badly  drained,  and  scantily  supplied  with 
water.  It  was  not  lighted,  and  very  few  of  the  streets  were 
paved.  Little  care  was  taken  to  cleanse  the  city ;  and  it  appears 
to  have  been  as  dirty  as  the  filthiest  town  of  southem  Europe  in 
the  present  day. 

The  population  of  Athens  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained. 
The  population  of  the  whole  of  Attica  probably  exceeded  half  a 
million,  of  whom,  liowever,  nearly  four-fifths  were  slaves,  and 
half  the  remainder  metics,  or  resident  aliens.  The  number  of 
citizens — native  males  above  the  age  of  twenty,  enjoyhig  the 
franchise — ^was  20,000  or  21,000.  The  population  resident  in 
Athens  itself  has  been  variously  estimated  at  firom  120,000  to 
192,000  souls. 

^  5.  Such  was  the  outward  and  material  form  of  that  city,  which 
during  the  brief  period  comprised  in  our  present  book  reached 
the  highest  pitch  of  military,  artistic,  and  literary  glory.  The 
progress  of  the  first  has  been  already  traced,  and  it  is  to  the  last 
two  subjects  that  we  are  now  to  devote  our  attention.  The 
whole  period  contemplated  embraces  about  80  years,  the  middle 
portion  of  which,  or  that  comprised  under  the  ascendency  of 
Pericles,  exhibits  Athenian  art  in  its  liighest  state  of  perfection, 
and  is  therefore  by  way  of  excellence  commonly  designated  as 
the  age  of  Pericles.  The  generation  which  preceded,  and  that 
which  followed  the  time  of  that  statesman,  also  exhibit  a  high 
degree  of  excellence  ;  but  in  the  former  j)erfection  had  not  yet 
attained  its  full  development,  and  in  tlie  latter  we  already  begin 
to  observe  trace*  of  incipient  decline.  The  progress  both  of 
poetry  and  of  the  plastic  arts  during  this  epoch  is  strikingly 
similar.  The  great  principle  that  pervaded  all  was  a  lively  and 
truthful  imitation  of  nature,  but  nature  of  an  ideal  and  elevated 
stamp.  Epic  poetry  and  the  ode  give  place  to  a  more  accurate 
and  striking  rendering  of  nature  by  means  of  dramatic  repre- 
sentations ;  whilst  sculpture  presents  us  not  only  with  more 
graceful  forais,  but  with  more  of  dramatic  action  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  its  groups,  in  this  latter  respect,  however,  the 
age  was  probably  excelled  by  the  succeeding  one  of  Scopas 


Chap.  XXXIV.      BEST  PERIOD  OF  ATHENIAN  ART. 


3S7 


and  Praxiteles.  The  process  by  which  Athenian  genius  freed 
itself  from  the  trammels  of  ancient  stiffiiess,  is  as  visible  m  the 
tragedies  of  ^schylus,  Sophocles,  and  Euripides,  as  in  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  great  masters  of  the  plastic  arts  during  the  same 
period.  In  the  dramas  of  iEschylus  majesty  and  dignity  are 
not  unmixed  with  a  rigid  and  archaic  simplicity,  which  also  ^ 
marks  the  works  of  the  contemporary  sculptors.  In  the  next 
generation,  during  the  time  of  Pericles,  we  find  this  character- 
istic giving  place  to  the  perfection  of  grace  and  sublimity  united, 
as  in  the  tragedies  of  Sophocles  and  in  the  statues  of  Phidias. 
Art  could  not  be  carried  higher.  In  the  next  step  wo  find 
equal  truthfuhiess  and  grace ;  but  the  former  had  lost  its  ideal 
and  elevated  character,  and  the  latter  was  beginning  to  degene- 
rate into  over-refinement  and  affectation.  Such  are  the  examples 
offered  by  the  plays  of  Euripides,  and  by  the  sculptures  of  Myron 
and  Polycletus.  In  like  manuer,  with  regard  to  architecture, 
the  Parthenon,  erected  in  the  time  of  Pericles,  presents  the  most 
exquisite  example  of  tlie  Doric  style  in  the  happiest  medium 
between  antique  heaviness  and  the  slender  weakness  of  later 
monuments.  Painting  also,  in  the  hands  of  Polynotus,  attauied 
its  highest  excellence  in  the  grace  and  majesty  of  single  figures. 
But  painting  is  a  complicated  art ;  and  the  mechanical  improve- 
ments in  perspective,  light  and  shade,  grouping,  and  compo- 
sition in  general,  afterwards  introduced  by  ApoUodoms  and 
Zeuxis,  and  still  later  by  Apelles,  undoubtedly  brought  the  art 
to  a  greater  degree  of  perfection. 

§  6.  Among  the  artists  of  this  period  the  sculptors  stand  out 
prominently.  In  general  the  eminent  sculptors  of  this  period  also 
possessed  not  only  a  theoretical  knowledge,  but  frequently  great 
practical  skill  in  the  sister  arts  of  painting  and  architecture. 

One  of  the  earliest  sculptors  of  note  was  Ageladas  of  Argos, 
wliose  fame  at  present  chiefly  rests  on  the  circumstance  of  his 
having  been  the  master  of  Phidias,  Myron,  and  Polycletus.  He 
was  probably  born  about  B.C.  5 10,  so  that  he  must  have  been  an 
old  man  when  Phidias  became  his  pupil.  Another  distinguished 
statuary  and  painter  among  the  immediate  predecessors  of  Phi- 
dias was  Onatas,  an  TEginetan,  who  flourished  down  to  the 
year  b.c.  4G0.  His  merit  as  a  painter  appears  from  the  fact 
that  he  was  employed,  in  conjunction  with  Polygnotus,  to  deco- 
rate with  paintuigs  a  temple  at  Platroa. 

Contemporary  with  these  elder  masters  of  the  best  period  of 
Greek  art  were  Hegias,  Canachus,  Calamis,  and  others.  The 
somewhat  stilF  and  archaic  style  which  distinguished  their  pro- 
ductions from  those  of  Phidias  and  his  school  was  preserved  even 
by  some  artists  who  flourished  at  the  same  time  with  Phidias ; 


tS8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXXrV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.       SCULPTURE  AND  PAINTING. 


389 


tl 


as,  for  instance,  by  Praxias  and  Androsthenes,  who  executed  some 
of  the  statuary  which  adorned  the  temple  of  Delplii. 

f  7.  Phidias  is  the  head  of  the  new  school.     He  was  bom 
about  490  b.c,  began  to  flourish  about  400,  and  died  just  beibre 
the  breaking  out  of  the  Peloponnesiau  war  in  432.    He  seems  to 
have  belonged  to  a  family  of  artists,  and  to  have  first  turned  his 
attention  towards  painting.     He  was  the  pupil,  as  we  have  said, 
of  Ageladas,  and  probably  of  Hegias ;  and  his  great  abilities  were 
developed  in  executing  or  superintending  the  works  of  art  with 
which  Athens  was  adorned  during  tlie  administration  of  Pericles. 
He  went  to  Elis  about  b.c.  437,  where  he  executed  his  famous 
statue  of  the  Olympian  Jove.    He  returned  to  Athens  about  434, 
and  shortly  afterwards  fell  a  victim  to  the  jealousy  agauist  his 
friend  and  patron,  Pericles,  which  was  then  at  its  height ;  and, 
though  he  was  acquitted  on  the  charge  of  peculation,  he  was  con- 
demned on  that  of  impiety,  for  liaving  introduced  his  own  like- 
ness, as  well  as  that  of  Pericles,  among  the  figures  in  the  battle  of 
the  Amazons,  sculptured  on  the  shield  of  Athena.    He  was  in  con- 
sequence thrown  into  prison,  where  he  shortly  afterwards  died. 
The  chief  characteristic  of  the  works  of  Phidias  is  ideal 
beauty  of  the  sublimest  order,  especially  in  the  representation 
of  divinities  and  their  worship.     He  entirely  emancipated  him- 
self from  the  stilliiess  which  had  liitherto  marked  the  archaic 
school,  but  without  degenerating  into  that  almost  meretricious 
grace  which  began  to  cornipt  art  in  the  hands  of  some  of  his 
successors.     His  renderings  of  nature  had  nothing  exaggerated 
or  distorted :  all  was  marked  by  a  noble  dignity  and  repose. 
We  shall  speak  of  his  works  when  we  come  to  describe  the 
buildings  which  contained  them. 

§  8.  Among  the  most  renowned  sculptors  contemporary  with 
Phidias  were  Polycletus  and  Myron.  There  were  at  least  two 
sculptors  of  the  name  of  Polycletus ;  but  it  is  the  elder  one  of 
wliom  we  liere  speak,  and  who  was  the  more  famous.  He  seems 
to  have  been  bom  at  Sicyon,  and  to  have  become  a  citizen  of 
Argos.  The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  uncertain,  but  he  was 
rather  younger  than  Phidias,  and  flourished  probably  irom  about 
452  to  412  B.C.  Of  his  personal  history  we  know  absolutely 
nothing.  The  art  of  Polycletus  was  not  of  so  ideal  and  elevated 
a  character  as  that  of  Phidia^.  The  latter  excelled  in  statues 
of  gods,  Polycletus  in  those  of  men ;  but  in  these  he  reached  so 
great  a  pitch  of  excellence  that  on  one  occasion,  when  several 
artists  comf  sied  in  the  statue  of  an  Amazon,  he  was  adjudged 
to  have  carried  away  the  pahn  from  Phidias.  The  greatest"of 
his  works  was  the  ivory  and  gold  statue  of  Hera  in  lier  temple 
between  Argos  and  Mycenai,  which  always  remained  the  ideal 


model  of  the  queen  of  the  gods,  as  Phidias's  statue  at  Olympia 
was  considered  the  most  periect  image  of  the  king  of  heaven. 

Myron,  also  a  contemporary  and  tellow-pupil  of  Phidias,  was 
a  native  of  Eleutliera?,  a  town  on  tlie  borders  of  Attica  and 
Bojotia.  Jle  seems  to  have  been  younger  than  Pliidias,  and 
was  probably  longer  in  attaining  excellence,  since  he  flourished 
about  the  beginning  of  the  Peloponnesiau  war.  He  excelled 
in  representing  the  most  diflicult,  and  even  transient,  postures 
of  the  body,  and  his  works  were  marked  by  great  variety  and 
versatility.  He  appears  to  liave  been  the  first  eminent  artist 
who  devoted  much  attention  to  the  figures  of  animals,  and  one 
of  his  statues  most  celebrated  in  antiquity  was  that  of  a  cow. 
It  was  represented  as  lowing,  and  stood  on  a  marble  base  in  the 
centre  of  one  of  the  largest  open  places  in  Athens,  where  it  was 
still  to  be  seen  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  but  was  subsequently  re- 
moved to  Rome.  This,  as  well  as  most  of  his  other  works,  was 
in  bronze.  He  excelled  in  representing  youthiiil  athletae ;  and 
a  celebrated  statue  of  his,  of  which  several  copies  are  still  extant, 
was  the  discolxjlus,  or  quoit-player. 

$  9.  The  art  of  painting  was  developed  later  than  that  of 
sculpture,  of  which  it  seems  to  have  been  the  oflspring,  and  in 
its  earlier  period  to  have  partaken  very  closely  of  the  statuesque 
character.  The  ancient  Greek  paintings  were  either  in  water 
colours  or  in  wax :  oil  colours  appear  to  have  been  miknown. 
We  have  already  given  some  account  of  the  rudiments  of  the 
art  among  the  Greeks.*  The  first  Grecian  painter  of  any  great 
renown  was  Polygnotus,  who  was  contemporary  with  Pliidias, 
though  probably  soiiiewliat  older.  He  was  a  native  of  Thasos, 
whence  he  was,  in  all  probability,  brought  by  his  friend  and 
patron  Cimon,  when  he  subjugated  that  island  in  b.c.  403.  At 
that  period  lie  must  at  least  have  been  old  enough  to  have 
earned  the  celebrity  which  entitled  him  to  Cimon's  patronage. 
He  subsequently  became  naturalized  at  Athens,  where  he  pro- 
bably died  about  the  year  420  b.c.  His  chief  works  in  Athens 
were  executed  in  adorning  those  buildings  which  were  erected 
in  the  time  of  Cimon ;  as  the  temple  of  Theseus,  and  the  Poecilo 
Stoa,  or  Painted  Colonnade.  His  paintings  were  essentially  sta- 
tuesque— the  representation  by  means  of  colours  on  a  flat  sur- 
face of  figures  similar  to  those  of  the  sculptor.  But  the  improve- 
ments wliich  he  introduced  on  the  works  of  his  predecessors 
were  very  marked  and  striking,  and  form  an  epoch  in  the  art. 
He  first  depicted  the  open  mouth,  so  as  to  show  the  teeth,  and 
varied  the  expression  of  the  countenance  from  its  ancient  stifi- 

*  See  p.  150. 


890 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Ciup.  ^OLXJY. 


'Chap.  XXXIV. 


MONUMENTS  OF  CIMON. 


391 


neas.  He  excelled  in  representing  female  beauty  and  com- 
plexion, and  introduced  graceful,  iiowing  draperies,  in  place  of 
the  hard  stiiF  lines  by  which  they  had  teen  previously  depicted. 
He  excelled  in  accuracy  of  drawnig,  and  in  llie  nobleness,  grace, 
and  beauty  of  his  ligures,  which  wore  not  iiwrv  transcripts  from 
nature,  but  had  an  ideal  and  elevated  character.  His  master- 
pieces were  executed  in  the  Leschl-  (inclosed  court  or  hall  for 
conversation)  of  the  Cnidians  at  Delphi,  ihe  subjects  of  which 
were  taken  from  the  cycle  of  tj)ic  jKjetry.  In  these  there  seems 
to  have  been  no  attempt  at  persjxjctive,  and  names  were  affixed 
to  the  different  figures. 

^  10.  Painting  reached  a  further  stage  cf  excellence  in  the 
hands  of  Apoliudorus,  Zeuxis,  and  Parrhasius,  the  only  other 
artists  whom  we  need  notice  during  this  j^eriod.     Apollcdorus 
-was  a  native  of  Athens,  and  first  directed  attention  to  the  effect 
of  light  and  shade  in  painting,  thus  creating  another  epoch  in 
the  art.     His  innnediate  successors,  or  rather  contemporaries, 
Zeuxis  and  Parrhasius,  brought  the  art  to  a  still  greater  deorec 
of  perfection.     Neither  the  place  nor  date  of  the  birth  of  Zeuxis 
can  be  accurately  ascertahied,  though  he  was  probably  born  about 
455  B.C.,  since  thirty  years  after  that  date  we  find  him  practising 
his  art  with  great  success  at  Athens.     He  was  patronised  by 
Archelaiis,  kuig  of  Macedonia,  and  spent  some  time  at  his  court. 
He  must  also  have  visited  Magna  Gracia,  as  he  painted  his 
celebrated  picture  of  Helen  for  the  city  of  Croton.     He  acquired 
great  Mealth  by  his  pencil,  and  was  very  ostentatious  in  display- 
ing it.     He  api^eared  at  Olympia  in  a  magnificent  robe,  having 
his  name  embroidered  in  letters  of  gold ;  and  the  same  vanity  is 
ako  displayed  in  the  anecdote  that,  after  he  had  reached  the  sum- 
mit of  his  fame,  he  no  longer  sold,  but  gave  away,  his  pictures, 
as  being  above  all  price.     With  regard  to  his  style  of  art,  single 
figures  were  his  favourite  subjects.      He  could  depict  cods  or 
heroes  with  sufficient  majesty,  but  he  particularly  excelled  in 
painting  the  softer  graces  of  female  beauty.     In  one  important 
respect  he  appears  to  have  degenerated  from  the  style  of  Poly- 
gnotus,  his  idealism  being  rather  that  of  form  than  of  diameter 
and  expression.    Thus  his  style  is  analogous  to  that  of  Euripides 
in  tragedy.     He  was  a  great  master  of  colour,  and  his  paintings 
were  sometimes  so  accurate  and  life-hke  as  to  amount  to  illusion. 
This  is  exemplified  in  the  story  told  of  him  and  Parrhasius.     As 
a  trial  of  skill,  these  artists  painted  two  pictures.    That  of  Zeuxis 
represented  a  bunch  of  grapes,  and  was  so  naturally  executed 
that  the  birds  came  and  peeked  at  it.     After  this  proof,  Zeuxis, 
confident  of  success,  called  upon  his  rival  to  draw  aside  the  cur- 
tain which  concealed  his  picture.    But  the  painting  of  Parrhasius 


was  the  curtain  itself,  and  Zeuxis  was  now  obliged  to  acknow- 
ledge himself  vanquished ;  for,  though  he  had  deceived  birds, 
Parrhasius  had  deceived  the  author  of  the  deception.  Whatever 
may  be  the  historical  value  of  this  tale,  it  at  least  shows  the 
high  reputation  which  both  artists  had  acquired  for  the  natural 
representation  of  objects.  But  many  of  the  pictures  of  Zeuxis 
also  displayed  great  dramatic  power.  He  worked  very  slowly 
and  carefully,  and  he  is  said  to  have  replied  to  somebody  who 
blamed  him  for  his  slowness,  "  It  is  true  I  take  a  long  time  to 
paint,  but  then  I  paint  works  to  last  a  long  time."  His  master- 
piece was  the  picture  of  Helen,  already  mentioned. 

Parrhasius  was  a  native  of  Ephesus,  but  his  art  was  chiefly 
exercised  at  Athens,  where  he  was  presented  with  the  right  of 
citizenship.  His  date  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained,  but  he 
was  probably  rather  younger  than  his  contemporary,  Zeuxis,  and 
it  is  certain  that  he  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  before  the  death 
of  Socrates.  The  style  and  degree  of  excellence  attained  by 
Parrhasius  appear  to  have  been  much  the  same  as  those  of 
Zeuxis.  Hi  was  particularly  celebrated  for  the  accuracy  of  his 
drawing,  and  the  excellent  proportions  of  his  figures.  For  these 
he  established  a  canon,  as  Phidias  had  done  in  sculpture  for  gods, 
and  Polycletus  for  the  human  figure  ;  whence  Q,uintilian  calls 
him  the  legislator  of  his  art.  His  vanity  seems  to  have  been  as 
remarkable  as  that  of  Zeuxis.  Among  the  most  celebrated  of  his 
works  was  a  portrait  of  the  personified  Athenian  Dcnws,  which  is 
said  to  have  miraculously  expressed  even  the  most  contradictory 
qualities  of  that  many-headed  personage. 

The  excellence  attained  during  this  period  by  the  great  mas- 
ters in  the  higher  walks  of  sculpture  and  painting  waF,  as  may 
be  well  supposed,  not  without  its  influence  on  the  lower  grades 
of  art.  This  is  particularly  visible  in  the  ancient  painted  vases, 
which  have  beiMi  preserved  to  us  in  such  numbers,  the  paintings 
on  which,  though  of  course  the  productions  of  an  inferior  class 
of  artists,  show  a  marked  improvement,  both  in  design  and  exe- 
cution, after  the  time  of  Polygnotus. 

Ml.  Having  thus  taken  a  brief  survey  of  the  progress  of 
sculpture  and  pamting  in  the  hands  of  the  most  eminent  masters, 
we  now  turn  to  contemplate  soma  of  the  chief  buildings  which 
they  were  employed  to  adorn. 

The  first  public  monuments  that  arose  after  the  Persian  wars 
were  erected  under  the  auspices  of  Cimon,  who  was,  like  Pericles, 
a  lover  and  patron  of  the  arts.  The  principal  of  these  were  the 
small  Ionic  temple  of  Nike  Apteros  (Wingless  Victory),  the 
Theseum,  or  temple  of  Theseus,  and  the  Poecile  Stoa.  The 
temple  of  Nike  Apteros  was  only  27  feet  in  length  by  18  in 


in 


891 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


breadth,  and  was  erected  on  the  Acropolis  in  commemoration 
of  Cimon's  victory  at  the  Eurymedon.  It  was  still  in  existence 
in  the  year  1676,  but  it  was  subsequently  destroyed  by  the  Turks 
in  oriler  to  fonn  a  batter)'.  Its  remains  were  discovered  m  1  s;]o, 
and  it  was  rebuilt  with  the  onjrinal  materials.  A  view  of  it  is 
given  on  p.  216,  and  its  jiosition  on  the  AcrojK)lis,  on  one  side 
of  the  Propylapa,  is  seen  in  the  drawinrrs  on  pp.  265  and  273. 
Four  slabs  of  its  sculptured  frieze,  found  in  a  neighbouring  wall, 
are  now  in  the  British  Muscnun. 

The  Theseum  is  situated  on  a  height  to  the  north  of  the 
Areopagus,  and  was  built  to  receive  the  bones  of  Theseus,  which 
Cimon  brought  from  Scyros  in  b.c.  469.    It  was  probably  finished 
about  465,  and  is  the  best  preserved  of  all  the  monuments  of 
ancient  Athens.     (See  drawing  on  p.  239.)     It  was  at  once  a 
tomb  and  temple,  and  iwssessed  the  privileges  of  an  asylum.     It 
is  of  the  Boric  order,  104  feet  in  length  by  45  feet  broad,  and 
surrounded  with  columns,  of  whicli  there  are  6  at  each  front, 
and  13  at  the  sides,  reckoning  those  at  tlie  angles  twice.     The 
cella  is  40  feet  in  length.     It  is  not  therefore  by  its  size,  but  by 
its  symmetry,  that  it  impresses  the  beholder.     Tlie  eastern  front 
was  the  principal  one,  since  all  its  metopes,  together  with  the 
four  adjouiitig  ones  on  either  side,  are  sculptured,  whilst  all  the 
rest  are  plain.     Tlie  sculptures,  of  which  the  subjects  arc  the 
exploits  of  Hercules  and  Theseus,  have  sustained  great  ii.jury, 
though  the  temple  itself  is  nearly  perfect.     The  figures  in  the 
pediments  have  entirely  disappeared,  and  the  metopes  and  I'riezc 
have  been  greatly  mutilated.     The  relief  is  bold  and  salient,  and 
the  sculptures,  both  of  the  metopes  and  friezes,  were  painted, 
and  still  preserve  remains  of  the  colours.     There  arc  casts  from 
some  of  the  finest  jxirtions  of  them  in  the  British  Museum.     The 
style  exhibits  a  striking  advance  on  that  of  the  .Eginetan  marbles, 
and  forms  a  connecting  link  between  them  and  the  sculptures 
of  the  Parthenon.     Tlie  Pcpcile  Stoa,  wliich  ran  along  one  side  cf 
the  Agora,  or  market-place,  was  a  long  colonnade  formed  by 
columns  on  one  side  and  a  wall  on  the  other,  against  which  were 
placed  the  paintings,  which  were  on  panels.^*' 

H2.  But  it  was  the  Acropolis  which  was  the  chief  centre  of 
the  architectural  splendour  of  Athens.  After  the  Persian  wars 
the  Acropolis  had  ceased  to  be  inhabited,  and  was  appropriated 
to  the  worship  of  Athena,  and  the  other  guardian  deities  of  the 
city.  It  was  covered  with  the  temples  of  gods  and  heroes  ;  and 
thus  its  platform  presented  not  only  a  sanctuar)-,  but  a  museum, 
containing  the  finest  productions  of  the  architect  and  the  sculptor, 

*  Hence  it*  name  of  PcBoile  {tzoikIIt},  variegated  or  painted). 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


TIIE  PROPYL^EA. 


3'J3 


Plan  of  the  Acropolis. 


1.  Parthenon. 
3.  Erechtheum. 


5.  Statue  of  Athena  Proniachus. 


3.  Propylaea. 

4.  Teinjdti  of  Nike  ApteroB. 


in  which  the  whiteness  of  the  marble  was  relieved  by  brilliant 
colours,  and  rendered  still  more  dazzling  by  the  transparent 
clearness  of  the  Athenian  atmosphere.  It  was  surrounded  with 
walls,  and  the  surface  seems  to  have  been  divided  into  terraces 
communicating  with  one  another  by  steps.  The  only  approach  to 
it^  was  from  the  Agora  on  its  western  side.  At  the  top  of  a  mag- 
nificent flight  of  marble  steps,  70  feet  broad,  stood  the  Propylaea,* 
constructed  under  the  auspices  of  Pericles,  and  which  served  as 
a  suitable  entrance  to  the  exquisite  works  within.  The  Pro- 
pyljea  were  themselves  one  of  the  masterpieces  of  Athenian  art. 
They  were  entirely  of  Pentelic  marble,  and  covered  the  whole  of 
the  western  end  of  the  Acropolis,  having  a  breadth  of  168  feet. 
They  were  erected  by  the  architect  Mnesicles,  at  a  cost  of  2000 
talents,  or  460,000/.  The  central  portion  of  them  consisted  of 
two  hexastyle  porticoes,  of  which  the  western  one  faced  the  city, 
and  the  eastern  one  the  interior  of  the  Acropolis.  Each  portico 
consisted  of  a  front  of  six  fluted  Doric  columns,  4^  feet  in 
diameter,  and  nearly  29  feet  in  height,  supporting  a  pediment. 
The  central  part  of  the  building  just  described  was  58  feet  in 
breadth,  but  the  remaining  breadth  of  the  rock  at  this  point  was 
covered  by  two  wings,  which  projected  26  feet  in  front  of  the 
western  portico.  Each  of  these  wings  was  in  the  form  of  a  Doric 
temple.  The  northern  one,  or  that  on  the  left  of  a  person  ascend- 
ing the  Acropolis,  was  called  the  Pinacotheca,  from  its  walls  being 
covered  with  paintings.  The  southern  wing  consisted  only  of  a 
porch  or  open  gallery.     Immediately  before  its  western  front 

*  HQowCkaLa, 
s* 


r 


894 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIV. 


CttAP.  XXXIV. 


THE  PARTHENON. 


395 


stood  the  little  temple  of  Nike  Apteros  already  mentioned.    (See 
drawing  on  p.  273.) 

H3.  On  passing  Ihroujrli  the  Propylaa  all  the  glories  of  the 
Acropolis  became  visible.  The  chief  building  was  the  Parthenon,'* 
the  most  perfect  production  of  Grecian  architecture.  It  de- 
rived its  name  from  its  being  the  temple  of  Athena  Parthenos.t 
or  Athena  the  Virgin,  the  invincible  goddess  of  war.  It  was  also 
called  H€cat(mij)ctlmi,  Irom  its  breadth  of  100  feet.  It  was  built 
luider  the  administration  of  Pericles,  and  was  completed  in  B.C. 
438.  The  architects  were  Ictinus  and  Callicrates ;  but,  as  we 
have  said,  the  general  sujierintendence  of  the  building  was  in- 
trusted to  Pliidias.  The  Parthenon  stood  on  the  highest  part  of 
the  Acropolis,  near  its  centre,  and  probably  occupied  the  site  of 
an  earlier  temple  destroyed  by  the  Persians.  It  was  entirely 
of  Pentelic  marble,  on  a  rustic  basement  of  ordinary  limestone, 
and  its  architecture,  which  was  of  the  Doric  order,  was  of  the 
purest  kind.  Its  dimensions,  taken  from  the  upper  step  of  the 
stylobate,  were  about  228  feet  in  length,  101  ieet  in  breadth, 
and  66  feet  in  height  to  the  top  of  the  pediment.  It  consisted 
of  a  cella,  surrounded  by  a  peristile,  which  had  8  columns  at 
either  front,  and  17  at  either  side  (reckoning  the  comer  columns 
twice),  thus  containing  46  columns  in  all.  These  columns  were 
G  feet  2  inches  in  diameter  at  the  base,  and  31  feet  in  height. 
The  ceDa  was  divided  into  two  chambers  of  unequal  size,  the 
eastern  one  of  which  was  about  98  feet  long,  and  the  western 
one  about  43  feet.  The  ceiling  of  both  these  chambers  was  sup- 
ported by  rows  of  columns.  The  whole  building  was  adorned 
with  the  most  exquisite  sculptures,  executed  by  various  artists 
under  the  direction  of  Phidias.  These  consisted  of,  1.  The  sculp- 
tures in  the  tympana  of  the  pediments  (i.e.  the  inner  portion  cf 
the  triangidar  gable  ends  of  the  roof  above  the  two  porticoes), 
each  of  which  was  filled  with  about  24  colossal  figures.  The 
group  in  the  eastern  or  principal  front  represented  the  birth  of 
Athena  from  the  head  of  Jove,  and  the  western  the  contest 
between  Athena  and  Poseidon  for  the  land  of  Attica.  An  en- 
graving of  one  of  the  figures  in  the  pediments  is  given  on 
p.  296.  2.  The  metopes  between  the  triglyphs  in  the  frieze  of 
the  entablature  (i.e.  the  upper  of  the  two  portions  into  which 
the  space  between  the  columns  and  the  roof  is  divided)  were 
filled  with  sculptures  in  high  relief,  representing  a  variety  of 
subjects  relating  to  Athena  herself,  or  to  the  indigenous  heroes 
of  Attica.  Each  tablet  was  4  feet  3  inches  square.  Those  on 
the  south  side  related  to  the  battle  of  the  Atlienians  with  the 


•  HaqOevuv^  i.e..  House  of  th«  Virgin. 


f  'Adrfvu  7ra(>^evof. 


Centaurs.  One  of  the  metopes  is  figured  on  p.  321.  3.  The 
frieze  which  ran  along  outside  the  wall  of  the  cella,  and  within 
the  external  columns  which  surround  the  building,  at  the  same 
heit^ht  and  parallel  with  the  metopes,  was  sculptured  with  a 
representation  of  the  Panathenaic  festival  in  very  low  relief. 
This  frieze  was  3  feet  4  inches  in  height,  and  520  feet  in  length. 
A  small  portion  of  the  frieze  is  figured  on  p.  306.  A  large  num- 
ber of  the  slabs  of  the  frieze,  together  with  sixteen  nietopes 
from  the  south  side,  and  several  of  the  statues  of  the  pediments, 
were  brought  to  England  by  Lord  Elgin,  of  whom  they  were 
purchased  "by  the  nation  and  deposited  in  the  British  Museum. 
The  en^-ravinir  on  p.  28o  represents  the  restored  western  front  of 
the  Parthenon. 

^  14.  But  the  chief  wonder  of  the  Parthenon  was  the  colossal 
statue  of  the  Virgin  Cxoddess  executed  by  Phidias  himself,  which 
stood  in  the  eastern  or  principal  chamber  of  the  cella.  It  was 
of  the  sort  called  chnjseicpJumtine,^  a  kind  of  work  said  to  have 
been  invented  by  Phidias.  Up  to  this  time  colossal  statues  not 
of  bronze  were  acroliths,  that  is,  having  only  the  face,  hands,  and 
f^3t  of  mirble,  the  rest  being  of  wood,  concealed  by  real  drapery, 
But,  in  the  statue  of  Athena,  Phidias  substituted  ivory  for  marble 
in  those  parts  which  were  uncovered,  and  supplied  the  place  of 
the  real  drapery  with  robes  and  other  ornaments  of  solid  gold. 
Its  height,  including  the  base,  was  26  cubits,  or  nearly  40  feet. 
It  represented  the  goddess  standing,  clothed  with  a  tunic  reach- 
ing to  the  ankles,  with  a  spear  in  her  left  hand,  and  an  image 
of^ Victory,  4  cubits  high,  in  her  right.  She  was  girded  with 
the  iBgis,  and  had  a  helmet  on  her  head,  and  her  shield  rested 
on  the  ground  by  her  side.  The  eyes  were  of  a  sort  of  marble 
resembling  ivory,  and  were  perhaps  painted  to  represent  the 
iris  and  the  pupil.  The  weight  of  solid  gold  employed  in  the 
statue  was,  at  a  medium  statement,  44  talents,  and  was  remov- 
able at  pleasure. 

The  Acropolis  was  adorned  with  another  colossal  figure  of 
Athena  in  bronze,  also  the  v/ork  of  Phidias.  It  stood  in  the 
open  air,  nearly  opposite  the  Propylse,  and  was  one  of  the  first 
objects  seen  after  passing  through  the  gates  of  the  latter.  With 
its  pedestal  it  must  have  stood  about  70  feet  high,  and  conse- 
quently towered  above  the  roof  of  the  Parthenon,  so  that  the 
point  of  its  spear  and  the  crest  of  its  helmet  were  visible  off  the 
promontory  of  Sunium  to  ships  approaching  Athens.  It  was 
called  the  "  Athena  Promachus,"t  because  it  represented  the 
goddess  armed,  and  in  the  very  attitude  of  battle.     It  was  still 

*  itf.,  of  gold  and  i  vory,  from  XQ^^^vg,  golden,  and  t  AE^avrtvof ,  of  ivory. 

•j-  TTqofiaxoCi  the  Defender. 


396 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CfiAP.  XXXIV. 


i 


standing  in  a.d.  395,  and  is  said  to  have  scared  away  Alaric  when 
he  came  to  sack  the  AcropoHs.  In  the  aimexed  coin  the  statue 
of  Athena  Promachus  and  the  Parthenon  are  represented  on  the 
summit  of  the  Acropolis  :  below  is  the  cave  of  Pan,  with  a  flight 
ol  steps  leading  up  the  top  of  the  Acropolis. 


Coin  showing  the  Parthenon,  Athena  Promachus,  and  the  Cave  of  Pan. 

j  15.  The  only  other  monument  on  the  summit  of  the  Acro- 
polis which  it  is  necessary  to  describe  is  the  Erechtheum,  or 
temple  of  Erechtheus.    The  Erechtheum  was  the  most  revered  of 
all  the  sanctuaries  of  Athens,  and  was  closely  connected  with  the 
earliest  legends  of  Attica.    The  traditions  respecting  Erechtheus 
vary,  but  according  to  one  set  of  them  he  was  identical  with 
the  god  Poseidon.     He  was  worshipped  in  his  temple  under  the 
name  of  Poseidon  Erechtheus,  and  from  the  earliest  times  was 
associated  with  Athena  as  one  of  the  two  protecting  deities  of 
Athens.    The  original  Erechtheum  was  burnt  by  the  Persians,  but 
the  new  temple  was  erected  on  the  ancient  site.    This  coidtl  not 
have  been  otherwise  ;  for  on  this  spot  was  the  sacred  oHve-tree 
which  Athena  evoked  from  the  earth  in  her  contest  with  Posei- 
don, and  also  the  well  of  salt-water  which  Poseidon  pnjdueed  by 
a  stroke  of  his  trident,  the  impression  of  which  was  geen  u|jon 
the  rock.     The  building  was  also  called  the  temple  of  Athena 
PoHas,  because  it  contained  a  separate  sanctuary  of  the  goddess, 
as  w^ell  as  her  most  ancient  statue.     The  building  of  the  new 
Erechtheum  was  not  commenced  till  tlie  Parthenon  and  Propylaa 
were  finished,  and  probably  not  before  the  year  preceding  the 
lireaking  out  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Its  progress  was  no 
doubt  delayed  by  that  event,  and  it  was  probably  not  completed 
before  393  b.c.     "When  finished  it  presented  one  of  the  finest 
models  of  the  Ionic  order,  as  the  Parthenon  Avas  of  the  Doric. 
It  stood  to  the  north  of  the  latter  building,  and  close  to  the 
northern  wall  of  the  Acropolis.     The  form  of  the  Erechtheum 
differs  from  every  known  example  of  a  Grecian  temple.    Usually 


Chap.  XXXIV.      ERECHTHEUM.    DIONYSIAC  THEATRE.      397 

a  Grecian  temple  was  an  oblong  figure  with  a  portico  at  each 
extremity.  The  Erechtheum,  on  the  contrary,  though  oblong  in 
shape,  and  having  a  portico  at  the  eastern  or  principal  front,  had 
none  at  its  western  end,  where,  however,  a  portico  projected 
north  and  south  from  either  side,  thus  forming  a  kind  of  tran- 
sept. This  irregularity  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  owing  to  the 
necessity  of  preserving  the  diflerent  sanctuaries  and  reUgious 
objects  belonging  to  the  ancient  temple.  A  view  of  it  from  the 
north-west  angle  is  given  on  p.  3b  1.  The  roof  of  the  southern 
portico,  as  shown  in  the  view,  was  supported  by  six  Caryatides, 
or  figures  of  young  maidens  in  long  draperies,  one  of  which  is 
figured  on  p.  357. 

Such  were  the  principal  objects  which  adorned  the  Acropohs 
at  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking.  Their  general  ap- 
pearance will  be  best  gathered  from  the  engraving  on  p.  265. 

i  IG.  Before  quitting  the  city  of  Athens,  there  are  two  or 
three  other  objects  of  interest  which  must  be  briefly  described. 
First,  the  Dionysiac  theatre,  wliich,  as  already  stated,  occupied 
the  slope  at  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the  Acropolis.  The 
middle  of  it  was  excavated  out  of  the  rock,  and  the  rows  of  seats 
ascended  in  curves  one  above  another,  the  diameter  increasinsr 
with  the  height.  It  was  no  doubt  sufficiently  large  to  accom- 
modate the  whole  body  of  Athenian  citizens,  as  well  as  the 
strangers  who  flocked  to  Athens  during  the  Dionysiac  festival, 
but  its  dimensions  cannot  now  be  accurately  ascertained.  It 
had  no  roof,  but  the  spectators  were  probably  protected  from 
the  sun  by  an  awning,  and  from  their  elevated  seats  they  had  a 
distinct  view  t)f  the  sea,  and  of  the  peaked  hills  of  Sakmis  in 
the  horizon .  A  representation  of  this  theatre  viewed  from  below 
is  given  on  a  brass  coin  of  Athens.  The  seats  for  the  spectators 
are  distinctly  seen ;  and  on  the  top,  the  Parthenon  in  the  centre, 
with  the  Propyla)a  on  the  left. 


Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  coin. 


898 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chat.  XXXIV. 


Close  to  the  Dionysiac  theatre  on  the  east  was  the  Odeum  of 
Pericles,  a  smaller  kind  of  theatre,  which  seems  to  have  been 
chiefly  designed  for  the  rehearsal  of  nujsical  performances.  It 
was  covered  with  a  conical  roof,  like  a  tent,  m  order  to  retain 
the  sound,  and  in  its  original  state  was  perhaps  actually  covered 
with  the  tent  of  Xerxes.  It  served  as  a  reluge  for  the  audience 
when  driven  out  of  the  theatre  by  rain,  and  as  a  place  for  training 
the  chorus. 

The  Areopagus*  was  a  rocky  height  opposite  the  western  end 
of  the  Acropolis,  from  which  it  was  separated  only  by  some 
hollow  ground.  It  derived  its  name  from  the  tradition  that 
Ares  was  brought  to  trial  licrc  belbre  the  assembled  gods,  by 
Poseidon,  for  murdering  Halirrhothius,  the  son  of  the  latter. 
It  was  here  that  the  Council  of  Areopagus  met,  frequently  called 
tlie  Upper  Council,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  which  assembled  in  the  valley  below.  The  Areupagites 
sat  as  judges  in  the  open  air,  and  two  blocks  of  stone  are  still 
to  be  seen,  probably  those  which,  according  to  the  description  of 
Euripides,!  were  occupied  respectively  by  the  accuser  and  the 
accused.  The  Areopagus  was  the  spot  where  the  Apostle  Paul 
preached  to  the  men  of  Athens.  At  the  south-eastern  corner  of 
the  rock  is  a  wide  chasm  leading  to  a  gloomy  recess,  containing 
a  fountain  of  very  dark  water.  This  was  the  sanctuary  of  the 
Eumenides,  called  by  the  Athenians  the  Seni?ice,t  or  Venerable 
Goddesses. 

The  Pnyx,  or  place  for  holding  the  public  assemblies  cf  the 
Athenians,  stood  on  the  side  of  a  low  rocky  hill,  at  the  distance 
of  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  Areopagus. 

Between  the  Pnyx  on  the  west,  the  Areopagus  on  the  north 
and  the  Acropolis  on  the  east,  and  closely  adjoining  the  base  of 
these  hills,  stood  the  Agora  (or  market-place.)  Its  exact  bound- 
aries cannot  be  detemiined.  The  Stoa  P^cile,  already  described, 
ran  along  the  western  side  of  it,  and  consequently  between  it  and 
the  Pnyx.  In  a  direction  from  north-west  to  south-east  a  street 
called  the  Ceramicus  ran  diagonally  through  the  Agora,  entering 
it  through  the  valley  between  the  Pnyx  and  the  Areopagus. 
The  street  was  named  after  a  district  of  the  city,  which  was 
divided  into  two  parts,  the  Iinier  and  Outer  Ceramicus.  The 
former  lay  within  the  city  walls,  and  included  the  Agora.  Tho 
Outer  Ceramicus,  which  Ibniied  a  handsome  suburb  on  tlie 
north-west  of  the  city,  was  the  burial-place  of  all  persons  lio- 
noured  with  a  public  funeral.     Through  it  ran  the  road  to  tho 


•  6  'Ape f Of  Trayof,  or  Hill  of  Ares  (Mars). 

X  al  Renvoi. 


f  Ipbig.  Taur.  961. 


CnAP.  XXXIV.   STATUE  OF  THE  OLYMPIAN  JOVE.  89f 

g\'mnasium  and  gardens  of  the  Academy,  which  were  situated 
about  a  mile  from  the  walls.  The  Academy  was  the  place  where 
Plato  and  his  disciples  taught.  On  each  side  of  this  road  were 
monuments  to  illustrious  Athenians,  especially  those  who  had 

fallen  in  battle. 

East  of  the  city,  and  outside  the  walls,  was  the  Lyceum,  a 
gymnasium  dedicated  to  Apollo  Lyceus,  and  celebrated  as  the 
place  in  which  Aristotle  taught. 

H7.  Space  will  allow  us  to  advert  only  very  bnefly  to  two  of 
the  most  distinguished  monuments  of  the  art  of  this  period  out 
of  Attica.     These  are  the  temple  of  Jove  at  Olympia,  and  the 
temple  of  Apollo  Epicurius  at  Bassse,  near  Phigalia  in  Arcadia. 
The  former,  built  with  the  spoils  of  Pisa,  was  finished  about  the 
year  435.     It  was  of  the  Doric  order,  230  feet  long  by  95  broad. 
There  are  still  a  few  remains  of  it.    We  have  already  adverted  to 
the  circumstance  of  Phidias  being  engaged  by  the  E  leans  to  exe- 
cute some  of  the  works  here.     His  statue  of  the  Olympian  Jove 
was  reckoned  his  masterpiece,  and  one  of  the  wcnders  of  the 
worid.     The  idea  which  he  essayed  to  embody  in  this  work  was 
that  of  the  supreme  deity  of  the  Hellenic  nation,  enthroned  as  a 
conqueror,  in  perfect  majesty  and  repose,  and  ruling  with  a  nod 
the  subject  world.     The  statue  was  about  40  feet  high,  on  a 
pedestal  of  12  feet.    The  throne  was  of  cedar-wood,  adorned  with 
gold,  ivory,  ebony,  precious  stones,  and  colours.     The  god.  held 
in  his  right  hand  an  ivory  and  gold  statue  of  Victory,  and  m  his 
left  a  sceptre,  ornamented  with  all  sorts  of  metals,  and  sur- 
mounted by  an  eagle.     The  robe  which  covered  the  lower  part 
of  the  figure,  as  well  as  the  sandals,  was  of  gold.    After  the  com- 
pletion ol*  the  statue,  Jove  is  related  to  have  struck  the  pavement 
in  front  of  it  with  lightning  in  token  of  approbation. 

§  18.  The  Doric  temple  of  Apollo  near  Phigalia  was  built  by 
Ictinus,  and  finished  about  430  B.C.  It  was  125  feet  long  by 
47  broad.  The  frieze  of  this  temple,  which  is  preserved  m  the 
British  Museum,  represents  in  alto-riUevo  the  combat  of  the 
Centaurs  and  Amazons,  with  Apollo  and  Artemis  hastening 
to  the  scene  in  a  chariot  dra^n  by  stags.  The  sculpture  by  no 
means  equals  that  of  the  Parthenon,  or  even  of  the  Theseuni. 
The  figures  are  short  and  fleshy.  Some  of  the  groups  evidently 
indicafe  the  influence  of  Attic  art,  and  especially  an  imitation  o4 
the  sculptures  of  the  Theseum  ;  but  in  general  they  may  be  re- 
garded as  aflbrding  a  standard  of  the  difference  between  Athe- 
nian and  Pelopomiesian  art  at  this  period. 


Melpomene,  the  Muse  of  Tragedy. 


Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

inSTOILY  OF  ATHENUN  LITERATUHE  DOWN  TO  THE  END  OF  THI: 

TELOPONNESUN  AVAR. 


Beem   necessary  to   the   Lve  Z^^t  nf      /'Ii ''"^T  ''"'"'^t' 
whilst  at  the  sLe  time  thehrfc' „  •"/  "f  "«""^1   «"lture  ; 

for  a  hare  existence.  and'^'Xri^J^dTS':.^ 


Cu.4P.  XXXV. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  DRAMA. 


401 


rounding  tribes.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Pisistratus  and  his 
sons  that  we  behold  the  first  dawn  of  literature  at  Athens.  But 
this  Hterature  was  of  an  exotic  growth  ;  the  poets  assembled  at 
the  court  of  the  Pisistratids  were  mostly  foreigners  ;  and  it  was 
only  after  the  iall  of  that  dynasty,  and  tiie  establishment  of  more 
liberal  institutions  at  Atliens,  that  we  faid  tlie  native  genius 
shooting  forth  with  vigour. 

It  was  probably  the  democratic  nature  of  their  new  consti- 
tution, combined  with  the  natural  vivacity  of  the  people,  which 
caused  Athenian  literature  to  take  that  dramatic  form  which 
pre-eminently  distinguishes  it.  The  democracy  demanded  a 
literature  of  a  popular  kind,  the  vivacity  of  the  people  a  litera- 
ture that  made  a  lively  impression ;  and  both  these  conditions 
were  fulfilled  by  the  drama. 

§  2.  Though  the  drama  was  brought  to  perfection  among  the 
Athenians,  it  did  not  originate  with  them.  Both  tragedy  and 
comedy,  in  their  rude  and  early  origin,  were  Dorian  inventions. 
Bjth  arose  out  of  the  worship  of  Dionysus.  There  was  at  first 
but  little  distinction  between  these  two  species  of  the  drama, 
except  that  comedy  belonged  more  to  the  rural  celebration  of  the 
Dionysiac  festivals,  and  tragedy  to  that  in  cities.  The  name  of 
iragedy*  was  far  from  signifying  any  thing  mournful,  being  de- 
rived from  the  goat-like  appearance  of  those  who,  disguised  as 
satyrs,  performed  the  old  Dionysiac  songs  and  dances.  In  like 
manner,  comedy  f  was  called  after  the  song  of  the  band  of  revel- 
lers, $  who  celebrated  the  vintage  festivals  of  Dionysus,  and 
vented  the  rude  merriment  inspired  by  the  occasion  in  jibes  and 
extempore  witticisms  levelled  at  the  spectators.  It  was  among 
the  Megarians,  both  those  in  Greece  and  those  in  Sicily,  whose 
political  institutions  were  democratical,  and  who  had  a  turn  for 
rough  humour,  that  comedy  seems  first  to  have  arisen.  It  was 
long,  however,  before  it  assumed  anything  like  a  regular  shape. 
Epicharmus  appears  to  have  been  the  first  who  moulded  the 
wild  and  irregular  Bacchic  songs  and  dances  into  anything  ap- 
proaching a  connected  fable,  or  plot.  He  was  born  at  Cos, 
about  B.C.  510,  but  spent  the  better  part  of  his  life  at  Sjrracuse. 
He  wrote  his  comedies  some  years  before  the  Pertian  war,  and 
from  the  titles  of  them  still  extant  it  would  appear  that  the 
greater  part  of  them  were  travesties  of  heroic  myths.  They 
seem,  however,  to  have  contained  an  odd  mixture  of  sententious 
wisdom  and  broad  bufibonery,  for  Epicharmus  was  a  Pythago- 
rean philosopher  as  well  as  a  comic  poet. 


*  TQayudta — literally  **  the  goat-song.' 


•im 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


OnAP.  XXXV. 


^SCHYLUS. 


40S 


§  3.  Comedy,  in  its  rade  and  early  state,  was  introduced  into 
Attica  long  before  the  time  of  Epicharmus  by  Susarion,  a  native 
of  Tripodiscus,  in  Megara.  It  was  at  Icaria,  an  Attic  village 
noted  for  the  worship  of  Dionysus,  wliere  Susarion  had  takt  .i  up 
his  residence,  that  he  first  represented  cometly,  such  as  it  then 
existed  among  the  Megarians,  in  the  year  578  b.c.  The  per- 
Ibrmances  of  Susarion  took  no  root ;  and  we  hear  nothing  more 
of  comedy  in  Attica  for  nearly  a  hundred  years. 

It  was  during  this  interval  that  tragedy  was  introduced  into 
Attica,  and  continued  to  be  successfully  cultivated.  We  have 
already  observed  that  tragedy,  like  comedy,  arose  out  of  the 
worship  of  Dionysus ;  but  tragedy,  in  its  more  perfect  form, 
was  the  olFspring  of  the  dithyrambic  odes  with  which  that  wor- 
ship was  celebrated.  These  were  not  always  of  a  joyous  cast. 
Some  of  them  expressed  the  sulierings  of  Dionysus  ;  and  it  was 
from  this  more  mournful  species  of  dithyramb  that  tragedy, 
properly  so  called,  arose.  Arion  introduced  great  improvements 
into  the  Dithyrambic  odes.*  They  formed  a  kuid  of  lyrical 
tragedy,  and  were  sung  by  a  chorus  of  fifty  men,  dancing  round 
the  altar  of  Dionysus.  The  improvements  in  the  Dythyramb 
were  introduced  by  Arion  at  Corinth  ;  and  it  was  chiefly  among 
the  Dorian  states  of  the  Peloponnesus  that  these  choral  dithy- 
rambic songs  prevailed.  Hence,  even  in  Attic  tragedy,  the  chorus, 
which  was  the  foundation  of  the  drama,  was  written  in  the  Doric 
dialect,  thus  clearly  betraying  the  source  from  which  the  Athe- 
nians derived  it. 

In  Attica  an  important  alteration  was  made  in  the  old  tragedy 
in  the  time  of  Pisistratus,  in  consequence  of  which  it  obtained 
a  new  and  dramatic  character.  This  innovation  is  ascrihed  to 
Thespis,  a  native  of  the  Attic  village  of  Icaria.  It  consisted  in 
the  introduction  of  an  actor,  for  the  purpose,  it  is  said,  of  giving 
rest  to  the  chorus.  He  probably  appeared  in  that  capacity  him- 
self, taking  various  parts  in  the  same  piece  by  means  of  dis- 
guises effected  by  linen  masks.  Thus  by  his  successive  appear- 
ance in  different  characters,  and  by  the  dialogue  which  he  main- 
tained with  the  chorus,  or  rather  with  its  leader,  a  dramatic  fable 
of  tolerable  complexity  might  be  represented.  The  first  repre- 
sentation given  by  Thespis  was  in  535  b.c.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Chcerilus  and  Phrynicus,  the  latter  of  whom  gained  his  first 
prize  in  the  dramatic  contests  in  511  B.C.  He  deviated  from  the 
hitlierto  established  custom  in  making  a  contemporary  event 
the  subject  of  one  of  his  dramas.  His  tragedy  on  the  capture  of 
Miletus  was  so  pathetic  that  the  audience  were  melted  into 

*  See  p.  132. 


tears  ;  but  the  subject  was  considered  so  ill-chosen  that  he  was 
fined  a  thousand  drachmae.*  The  only  other  dramatist  whom 
we  need  mention  before  iEschylus  is  the  Dorian  Pratinas,  a 
native  of  Phlius,  but  who  exhibited  his  tragedies  at  Athens. 
Pratinas  was  one  of  the  improvers  of  tragedy  by  separating 
the  satyric  from  the  tragic  drama.  As  neither  the  popular 
taste  nor  the  ancient  religious  associations  connected  with 
the  festivals  of  Dionysus  would  have  permitted  the  chorus  of 
Satyrs  to  be  entirely  banished  from  the  tragic  representations, 
Pratinas  avoided  this  by  the  invention  of  what  is  called  the 
Satyric  drama  ;  that  is,  a  species  of  play  in  which  the  ordinary 
subjects  of  tragedy  were  treated  in  a  lively  and  farcical  man- 
ner, and  in  which  the  chorus  consisted  of  a  band  of  Satyrs  in 
appropriate  dresses  and  masks.  After  this  period  it  became 
customary  to  exhit  dramas  in  tetralogies,  or  sets  of  four ; 
namely,  a  tragic  trilogy,  or  series  of  three  tragedies,  followed  by 
a  Satyric  play.  These  were  often  on  connected  subjects ;  and 
the  Satyric  drama  at  the  end  served  like  a  merry  after-piece  to 
relieve  the  minds  of  the  spectators. 

The  subjects  of  Greek  tragedy  were  taken,  with  few  exceptions, 
from  the  national  mythology.  Hence  the  plot  and  story  were 
of  necessity  known  to  the  spectators,  a  circumstance  which 
strongly  distinguishes  the  ancient  tragedy  from  the  modem.  It 
must  also  be  recollected  that  the  representation  of  tragedies 
did  not  take  place  every  day,  but  only,  after  certain  fixed  inter- 
vals, at  the  festivals  of  Dionysus,  of  which  they  formed  one  of 
the  greatest  attractions.  During  the  whole  day  the  Athenian 
public  sat  in  the  theatre  witnessing  tragedy  after  tragedy ;  and 
a  prize  was  awarded  by  judges  appointed  for  the  purpose  to  the 
poet  who  produced  the  best  set  of  dramas. 

§4.  Such  was  Attic  tragedy  when  it  came  into  the  hands  of 
JEschylus,  who,  from  the  gi'eat  improvements  which  he  intro- 
duced, was  regarded  by  the  Athenians  as  its  father  or  founder, 
just  as  Homer  was  of  Epic  poetry,  and  Herodotus  of  History, 
^schylus  was  born  at  Eleusis  in  Attica  in  b.c.  525,  and  was  thus 
contemporary  with  Simonides  and  Pindar.  His  father,  Eupho- 
rion,  may  possibly  have  been  connected  with  the  worship  of 
Demeter  at  Eleusis  ;  and  hence,  perhaps,  were  imbibed  those 
religious  impressions  which  characterized  the  poet  through 
life.  His  first  play  was  exhibited  in  B.C.  500,  when  he  was  25 
years  of  age.  He  fought  with  his  brother  CynaBgirus  at  the 
battle  of  Marathon,!  and  also  at  those  of  Artemisium,  Salamis, 
and  Plataea.     In  b.c.  484  he  gained  his  first  tragic  prize.     The 


*  See  p.  169. 


f  See  p.  178. 


404 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXXV 


first  of  his  extant  dramas,  the  Persce,  was  not  brought  out  till 
B.C.  472,  when  he  gained  the  prize  with  the  trilogy  of  which  it 
formed  one  of  the  pieces.     In  468  he  was  defeated  in  a  tragic 
flontest  by  his  younger  rival  Sophocles ;  jfhortly  afterwards  he 
retired  to  the  court  of  king  liiero,  at  Syracuse.     In  4  07  Hiero 
died;  and  in  458  ^Eschylus  nuist  have  returned  to  Athens, 
since  he  produced  his  trilogy  of  the  Orcsteia  in  that  year.     This 
trilogy,  which  was  com|X)sed  of  the  tragedies  otthe  Agamemnon, 
the  Clim'iilmre,  and  the  EimKnifics,  is  remarkable  a.s  the  only  one 
that  has  come  down  to  us  in  any  thing  like  a  jKnlect  shape.     His 
defence  of  the  Areopagus,  however,  contained  in  the  last  of  these 
three  dramas,  proved  unpalatable  to  the  new  and  more  demo- 
cratic generation  which  had  now  sprung  up  at  Athens;  and 
either  from  disappointment  or  fear  of  the  consequences  ^schy- 
lus  again  quitted  Athens  and  retired  once  more  to  Sicily.     On 
this  occasion  he  repaired  to  Gela,  where  he  died  in  b.c.  456,  in 
the  69th  year  of  his  age.     It  is  unanimously  related  that  an  eagle, 
mistaking  the  poet's  bald  head  for  a  stone,  let  a  tortoise  lall 
upon  it  in  order  to  break  tlie  shell,  thus  fulfdling  an  oracle  pre- 
dicting that  he  was  to  die  by  a  blow  from  heaven.     After  his 
death,  his  memory  was  held  in  high  reverence  at  Athens.     A 
decree  was  passed  that  a  cliorus  should  be  provided  at  the  public 
expense  for  any  one  who  might  wish  to  revive  his  tragedies ;  and 
hence  it  happened  that  they  were  frequently  reproduced  upon 
the  stage. 

The  improvements  introduced  into  tragedy  by  ^schylus 
concerned  both  its  form  and  composition,  and  its  manner  of 
representation.  In  the  former  his  principal  iimovation  was  the 
introduction  of  a  second  actor ;  whence  arose  the  dialogue,  pro- 
perly so  called,  and  the  limitation  of  the  choral  parts,  which 
now  became  subsidiary.  His  improvements  in  the  manner  of 
representing  tragedy  consisted  in  the  introduction  of  painted 
scenes,  drawn  according  to  the  rules  of  i)erspcctive,  for  which 
he  availed  himself  of  the  pictorial  skill  of  Agatharchus.  He 
furnished  the  actors  with  more  appropriate  and  more  maf^- 
niiicent  dresses,  invented  for  them  more  various  and  expres- 
sive masks,  and  raised  their  stature  to  the  heroic  size  by  pro- 
viding them  with  thick  soled  cothurni  or  buskins.  He  paid 
great  attention  to  the  choral  dances,  and  invented  several  new 
figures.* 

The  genius  of  iEschylus  inclined  rather  to  the  awful  and  sub- 
-"  personae  palljpque  repertor  honestaj 


ufischylus,  et  modicis  instravit  pulpita  tigiiis, 
Et  docuit  magnumque  loqui,  nitique  cothurno." 

IIoR.,  Ar.  Poet.  278. 


CiiAF.  XXXV. 


SOPHOCLES. 


405 


lime  than  to  the  tender  and  pathetic.  He  excels  in  representing 
the  superhuman,  in  depicting  demigods  and  heroes,  and  m  tracmg 
the  irresistible  march  of  fate.  His  style  resembles  the  ideas 
which  it  clothes.  It  is  bold,  sublime,  and  full  of  gorgeous 
imagery,  but  sometimes  borders  on  the  turgid.* 

§  5.  Sophocles,  the  younger  rival  and  immediate  successor  of 
^schylus  in  the  tragic  art,  was  bom  at  Colonus,  a  village  about 
a  mile  from  Athens,  in  B.C.  495.     We  know  little  of  his  family, 
except  that  his  father's  name  was  Sophilus ;  but  that  he  was 
carefully  trained  in  music  and  gymnastics  appears  from  the  lact 
that  in  his  sixteenth  year  he  was  chosen  to  lead,  naked,  and  with 
lyre  in  hand,  the  chorus  which  danced  round  the  trophy,  and 
saner  the  hymns  of  triumph,  on  the  occasion  of  the  victory  of 
Salamis  (b.c.  480).     We  have  already  adverted  to  his  wTcsting 
the  tragic  prize  from  iEschylus  in  468,  which  seems  to  have 
been  his  first  appearance  as  a  dramatist.     This  event  was  ren- 
dered very  striking  by  the  circumstances  under  which  it  occurred. 
The  Archon  Eponymus  had  not  yet  appointed  the  judges  of  the 
approaching  contest,  respecting  which  public  expectation  and 
party  feeling  ran  very  high,  when  Cimon  and  his  nine  colleagues 
in  command  entered  the  theatre,  having  just  returned  from 
Scyros.     After  they  had  made  the  customary  libations  to  Dio- 
nysus, the  archon  detained  them  at  the  altar  and  administered 
to  them  the  oath  api)oiiitcd  for  the  judges  in  the  dramatic  con- 
tests.    Their  decision,  as  we  have  said,  was  in  favour  of  Sopho- 
cles.    From  this  time  forwards  he  seems  to  have  retained  the 
almost  undisputed  possession  of  the  Athenian  stage,  until  a 
young  but  formidable  rival  arose  in  the  person  of  Euripides. 
In  440  we  find  Sophocles  elected  one  of  the  10  Strategi,  of  whom 
Pericles  was  the  chief,  to  conduct  the  expedition  against  Samos  ; 
an  honour  which  he  is  said  to  have  owed  to  his  play  ot  the 
Antigone,  which  was  brought  out  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  and 
whicii  is  the  earliest  of  his  extant  dramas.     He  was  now  5^ 
years  of  age,  yet  his  poetical  liie  seemed  only  beginning.     From 
this  time  "to  his  death  was  the  period  of  his  greatest  hterary 
activity  ;  but  of  his  personal  history  we  have  few  details.     He 
was  one  of  the  ten  elders,  or  ProbouU,  a  sort  of  committee  of 
public  safety  appointed  by  the  Athenians  after  the  failure  of  the 
Sicilian  expedition,  unless  indeed  the  Sophocles  mentioned  on 
that  occasion  by  Thucydides  be  some  other  person.     The  close 

*  ^^chylus  is  said  to  have  written  sevonty  tragedies ;  but  only  seven 
are  extant,  which  were  probably  represented  in  the  following  order ;  the 
Persiani^,  n.c.  472;  the  ^even  against  Thebes,  b.c.  471;  the  i^uppliant 8 ; 
the  Protncthcus;  the  Ajainvnmon,  Choi'phjrw,  and  Aumctiidcs,  b.c.  45». 


wlw 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


EURIPIDES. 


407 


of  his  life  was  troubled  with  family  dissensions.  lophon,  his 
son  by  an  Athenian  wife,  and  therefore  his  legitimate  heir,  was 
jealous  of  the  aHection  manifested  by  his  father  lor  his  grandson 
iSophocles,  the  oHspring  of  another  son,  Ariston,  whom  he  had 
had  by  a  Sicyonian  woman.  Fearing  lest  his  father  should 
bestow  a  great  part  of  his  property  upon  his  favourite,  lophon 
summoned  him  before  the  Phratores,  or  tribesmen,  on  the  ground 
that  his  mind  was  afiected.  The  old  man's  only  reply  was — "  If 
I  am  Sophocles  I  am  not  beside  myself;  and  if  I  am  beside 
myself  I  am  not  Sophocles."  Then  taking  up  his  (Edijms  at  Co- 
lonuSf  which  he  had  lately  written,  but  had  not  yet  brought  out, 
he  read  from  it  the  beautiful  passage  beginniug — 

EvtTTTToi',  ^t've,  riiade  x*^P^C — 

with  which  the  judges  were  so  struck  that  they  at  once  dis- 
missed the  case.  He  died  shortly  afterwards  in  B.C.  406,  in  his 
90th  year. 

As  a  poet  Sophocles  is  universally  allowed  to  have  brought 
the  drama  to  the  greatest  perfection  of  which  it  is  susceptible. 
His  plays  stand  in  the  just  medium  between  the  sublime  but 
imregulated  flights  of  jEschylus,  and  the  too  familiar  scenes  and 
rhetorical  declamations  of  Euripides.  His  plots  are  worked  up 
with  more  skill  and  care  than  the  plots  of  either  of  his  great 
rivals :  that  of  the  (Edipus  Tyrannus  in  particular  is  remarkable 
for  its  skilful  devolojiement,  and  for  the  manner  in  wliicli  the  in- 
terest of  the  piece  increases  through  each  succeeding  act.  So- 
phocles added  the  last  improvement  to  the  form  of"  the  drama 
by  the  introduction  of  a  third  actor  ;  a  change  w  hich  greatly 
enlarged  the  scope  of  the  action.  The  improvement  was  so 
obvious  that  it  was  adopted  by  jEschylus  in  his  later  plays  ;  but 
the  number  of  three  actors  seems  to  have  been  seldom  or  never 
exceeded.  Sophocles  also  made  considerable  alterations  in  the 
choral  parts,  by  curtailing  the  length  of  the  songs,  and  by  giving 
the  chorus  itself  the  character  of  an  impartial  spectator  and 
judge,  rather  tifan  that  of  a  deej)ly  interested  party  which  it 
often  assumes  in  the  plays  of  iEschylus.* 

h  6.  Euripides  was  born  in  the  island  of  Salamis,  in  B.C.  480, 
his  parents  having  been  among  tliose  who  fled  thither  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  of  Attica  by  Xerxes.  In  early  life  he  prac- 
tised painting  with  some  success,  but  lie  devoted  himself  with 

*  Sophocles  is  said  to  have  written  117  tragedies,  but  of  these  only 
Beven  are  extant,  which  are  to  he  ranked,  probahly,  in  the  following 
chronological  order:  the  Antigone,  b.c.  440;  AVcrtra ;  7Vachinia:; 
(Edipus  Tt/rannns;  Ajax ;  PhUoetctes,  b.c.  409;  (Edipu»  at  Coloitua, 
brought  out  by  tlic  younger  Sophocles  u.c.  401. 


still  more  earnestness  to  philosophy  and  literature.  He  studied 
rhetoric  under  Prodicus,  and  physics  under  Anaxagoras,  and  also 
lived  on  intimate  terms  with  Socrates.  He  is  said  to  have  written 
a  tracredy  at  the  age  of  18  ;  but  the  first  play  brought  out  in  his 
own  name  was  acted  in  b.c.  455,  when  he  was  25  years  of  age 
It  was  not,  however,  till  441  that  he  gained  his  first  prize,  and 
from  this  time  he  continued  to  exhibit  plays  until  b.c.  408,  the 
date  of  his  Orestes.  Soon  after  this  he  repaired  to  the  court  ot 
Macedonia,  at  the  invitation  of  King  Archelaiis,  where  he  died 
two  years  afterwards  at  the  age  of  74  (b.c.  406).^  Common  re- 
port relates  that  he  was  torn  to  pieces  by  the  king  s  dogs,  which, 
according  to  some  accounts,  were  set  upon  him  by  two  rival 

poets  out  of  envy.  ^     ex.- 

Euripides  received  tragedy  perfect  from  the  hands  ot  his  pre- 
decessors, and  we  do  not  find  that  he  made  any  changes  in  its 
outward  form.  But  he  varied  from  them  considerably  in  the 
poetical  mode  of  handling  it,  and  his  innovations  in  this  respect 
were  decidedly  for  the  worse.  He  converted  the  prologue  into  a 
vehicle  for  the  exposition  of  the  whole  plot,  in  which  he  not 
only  informs  the  spectator  of  what  has  happened  up  to  that 
mament,  but  frequently  also  of  what  the  result  or  catastrophe 
will  be.  In  his  hands  too  the  chorus  grew  feebler,  and  its  odes 
less  connected  with  the  subject  of  the  drama,  so  that  they  might 
frequently  belong  to  any  other  piece  just  as  well  as  to  the  one  in 
which  they  were  inserted.  In  treating  his  characters  and  subjects 
he  often  arbitrarily  departed  from  the  received  legends,  and  di- 
minished the  dignity  of  tragedy  by  depriving  it  of  its  ideal  char- 
acter, and  by  bringing  it  down  to  the  level  of  every  day  life.  His 
dialogue  was  garrulous  and  colloquial,  wanting  in  heroic  dignity, 
and  f'requently  fViizid  through  misplaced  philosophical  disquisi- 
tions. Yet  in  spite  of  all  these  faults  Euripides  has  many 
beauties,  and  is  particularly  remarkable  for  pathos,  so  that  Aris- 
totle calls  him  "  the  most  tragic  of  poets."  Eighteen  of  the  tra- 
gedies of  Euripides  are  still  extant,  omitting  the  Rlicsus,  the 
genuineness  of  which  there  are  good  reasons  for  doubting.  One 
of  them,  the  Cf/dops,  is  particularly  interesting  as  the  only  ex- 
tant specimen  of  the  Greek  satyric  drama.* 

§  7.  Comedy  was  revived  at  Athens  by  Chionides  and  his  con- 
temporaries, about  B.C.  488;  but  it  received  its  fuU  development 

*  The  following  is  a  list  of  his  extant  plays :  the  Alccstis,  b.c.  438  ; 
Medea,  431 ;  Hippoli/his,  428 ;  Hecuba,  about  424 ;  Hrraclidce,  about  421  ; 
Sappllces,  Ion,  Hercules  Furens,  Andrmnaehe ;  Troa^les,  415;  Electra ; 
Helena,  425  ;  Iphiqenia  in  Tauris ;  Orestes,  408  ;  Ph<eniss(e,  Bacchxe,  and 
Jphigenia  in  Aulis  were  brouirht  out  after  the  death  of  Euripides  by  his 
ioo,  the  younger  Euripides.     The  date  of  the  Cyclops  is  quite  uncertaia 


r  -  _ 


408 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


from  Cratinus,  who  lived  in  the  age  of  Pericles.  Cratinus,  and 
his  younger  contemporaries,  Eiipolis  and  Aristophanes,  were 
the  three  great  poets  of  what  is  called  tiie  Old  Attic  Comedy.* 
The  comedies  of  Cratinus  and  EiijKilis  arc  lost ;  but  of  Aristo- 
phanes, who  was  the  greatest  of  the  tliree,  we  liave  eleven  dramas 
extant.  Aristophanes  was  born  about  -III  b.c.  Of  his  private 
life  we  know  positively  nothing.  He  exhibited  liis  first  comedy 
in  427,  and  from  that  time  till  near  his  death,  which  probably 
happened  about  380,  he  was  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  Attic 
fitage.f 

The  old  Attic  comedy  was  a  powerful  vehicle  for  the  expres- 
sion of  opinion  ;  and  most  of  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes,  and 
those  of  his  contemporaries  likewise,  turned  either  upon  political 
occurrences,  or  upon  some  subject  which  excited  the  interest  of 
the  Athenian  public.  Their  chief  object  was  to  excite  laughter 
by  the  boldest  and  most  ludicrous  caricature  ;  and  provided  that 
end  was  attained  the  poet  seems  to  liave  cared  but  little  about 
the  justice  of  the  picture.  A  living  historian  has  well  remarked, 
"  Never  probably  will  the  full  and  unshackled  force  of  comedy 
be  so  exhibited  again.  Without  liaving  Aristophanes  actually 
before  us  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  imagine  tlie  un- 
measured and  unsparing  licence  of  attack  assumed  by  the  old 
comedy  upon  the  gods,  the  institutions,  the  politicians,  philo- 
sophers, poets,  private  citizens,  specially  named — and  even  the 
women,  whose  life  was  entirelv  domestic — of  Athens.  With  this 
universal  liberty  in  respect  of  subject  there  is  combined  a 
poignancy  of  derision  and  satire,  a  fecundity  of  imagination  and 
variety  of  turns,  and  a  richness  of  poetical  expression  such  as 
cannot  be  surpassed,  and  such  as  fully  explains  the  admiration 
expressed  for  liira  by  the  pliilosophcr  Plato,  who  in  other  respects 
must  have  regarded  him  with  unciuestionable  disapprobation. 
His  comedies  are  jKipular  in  the  largest  sense  of  the  word,  ad- 
dressed to  the  entire  body  of  male  citizens  on  a  day  consecrated 
to  festivity,  and  providing  for  their  ainu.^^emeut  or  derision  witli 
a  sort  of  drunken  abundance,  out  of  all  persons  or  tilings  stand- 
ing in  any  way  prominent  liefore  the  public  eye."|  In  illustra- 
tion of  the  preceding  remarks  we  may  reler  to  tlie  Knights  of 
Aristophanes,  as  an  example  of  tlie  boldness  oi"  his  attacks  on  ono 


•  Eupolis  atqiie  Cratinus  Aristophanesque  poeta% 

Atque  alii  quorum  comoedia  priaca  virorum  est. 

IIoR.  Sat.  i.  4. 
f  The  eleven  extant  dramas  are;  the  Aeharnians,  r.c.  4*25;  Km(jht»^ 
424;  Cioudu,  423;  Wmpa.  422;  Peace,  419;  Birdu,  414;  Lt/aistrata,  411 ; 
Thesmctphoriazwtte,  411 ;  PlutuA,  408;  Frof/x,  405;  Ecclcsiazusa:,  302. 
I  tirote's  Iltst.  of  (Jrecrc,  vol.  viii.  p.  450. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


ARISTOPHANES. 


409 


of  the  leading  political  characters  of  the  day— the  demagogue 
Cleon ;  whilst  the  Clmuh,  in  which  Socrates  is  held  up  to  ridi- 
cule, and  the  TJicsnioj)1toriazusai  and  Frogs,  containing  slashing 
onslaughts  on  Euripides,  show  that  neither  the  greatest  pinloso- 
phers  nor  the  most  popular  poets  were  secure.     Even  Pericles 
hiinseU'is  now  and  then  bespattered  with  ridicule,  and  the  aver- 
sion of  the  poet  for  the  Peloponnesian  war  is  shown  in  mkny  of 
his  dramas.     From  the  nature  of  his  plays  it  w  ould  be  absurd, 
as  some  have  done,  to  quote  them  gravely  as  historical  autho- 
rity •  thouMi,  with  due  al'ov/ance  for  comic  exaggeration,  they  no 
doubt  aiibrd  a  valuaWe  comment  on  the  politics,  literature  and 
manners  of  the  time.     Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that,  under  all  his 
banteriii"-,  Aristophanes  often  strove  to  serve  the  views  of  the 
old  aristo'cratical  party,  of  which  he  was  an  adherent.    The  more 
serious  ])olitieal  remarks  were  cc>mmonly  introduced  into  that 
part  of  the  chorus  cal  ed  the  jmrafxish,  when,  the  actors  having 
left  the  stage,  the  choreuta3  turned  round,  ard,  advancing  to- 
wards the  spectators,  addressed  them  in  the  name  of  the  poet 
Towards  the  end  of  the  career  of  Aristophanes  the  unrestricted 
licence  and  libellous  personality  of  comedy  began  gradually  to 
disappear.     The  chorus  was  first  curtailed  and  then  entirely  tup- 
pressed,  and  thus  made  way  for  what  is  called  the  Middle  Co- 
medy, which  had  no  chorus  at  all.     The  Plulus  of  Aristojihanes, 
which  contains  no  political  allusions,  exhibits  an  approach  to  this 

phase.  . 

An  extract  from  the  Knights  of  Aristophanes  will  give  some 
idea  of  the  unmeasured  invective  in  which  the  poet  indulged. 
The  chorus  come  upon  the  stage,  and  thus  commence  their  attack 
upon  Cleon: — 

Close  around  him,  an<l  oonfoiii.d  lum,  the  confounaer  of  us  all; 
Pelt  him,  inimnu-l  him,  and  mau'  him ;  rummage,  ransac-k,  overhaul  linu, 
Overbear  him  and  outbawl  him;  bear  him  down,  ami  bring  him  under. 
Bellow  hke  a  burst  of  thunder,  Robber!  harpy!  sink  ot  plunder 
Rogue  and  villain!  rogue  and  eheati  rogue  and  villain,  1  repeat  I 
Oftener  than  I  can  repeat  it,  has  the  rogue  and  villain  eheated. 
Close  M-ound  him,  left  and  right;  spit  upon  him,  spurn  and  smite: 
Spit  upon  him  as  j-ou  see;  £pr.rn  and  spit  at  him  like  me. 
But  ]»eware,  or  he'll  evade  you,  for  he  knows  the  private  traek 
Where  EuerateB  was  seei.  oseaping  with  hie  mill-dust  on  his  baek. 

Cleon. 
Worthy  vete.  ans  of  the  jury,  you  that,  either  right  or  wrong 
With  my  threepenny  provision,  I've  maintained  and  cherished  long. 
Come  to  my  aid!   I'ik  here  av  ay  laid— assassinated  and  betrayed. 

Chonis. 
Rightly  served!  we  serve  you  riglitly,  for  your  hungry  love  of  |^lf 
For  your  gross  un«l  greedy  rapine,  i^ormandiziug  by  yourself; 


SKSSl 


410 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap-XXXV: 


You  that,  ere  the  figs  are  gathered,  pilfer  with  a  privy  twitch 
Fat  delinquents  and  defaulters,  pulpy,  luscious,  plump,  and  rich; 
Pinching,  fingering,  and  pulling — tempering,  selecting,  culling, 
With  a  nice  survey  discerning  which  are  green  and  which  are  turning, 
Which  are  ripe  for  accusation,  forfeiture,  and  confiscation. 

Him,  besides,  tlie  wealthy  man,  retired  upon  an  easy  rent, 
Hating  and  avoiding  party,  noble-minded,  indolent, 
Fearful  of  official  snares,  intrigues,  and  intricate  affairs; 
Him  you  mark;  you  fix  and  liook  him,  whilst  he's  gaping  unawares; 
At  a  fling,  at  once  you  bring  him  hither  from  the  Chersonese, 
I>own  you  cast  hinr,  roast  |ii^  baste  him,  and  devour  him  at  your  ease. 

Clcotu 
Yesl  assault,  insult,  abuse  me!  this  is  the  return  I  find 
For  the  noble  testimony,  the  memorial  I  designed : 
Meaning  to  propose  proposals  for  a  monument  of  stone. 
On  the  which  your  late  achievements  should  be  carved  and  neatly  done. 

Chorus. 

Out,  away  with  him!  the  slave!  the  pompous,  empty,  fawning  knave  1 
Does  he  think  with  idle  speeches  to  delude  and  cheat  us  all, 

t.  1  1  .1  T**  11  A  '\  A.  aa  !!•  1*1  lid 


As  he  does  the  doting  elders  that  attend  his  daily  call  ? 
Pelt  him  here,  and  bang  him  there ;  and  here  and  there  and  e 


everywhere. 


Cleon, 


Save  me,  neighbours !  0  the  monsters  1  0  my  side,  my  back,  my  breast ! 

Cho-nm. 
What,  you're  forced  to  call  for  help?  you  brutal,  overbearing  pest.* 


^  8.  Of  the  prose  writers  of  this  period,  Thucydides  is  by  far 
the  greatest.  Herodotus,  who  belongs  to  the  same  period,  and 
who  was  only  a  few  years  older  than  Thucydides.  has  been  no- 
ticed in  a  previous  chapter. 

Thucydides  was  an  Athenian,  and  was  bom  in  the  year  47 1 
B.C.  His  father  was  named  Olorus,  and  his  mt)ther  Hegesipyle, 
and  his  family  was  connected  with  tliat  of  Miltiades  and  Cimon. 
Thucydides  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  wealth ;  and  we  know 
from  his  own  account  that  he  possessed  gold  mines  in  Thrace, 
and  enjoyed  great  influence  in  that  country.  AYe  also  leani 
from  liimself  that  he  was  one  of  the  suflerers  from  the  great 
plague  at  Athens,  and  among  the  few  who  recovered.  He  com- 
manded an  Athenian  squadron  of  seven  ships  at  Thasos,  in  424 
B.C.,  at  the  time  when  Brasidas  was  besiegnig  Amphipolis ;  and, 
having  failed  to  relieve  that  city  in  time,  he  went  into  a  volun- 
tary exile,  in  order  probably  to  avoid  the  punishment  of  death. 
He  appears  to  have  spent  20  yeans  in  banishment,  principally  iu 

*  Translated  by  Mr.  Frere. 


Chap.  XXXV.         THUCYDIDES.     XENOPHON.  411 

the  Peloponnesus,  or  in  places  under  the  dominion  or  influence 
of  Sparta.     He  perhaps  returned  to  Athens  m  B.C.  403,  the  date 
of  its  liberation  by  Thrasybulus.     According  to  the  unammous 
testimony  of  antiquity  he  met  with  a  violent  end,  and  it  seems 
probable  that  he  was  assassinated  at  Athens,  smce  it  cannot  he 
doubted  that  his  tomb  existed  there  ;  but  some  authorities  place 
the  scene  of  his  death  in  Thrace.     From  the  heginmng  ot  the 
Peloponnesian  war  he  had  designed  to  write  its  history,  and  he 
employed  himself  in  collecting  materials  for  that  r^rpcse  during 
its  continuance  ;  hut  it  is  most  likely  that  the  work  was  not 
actually  composed  till  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  and  that 
he  was  engaged  upon  it  at  the  time  of  his  death.     Some  critics 
are  even  ofopinion  that  the  8th  and  coiicludmg  book  is  not  ircm 
his  hand  ;  but  there  seems  to  be  little  ground  for  this  assump- 
tion, though  he  may  not  have  revised  it  with  the  same  care  as 

the  former  hooks.  ,.      ^  ^  j 

Such  are  all  the  authentic  particulars  that  can  he  stated  re- 
Bpecting  the  greatest  of  the   Athenian  historiaiis.     It  is  only 
necessary  to  add  a  short  account  of  his  work.     The  first  hook  is 
introductory,  and  contains  a  rapid  sketch  ol  Grecian  history 
from  the  remotest  times  to  the  breaking  out  oi  the- war,  accom- 
panied with  an  explanation  of  the  events  and  causes  which  led 
to  it,  and  a  digression  on  the  rise  and  progress  ol  the  Athenian 
power.     The  remaining  seven  books  are  tilled  with  the  details 
of  the  war,  related  according  to  the  division  into  summers  and 
winters,  into  which  all  campaigns  naturally  fall ;  and  the  work 
breaks  oil*  alruptly  in  the  middle  of  the  21st  year  of  the  war 
(B.C.  411).     It  is  probable  that  the  division  oi  his  history  uito 
hooks  was  the  work  of  the  Alexandrine  critics,  and  that  as  it 
came  from  the  hands  of  the  author  it  formed  a  contmuous  nar- 
rative.    The  materials  of  Tlmcydidcs  were  collected  with  the 
most  scrupulous  care  ;  the  events  are  related  with  the  strictest 
impartiality  ;  and  llie  work  probably  olibrs  a  more  exact  account 
of  a  lon«r  and  eveiiliul  period  than  any  other  contemporary  his- 
tory, whether  ancient  or  modern,  of  an  equally  long  and  import- 
ant a;ra.     The  style  of  Thucydides  is  brief  and  sententious,  and 
whether  hi  moral  or  political  reasoning,  or  in  descriptioii,  gains 
wonderful  force  from  its  condensation.     It  is  this  brevity  and 
simplicity  that  renders  his  account  of  the  plague  of  Athens  so 
striking  and  tragic.     But  this  characteristic  is  sometimes  carried 
to  a  faulty  extent,  so  as  to  render  his  style  harsh,  and  his  mean- 
ing obscure.  •    i    r  r<       • 

k  9.  Xenophon  propcriy  helongs  to  the  next  period  ot  Lrrecian 
history,  but  the  subject  of  the  rariier  portion  of  his  History  is 
so  intimately  connected  with  the  work  of  Thucydides,  that  it 


in 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXXV. 


will  be  more  convenient  to  speak  of  hira  in  the  present  place. 
Xenophon  was  the  son  of  Gryllua,  an  Athenian,  and  was  pro- 
bably born  about  B.C.  44  A.  iSjcrates  is  said  to  have  saved  his 
life  in  the  battle  of  Delium,  wnick  was  Ibught  in  ij.c;^^424,  and 
as  we  know  that  he  lived  to  a  niueh  later  period,  he  could  hardly 
have  been  raaro  tlian  20  at  the  time  of  this  battle.  Xenophon 
was  a  pupil  of  Socrates,  and  we  are  also  told  that  he  received 
instructions  from  Prodicus  of  Coos,  and  from  Isocrates.  His 
accompanying  Cyrus  the  younger  in  his  expedition  against  his 
brother  Artaxerxes,  king  of  Persia,  formod  a  striking  episode  in 
his  life,  and  has  been  recorded  by  himself  in  his  Anabasis  ;  but 
as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  relate  this  event  in  our  next  book, 
we  need  not  touch  upon  it  here.  He  seems  to  have  been  still 
in  Asia  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Socrates  in  399  b.c,  and  was 
probably  banished  from  Athens  soon  after  that  period,  in  conso- 
quence  of  his  close  connexion  with  the  Lacedtemonian  autho- 
rities in  Asia.  He  accompanied  Agesilaus,  the  Spartan  king,  on 
the  return  of  the  latter  from  Asia  to  Greece ;  and  he  Ibught 
along  with  the  Lacedwmonians  against  his  own  countrymen  at 
the  battle  of  Coronea  hi  394  b.c.  After  this  battle  he  went  with 
Agesilaus  to  Sparta,  and  soon  afterwards  settled  at  Scillus  in 
Elis,  near  Olympia,  where  he  was  joined  by  his  wife  and  cliildren. 
His  time  seems  to  have  been  agreeably  spent  at  this  residence 
in  hunting,  and  other  rural  diversions,  as  well  as  in  literary  pur- 
suits ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  connxised  here  his  Anabasis,  and  a 
part,  if  not  the  whole  of  the  lldlcnica.  Frmn  this  quiet  retreat 
he  was  at  length  expelled  by  the  E  leans,  but  at  what  date  is 
uncertain ;  though  he  seem,  at  all  events  to  have  spont  at  least 
20  years  at  this  placj.  His  siuitenee  of  banishment  from  Athens 
was  repealed  on  the  motion  of  Eubulus,  but  in  what  year  we  do 
not  know.  His  two  sons,  Gryllus  and  Diodorus,  are  said  to  have 
fought  with  the  Athenians  anil  Spartans  against  the  Thebans,  at 
the  battle  of  Mantinea  in  3G2.  There  is,  however,  no  evidence 
that  Xenophon  ever  returned  to  Athens.  He  seems  to  have 
retired  to  Corinth  after  his  expulsion  from  Elis,  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  he  died  there.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  to  more  than 
90  years  of  age,  and  he  mentions  an  event  which  occured  as  late 
as  3-37  H.c. 

Probably  all  the  works  of  Xenophon  arc  still  extant.  The 
Anabasis  is  the  work  on  which  his  liimi3  as  an  historian  cliieily 
rests.  It  is  written  in  a  simple  and  agreeable  style,  and  conveys 
much  curious  and  striking  information.  The  llcllcntai  is  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  history  of  Thucydides,  and  comprehends  in 
seven  books  a  space  of  about  48  years  ;  namely,  from  the  time 
when  Thucydides  breaks  oil',  B.C.  411,  to  the  battle  of  Muutinea 


Chap.  XXXV. 


SOPHISTS. 


413 


in  362.     The  subject  is  treated  in  a  very  dry  and  uninteresting 
style ;  and  his  evident  partiality  to  Spana,  and  dislike  of  Athens, 
have  frequently  warped  his  judgment,  and  must  cause  his  state- 
ments to  be  received  with  some  suspicion.    The  Cyropmtia,  one 
of  the  most  pleasing  and  popular  of  Xenophon's  works,  professes 
to  be  a  history  of  Cyrus,  the  Ibunder  of  the  Persian  monarchy, 
but  is  in  reality  a  kind  of  political  romance,  and  possesses  no 
authority  whatever  as  an  liistorical  work.     The  design  of  the 
author   seems  to   have  been  to  draw  a  picture  of  a  perfect 
state ;  and  though  the  scene  is  laid  in  Persia,  the  materials  of 
the  work  are  derived  from  his  own  philosophical  notions  and  the 
usages  of  Sparta,  engrafted  on  the  popularly  current  stories  re- 
specting Cyrus.     Xenophon  displays  in  this  work  his  dislike  of 
democratic  institutions  like  those  of  Athens,  and  his  preference 
for  an  aristocracy,  or  even  a  monarchy.    Xenophon  was  also  the 
author  of  several  minor  works ;  but  the  oidy  other  treatise  which 
we  need  mention  is  the  Memo rab ilia  of  Socrates,  in  four  books, 
intended  as  a  defence  of  his  master  against  the  charges  which 
occasioned  his  death,  and  which  undoubtedly  contains  a  genuine 
picture  of  Socrates  and  his  philosophy.    The  genius  of  Xenophon 
was  not  of  the  highest  order ;  it  was  practical  rather  than  specu- 
lative ;  but  he  is  distinguished  for  his  good  sense,  his  moderate 
views,  his  humane  temper,  and  his  earnest  piety. 

k  10.  In  closing  this  brief  survey  of  Athenian  literature,  it  is 
necessary  to  make  a  few  remarks  upon  Athenian  education,  and 
upon  the  greatest  teacher  of  his  age — the  philosopher  Socrates. 

A  certain  amount  ef  elementary  education  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed among  the  free  citizens  of  all  tlie  Grecian  states  at  the 
time  of  which  we  are  speakuig.  Instruction  was  usually  im- 
parted in  schools.  The  pedagogue,  or  private  tutor,  was  not  a 
teacher ;  he  was  seldom  a  man  of  much  knowledge — often 
indeed  a  slave— and  his  oflice  was  merely  to  watch  over  his 
pupils  in  their  idle  liours,  and  on  their  way  to  the  schools. 
When  a  youth  could  read  with  fluency,  he  was  set  to  learn 
by  heart  passages  selected  from  the  best  poets,  in  which  moral 
precepts  and  examples  of  virtuous  conduct  were  inculcated  and 
exhibited.  The  wt)rks  of  ^sop  and  Theognis  were  much  used 
for  this  purpose.  He  was  then  taught  those  accomplishments 
which  the  Greeks  uicluded  under  the  comprehensive  head  of 
"  music,"  and  which  comprised  not  only  the  art  of  playmgon  the 
lyre,  and  of  singing  and  dancing,  so  as  to  enable  him  to  bear  a 
part  in  a  chorus,  but  also  to  recite  poetical  compositions  with 
grace  and  propriety  of  accent  and  pronunciation.  At  the  same 
time  his  physical  powers  were  developed  and  strengthened  by  a 
course  of  gymnastic  exercises.     At  the  age  of  18  or  20  the  sons 


414 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXV. 


of  the  more  wealthy  citizens  attended  the  classes  of  the  rhetors 
and  sophists  who  gave  their  lectures  in  the  Lyceum,  Academy, 
or  other  similar  institutions ; — a  course  somewhat  analogous  to 
entering  a  university  in  our  own  times.  Here  the  young  man 
studied  rhetoric  and  philosophy ;  under  which  heads  were  in- 
cluded mathematics,  astronomy,  dialectics,  oratory,  criticism, 
and  morals. 

§  11.  It  will  he  perceived  from  the  above  sketch  that  the 
rhetor  and  sophist — whose  provinces  were  often  combined,  and 
are  generally  diliicult  to  distinguish  with  accuracy — played  the 
most  important  part  in  the  formation  of  the  future  man.  They 
gave  the  last  bias  to  his  muid,  and  sent  him  forth  into  the  world 
with  habits  of  thought  which  in  after  liie  he  would  perhaps  have 
neither  the  leisure  nor  the  inclination  to  alter,  or  even  to  exa- 
mine. Most  of  the  young  men  who  attended  their  lectures 
had  Httle  more  in  view  than  to  become  qualilied  Ibr  taking  a 
practical  part  in  active  life.  The  democraticai  institutions  which 
had  begun  to  prevail  in  Athens,  ISicily,  and  other  parts  of  Greece 
during  the  lifth  century  before  the  Christian  ara,  and  which 
often  obliged  a  public  man  to  confute  an  adversary,  to  dclend 
himself  from  an  attack,  or  to  persuade  a  public  assembly,  leii- 
dered  it  necessary  for  him  to  obtain  some  knowledge  of  rhetoric 
and  dialectics.  It  was  for  this  purpose  that  the  schools  of  the 
rhetors  and  sophists  were  frequented  by  the  great  mass  cf  their 
hearers,  without,  perhaps,  much  care  lor  their  speculative  i)rin- 
ciples  except  so  far  as  they  might  serve  us  exercises  to  sharpen 
dialectic  skill.  Among  the  most  eminent  tf  these  teachers  in 
the  time  of  Socrates  were  Protagoras  of  Abdera,  Gorgias  of 
Leontini,  Polus  of  Agrigentum,  Hippias  of  Elis,  Prodicus  of  Ceos, 
and  others.  As  rhetorical  instructors  they  may  be  compared 
with  Isocrates  or  (duintilian ;  but,  generally  speaking,  there  was 
more  or  less  of  philosophical  speculation  nnxed  up  with  their 
teaching. 

The  name  of  "  Sopliist"  borne  by  these  men  had  not  origin- 
ally that  invidious  meaning  which  it  came  to  possess  in  later 
times.  In  its  early  use  it  meant  only  a  tcise  or  a  clever  man. 
Thus  it  was  applied  to  the  seven  sages,  and  to  the  poets,  such  as 
Homer  and  Hesiod  ;  men  as  far  removed  as  possible  from  the 
notion  imphed  in  the  modern  term  sopliist.  The  word  seems 
to  have  retained  its  honourable  meaning  down  to  the  time  of 
Socrates ;  but  Plato  and  Xcnophon  began  to  use  it  in  a  depre- 
ciatory sense,  and  as  a  term  of  reproach.  AYhenever  tliey 
wished  to  speak  of  a  truly  wise  man  they  preferred  the  word 
"  philosopher."  It  may  therefore  be  inferred  that  the  name  cf 
"Sophist"  began  to  fall  into  contempt  through  the  teaching  of 


CuAP.  XXXV. 


SOCRATES. 


415 


Socrates,  more  especially  as  we  find  that  Socrates  himself  shrank 

from  the  name.  n  v   i.  ^<. 

U2.  But  the  relation  of  Socrates  to  the  Sophists  will  be  best 

shown  by  a  brief  account  of  his  life.        .     ^      ^  r  a  i     -  ' 

SocratAiS  was  born  iu  the  year  468  b.c.  m  the  deme  of  Alopece, 
in  the  immediate  nei^rlibourhood  of  Athens.     His  father,  bo- 
phroniscus,  was  a  sculi^tor,  and  Soc:ates  was  brought  up  to  and 
for  some  time  practised,  the  same  profession.     A  group  ot  the 
Charities  or  Graces,  from  his  chisel,  was  preserved  in  the  Acro- 
polis of  Athens,  and  was  extant  in  the  time  of  Pausanias      His 
mother,  Phaiiiarete,  was  a  midwife.     Thus  his  station  in  life  was 
humble,  but  his  family  wa^  of  genuine  Attic  descent.     He  was 
married  to  Xanthippe,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons  ;  but  her 
bad  temper  has  rendered  her  name  proverbial  for  a  conjugal 
scold      His  physical  constitution  was  healthy,  robust,  and  won- 
derfully enduring.     Indiilbrent  alike  to  heat  and  cold,  the  same 
scanty  and  homely  clothing  sulilced  him  both  in  summer  and 
winter  •  and  even  in  the  campaign  of  Potidaea,  amidst  the  snows 
of  a  Thracian  winter,  he  went  barefooted.     He  was  rnoderate 
and  fru<ral  in  his  diet,  yet  on  occasions  of  festival  could  drink 
more  wnie  than  any  otlicr  man  without  benig  intoxicated,     it 
was  a  principle  with  him  to  coiitrixct  his  wants  as  much  as  pos- 
sible •  fbr  he  had  a  maxim  that  to  want  nothing  belonged  only 
to  the  gods,  and  to  want  as  little  as  possible  was  the  nearest 
approach  to  the  divine  nature.     But  though  thus  gifted  with 
strencrth  of  body  and  of  mmd,  he  was  far  .from  being  endowed 
withVrsonal  beauty.     His  thick  lips,  flat  nose,  and  prominent 
eyes  irave  him  the  appearance  of  a  Silenus,  or  satyr.    \Ve  know 
but  few  particulars  of  his  life.     He  served  with  credit  as  an 
honUte  at  Potidiea  (r..c.  432),  Delium  (r..c.  424),  and  Amphipohs 
(b  c   422)  ;  but  it  was  not  till  late  in  life,  in  the  year  40b  B.C., 
that  he  filled  any  political  office.     He  was  one  of  the  Prytanes 
when,  after  the  battle  of  Arginusie,  Callixenus  subrnitted  his 
proposition  respecting  the  six  generals  to  the  public  Assembly, 
and  liis  refusal  on  tliat  occasion  to  put  an  unconstitutional  ques- 
tion to  the  vote  has  been  already  recorded.*    He  had  a  strong 
persuasion  that  he  was  intrusted  with  a  divine  mission,  and  he 
believed  himself  to  be  attended  by  a  daemon,  or  gemus,  whose 
admonitions  he  frequently  heard,  not,  however,  in  the  way  oi 
excitement  but  of  restraint.     He  never  wrote  anythuig,  but  he 
made  oral  instruction  the  great  business  of  his  life.     Early  m 
the  mornln^  he  frequented  the  public  walks,  the  gymnasia,  and 
the  schools";  whence  he  adjourned  to  the  market-place  at  its 

*  See  p.  366. 


416 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXV- 


Chap.  XXXV. 


SOCRATES. 


417 


H 


most  crowded  hours,  and  thus  spent  the  whole  day  in  convers- 
ing with  young  and  old,  rich  and  ])oor, — with  all  in  short  who  felt 
any  desire  for  his  instructions.  There  was,  however,  a  certain  set 
of  persons  who  were  in  the  hahit  of  following  hiui  to  hear  his  con- 
versation, and  these  became  known  as  his  disciples. 

From  this  public  manner  of  life,  he  became  one  of  the  best 
known  characters  in  Athens,  and  this  circumstance  was  probably 
the  reason  why  he  was  selected  for  attack,  as  the  representative 
of  the  Sophists  in  general,  by  Aristophanes  and  the  comic  poets. 
But  the  picture  of  Aristophanes  shows  that  he  either  did  not 
know,  or  was  not  solicitous  about,  the  real  objects  and  pursuits 
of  Socrates  :  his  only  object  seems  to  have  been  to  raise  a  laugh. 
The  dramatist  represents  Socrates  as  occupied  with  physical  re- 
searches. But  though  in  early  life  Socrates  had  paid  some  atten- 
tion to  natural  philosophy,  he  soon  abandoned  the  study  in  disgust, 
from  reading  a  treatise  oi' Anaxagoras,  in  wliich  he  found  that  the 
philosopher's  hypotheses  were  not  sustained  by  any  basis  of  reason- 
ing. This  led  Socrates  to  turn  his  attention  to  dialectics.  In  this 
pursuit  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  he  derived  great  assistance 
from  the  Eleatic  school  of  philosophers,  especially  Parmenides 
and  Zeno,  who  visited  Athens  when  Socrates  was  a  young  man. 
He  seems  to  have  borrowed  from  the  Eleatics  his  negative 
method  ;  namely,  that  of  disproving  and  upsetting  what  is  ad- 
vanced by  a  disputant,  as  a  means  of  unmasking  not  only  false- 
hood, but  also  assertion  without  authority,  yet  without  attempting 
to  establish  anything  in  its  place. 

§  13.  We  are  now  in  a  condition  to  see  in  what  points  Socrates 
ditiered  from  the  ordinary  teachers  or  Sophists  cf  the  time. 
They  were  these  :  1.  He  taught  without  fee  or  reward,  and  com- 
municated his  instructions  freely  to  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor 
alike.  2.  He  did  not  talk  fur  mere  vain  show  and  ostentation, 
but  for  the  sake  of  gaining  clear  and  distinct  ideas,  and  thus  ad- 
vancing both  liimself  and  others  in  real  knowledge.  It  was  w^ith 
this  view  that  he  had  abandoned  physics,  which,  in  the  manner 
in  wliich  they  were  then  taught,  were  founded  merely  on  guesses 
and  conjectures,  and  had  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  his  fel- 
low men,  which  opened  a  surer  field  of  obsei-vation.  And  in  order 
to  arrive  at  clear  ideas  on  moral  subjects,  he  was  the  first  to  em- 
ploy dejinilimi  and  inference,  and  thus  confine  the  discourse  to 
the  eliciting  of  trutli,  instead  of  making  it  the  vehicle  for  empty 
display.  A  contrary'  practice  on  these  two  points  is  what  con- 
Etituted  the  difierence  between  Socrates  and  the  Sophists. 

The  teaching  of  Socrates  fonns  an  epoch  in  the  history  of 
philosophy.  From  his  school  sprang  Plato,  the  founder  of  tho 
Academic  philosophy  ;    Euclides,  the  founder  of  the  Megario 


school;  Aristippus,  the  founder oftheCyrenaic  school;  and  many 
other  philosophers  of  eminence. 

H4-  That  a  reformer  and  destroyer,  like  Socrates,  of  ancient 
prejudices  and  fallacies  which  passed  current  under  the  name  of 
wisdom  should  have  raised  up  a  host  of  enemies  is  only  what 
might  be  expected  ;  but  in  his  case  this  feeling  was  increased  by 
the' manner  in  which  he  fulfilled  his  mission.     The  oracle  of 
Delphi,  in  response  to  a  question  put  by  his  friend  Chaerephon, 
had  affirmed  that  no  man  was  wiser  than  Socrates.     No  one  was 
more  perplexed  at  this  declaration  than  Socrates  himself,  since 
he  was  conscious  to  himself  of  possessing  no  wisdom  at  all. 
However,  he  determined  to  test  the  accuracy  cf  the  priestess,  for 
though  he  had  little  wisdom,  others  might  have  still  less.     He 
therefore  selected  an  eminent  politician  who  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  for  wisdom,  and  soon  elicited  by  his  scmtinismg  me- 
thod of  cross-examination,  that  this  statesman's  reputed  wisdom 
was  no  wisdom  at  all.     But  of  this  he  could  not  convince  the 
subject  of  his  examination  ;  whence  Socrates  concluded  that  he 
was  wiser  than  this  politician,  inasmuch  as  he  w^as  conscious  of 
his  own  ignorance,  and  therefore  exempt  frcm  the  error  of  be- 
lieving himself  wise  when  in  reality  he  was  not  so.     The  s^ame 
experfment  was  tried  with  the  same  rcEult  on  various  classes 
of  men  ;  on  poets,  mechanics,  and  especially  on  the  rhetors  and 
sophists,  the  chief  of  all  the  pretenders  to  wisdom. 

k  15.  The  first  indication  of  the  unpopularity  which  Socrates 
had  incurred  is  the  attack  made  upon  him  by  Aristophanes  in 
the  "  Clouds"  in  the  year  423  B.C.  That  attack,  however,  seems 
to  have  evaporated  with  the  laugh,  and  for  many  years  Socrates 
continued  his  teaching  without  molestation.  It  was  not  till 
B.C.  399  that  the  indictment  was  prefeiTcd  tigainst  him 
which  cost  him  his  life.  In  that  year,  Meletus,  a  leather-seller, 
seconded  by  Anytus,  a  poet,  and  Lycon,  a  rhetor,  accused  hini 
of  impiety  in  not  worshipping  the  gods  of  the  city,  and  in 
introducing  new  deities,  and  also  of  being  a  corrupter  of  youth. 
With  respect  to  the  latter  charge,  his  former  intimacy  with  Al- 
cibiades  and  Critias  may  have  weighed  against  him.  Sccrates 
niadc  no  preparations  ibr  his  defence,  and  seems,  indeed,  not  to 
have  desired  an  acquittal.  But  although  he  addressed  the  di- 
casts  in  a  bold  uncompromising  tone,  he  was  condemned  only  by 
a  small  majority  of  five  or  six  in  a  court  composed  of  between 
five  and  six  hundred  dicasts.  After  the  verdict  was  pronounced, 
he  was  entitled,  according  to  the  practice  of  the  Athenian  courts, 
CO  make  some  counter-proposition  in  place  of  the  penalty  of 
death,  which  the  accusers  had  demanded,  and  if  he  had  done  so 
with  any  show  of  submission  it  is  probable  that  the  sentenc© 


418 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiLAP.  XXXV. 


! 


would  have  been  miticrated.  But  his  tone  after  the  verdict  was 
hicrher  than  before.  All  that  he  could  be  brought  to  propose 
a^Tainst  himself  by  way  of  punishment  was  a  fine  of  30  muuc 
which  Plato  and  other  friends  eiifraged  to  pay  for  hiin.  Instead 
of  a  fine,  he  asserted  that  he  ouglit  to  be  maintained  m  the  Pry- 
taneum  at  the  public  expense,  as  a  public  benelactor.  This  tone 
seems  to  have  enraged  the  dicasts,  and  he  was  condemned  to 

death. 

It  happened  that  the  vessel  which  proceeded  to  Delos  on  the 
annual  deputation  to  the  festival  had  sailed  the  day  before  his 
condemnation  ;  and  during  its  absence  it  was  unlawiul  to  put  any 
one  to  death.  Socrates  was  thus  kept  in  prison  during  30  days, 
till  the  return  of  the  vessel.  He  s^xnit  the  interval  m  philo- 
sophical conversations  with  his  friends.  Crito,  one  of  these, 
arranged  a  scheme  for  his  escajM)  by  bribing  the  gaoler ;  but 
Socrates,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  tone  of  his  defence, 
resolutely  refused  to  save  his  life  by  a  breach  of  the  law.  His 
last  discourse,  on  the  day  of  his  death,  turned  on  the  immor- 
taUty  of  the  soul,  and  has  been  recorded,  and  probably  em- 
beUished,  in  the  Phcedo  of  Plato.  With  a  firm  and  cheeriul 
countenance  he  drank  the  cup  of  hemlock  amidst  his  sorrowmg 
and  weeping  friends.  His  last  words  were  addressed  to  Cnto  :— 
"  Crito,  we  owe  a  cock  to  ^sculapius  ;*  discliarge  the  debt,  and 

by  no  means  omit  it."  .         r  i.    n      • 

Thus  perished  the  greatest  and  most  original  of  the  Grecian 
philosophers,  whose  uninspired  wisdom  made  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  the  divine  morality  of  the  Gospel. 

*  In  allusion  to  the  sacrifice  usually  offered  by  sick  persons  to  that 
deity  on  their  recovery. 


The  Pactolus  at  Sardis. 


BOOK  V. 


THE  SPARTAN  AM)  THEBAIC  SUPREMACIES. 

B.C.  403—371. 


Bust  or  Socrates. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

THE  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS,  AND  RETREAT 

OF  THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 

§  1.  Causes  of  the  Expedition.  §  2.  Cyrus  engages  an  army  of  Greek 
mercenaries.  Their  character.  §  3.  March  to  Tarsus.  ^  4.  Discon- 
tent of  the  Greeks.  March  to  Myriandrus.  §  5.  Passage  of  the  Eu-, 
phrates,  and  march  through  the  'desert.  §  6.  Battle  of  Cunaxa,  and 
death  of  Cyrus.  §  7.  Dismay  of  the  Greeks.  Preparations  for  retreat. 
8  8.  Retreat  of  the  army  to  the  G  reater  Zab.  Seizure  of  tlie  generals. 
I  9.  Election  of  Xenophon  and  others  as  generals.  §  10.  March  from 
the  Zab  to  the  confines  of  the  Carduchi.  March  across  the  mountains 
of  the  Carduchi.  §  11.  Progress  through  Armenia.  §  12.  March 
through  the  country  of  the  Taochi,  Chalybes,  Scythini,  Macrones,  and 
Colchi  to  Trapczus  on  the  Euxine.  §  13.  March  along  the  coast  of 
the  Euxine  to  Chrysopolis.     Passage  to  Byzantium-     §  14.  Proceed- 


418 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXXV. 


would  have  been  mitigated.  But  his  tone  after  the  verdict  was 
hi'-her  than  before.  All  that  lie  could  be  brought  to  propose 
aiTainst  himself  by  way  of  puiiislmieiit  was  a  fiue  of  2()  mince 
which  Plato  and  other  friends  encra<red  to  pay  for  hiin.  Instead 
of  a  fine,  he  asserted  that  lie  ought  to  be  maintained  m  the  1  ry- 
taneum  at  the  public  expense,  as  a  public  benefactor.  This  tone 
seems  to  have  enraged  the  dicasts,  and  he  was  condemned  to 


It  happened  that  the  vessel  which  proceeded  to  Delos  on  the 
annual  deputation  to  the  festival  had  sailed  the  day  beiore  his 
condemnation  ;  and  during  its  absence  it  was  unlawtul  to  put  any 
one  to  death.  Socrates  was  thus  kept  in  prison  during  30  days, 
till  the  return  of  the  vessel.  He  spent  the  interval  m  philo- 
sophical conversations  with  his  friends.  Crito,  one  ot  these, 
arranged  a  scheme  for  his  escape  by  bribing  the  gaoler ;  but 
Socrates,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  tone  of  his  deieiice, 
resolutely  refused  to  save  his  life  by  a  breach  of  the  law.  His 
last  discourse,  on  the  day  of  his  death,  turned  on  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  and  has  been  recorded,  and  probably  em- 
bellished, in  the  Fhcedo  of  Plato.  AVith  a  lirni  and  cheeriul 
countenance  he  drank  the  cup  of  hemlock  amidst  liis  sorrowing 
and  weeping  friends.  His  last  words  were  addressed  to  Cnto  : — 
"  Crito,  we  owe  a  cock  to  iEsculapius  ;*  discharge  the  debt,  and 

by  no  means  omit  it."  r  i.    n      • 

Thus  perished  the  greatest  and  most  original  of  the  Grecian 
philosophers,  wliose  uninspired  wisdom  made  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  the  divine  morality  of  the  Gospel 

*  In  allusion  to  the  sacrifiet  Iflrfljf  tifefii  %  persons  to  that 
deity  on  their  recovery. 


The  Pactolus  at  Sardis. 


BOOK  V. 


THE  SPAUTAN  AXD  TIIEBAN  SUrREMACIES. 


B.C.  403—371. 


Bust  of  Socrates. 


CHAPTEU  XXXVI. 

THE  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS,  AND  RETREAT 

OF  THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 

§  1.  Causes  of  the  Expedition.  §  2.  Cyrus  engages  an  army  of  Greek 
mercenaries.  Tlieir  character.  §  3.  March  to  Tarsus.  §  1.  Discon- 
tent of  the  Greeks.  March  to  Myriandrus.  §  5.  Passage  of  the  En-, 
phrates,  and  march  tlirougli  the  "desert.  §  6.  Battle  of  Cunaxa,  and 
death  of  Cyrus.  §  7.  Dismay  of  tlie  Greeks.  Treparations  for  retreat 
g  8.  Retreat  of  the  army  to  the  Greater  Zab.  Seizure  of  the  generals. 
I  9.  Election  of  Xenophon  and  others  as  generals.  §  10.  March  from 
the  Zab  to  the  confines  of  the  Carduchi.  March  across  the  mountains 
of  the  Carduchi.  §  11.  Progress  through  Armenia.  §  12.  March 
through  tlie  country  of  the  Taochi,  Chalybes,  Scythini,  Macrones,  and 
Colchi  to  Trapezus  on  the  Euxine.  §13.  March  along  the  coast  of 
the  Euxine  to  Chrysopolis.     Passage  to  Byzantium,     §  14.  Proceed- 


"S 

1 


I 


430  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Chap.  XXXVL 

ing8  at  Byzantium.     §  15.  The  Greeks  enter  the  service  of  Senthcs. 
§  16.  Are  engaged  by  the  Laeediemomans.    Last  exploits  of  the  arm> , 
and  retirement  of  Xenophon. 
f  1    The  intervention  of  Cyrus  in  the  affairs  of  Greece,  related 
in  the  preceding  book,  let!  to  a  remarkable  episode  m  Grecian 
Mstory.  which   strongly  illustrates   the  contrast   between   the 
Greeks  and  Asiatics.     This  was  the  celebrated  expedition  ot 
Cyrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  in  which  the  superiority 
of  Grecian  to  Asiatic  soldiers  was  so  strikingly  shown.     It  was 
the  first  symptom  of  the  repulsion  of  the  tide  of  conquest,  which 
had  in  former  times  flowed  from  east  to  west,  and  the  harbinger 
of  those  future  victorious  expeditions  into  Asia  which  were  to 
be  conducted  by  Agesilaus  and  Alexander  the  Great. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  in  the  account  ol  the  death  ol 
Alcibiades,  that  Cyrus  was  forming  designs  against  the  throne 
of  his  brother  Artaxerxes.  The  death  of  their  father,  Darius 
Nothus,  took  place  about  the  beginning  of  the  year  B.C.  4U4, 
shortly  before  the  battle  of  ^gospotami.  Cyrus,  who  was  pre- 
sent  at  his  father's  death,  was  charged  by  Tissaphemes  with 
plotting  against  the  new  monarch.  The  accusation  was  believed 
by  ArTaxerxes,  who  seized  his  brother,  and  would  have  put 
him  to  death,  but  for  the  intercession  of  their  mother,  Parysatis, 
who  persuaded  him  not  only  to  spare  Cyrus,  but  to  conhrm  him 
in  his  former  government.  Cyrus  returned  to  Sardis,  burning 
with  revenge,  and  fuUy  resolved  to  make  an  cfiort  to  dethrone 

his  brother 

f  2.  From  his  intercourse  with  the  Greeks  Cyrus  had  become 
aware  of  their  superiority  to  the  Asiatics,  and  ol  their  useielness 
in  such  an  enterprise  as  he  now  contemplated.    The  peace  which 
followed  the  capture  of  Athens  seemed  favourable  to  his  projects. 
Many  Greeks,  bred  up  in  the  practice  of  war  during  the  long 
stru4le  between  that  rity  and  Sparta,  were  now  deprived  ct 
their  employment,  whilst  many  more  had  been  driven  into  exile 
by  the  establishment  of  the  Spartan  oligarchies  m  the  various 
conquered  cities.     Under  the  pretence  of  a  private  war  with  the 
satrap  Tissaphemes.  Cyrus  enhsted  large  numbers  ol  them  m 
his  service.    The  Greek,  in  whom  he  placed  most  confidence,  and 
who  collected  for  him  the  largest  number  ot  mercenaries  was 
Clearchus,  a  Lacedemonian,  and  formerly  harmost  of  Byzantium, 
who  had  been  condemned  to  death  by  the  Spartan  authorities 
for  disobedience  to  tJheir  orders. 

It  was  not,  however,  till  the  beginning  of  the  year  n.c.  4U1, 
that  the  enterprise  of  Cyrus  was  ripe  for  execution.  The  breek 
levies  were  then  withdrawn  from  the  various  towns  m  which 
they  were  distributed,  and  concentrated  in  Sardis  to  the  number 


422 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CuAP.  XXXVL 


of  7700  hoplites,  and  500  light-armetl  troops  ;  and  in  March  or 
April  of  this  year  Cyrus  marched  from  Sardis  with  them,  and 
with  an  army  of  100,000  Asiatics.  The  object  of  the  exjx^dition 
was  proclaimed  to  be  an  attack  upon  the  mountain-freebooters 
of  Pisidia  ;  its  real  destination  was  a  secret  to  every  one  except 
Cyrus  himself  and  Clearchus. 

The  Greeks  wlio  took  part  in  this  expedition  were  not  mere 
adventurers  and  outcasts ;  many  of  them  liad  some  position  in 
their  own  cities,  and  several  were  even  opulent.  Yet  the  hope  of 
gain,  foimded  on  the  riches  of  Persia,  and  on  the  known  liberality 
of  Cyrus,  was  the  motive  which  allured  them.  Among  them  was 
Xcnophon,  an  Athenian  knight,  to  whom  we  owe  a  narrative  of 
the  expedition.  He  went  as  a  volunteer,  at  the  invitation  of  his 
friend  Proxenus,  a  Bceotian,  and  one  of  the  generals  of  Cyrus. 

§  3.  The  march  of  Cyrus  was  directed  through  Lydia  and 
Phrygia.  After  passing  Colossae  he  arrived  at  Cela;ntB,  where  he 
halted  thirty  days  to  await  the  arrival  of  Clearchus  with  the  re- 
serves and  reinforcements.  The  grand  total  of  the  Greeks,  when 
reviewed  here  by  Cyrus,  amounted  to  11,000  hophtes  and  2000 
peltasts.  The  line  of  march,  which  had  been  hitherto  straight 
npon  Pisidia,  was  now  directed  northwards.  Cyrus  passed  in  suc- 
cession the  Phrygian  towns  of  Peltie,  Ceramon  Agora,  the  Plain 
of  Cayster,  Thymbrium,  and  Tyriaeum.  At  the  last  of  these 
places  he  was  met  by  Epyaxa,  wife  of  Syennesis  the  here- 
ditary prince  of  Cilicia.  Epyaxa  supplied  him  with  money 
enough  to  furnish  four  months'  pay  to  the  (i  reeks,  who  had  pre- 
viously been  murmuring  at  the  irregularity  with  which  they 
received  their  stipend.  A  review  was  then  held,  in  which  the 
Greeks,  in  their  best  array,  and  with  newly-furbished  shields  and 
armour,  went  through  their  evolutions,  and  executed  a  mock 
charge  with  such  effect  that  Epyaxa  jumped  out  of  her  palanquin 
and  fled  in  affright,  followed  by  a  great  part  of  the  Asiatics. 
Cyrus  was  delighted  at  seeing  the  terror  which  the  Greeks  in- 
spired. 

From  Tyriaeum  Cyrus  marched  to  Iconium  (now  Konieh),  the 
last  city  in  Phrygia,  and  from  thence  through  Lycaonia  to  Dana, 
south  of  which  lay  the  pass  across  Mount  Taurus  into  Cilicia. 
This  pass,  called  the  Gates  of  Taurus,  or  the  Cilician  Gates,  was 
occupied  by  Syennesis.  But  the  resistance  of  that  prince,  who 
was  a  vassal  of  the  Persian  crown,  was  in  fact  a  mere  feint.  He 
had  already,  as  we  have  seen,  supplied  Cyrus  with  money  through 
his  wife  ;  and  he  now  abandoned  his  impregnable  position,  and 
retired  first  to  Tarsus,  and  thence  to  an  inaccessible  fortress  in 
the  mountains.  But,  when  Cyrus  arrived  at  Tarsus,  Syennesis, 
at  the  first  invitation  of  his  wife,  repaired  thither,  and  furnished 


B.C.  401. 


PASSAGE  OF  THE  EUPHRATES. 


423 


the  young  prince  with  a  supply  of  money  and  a  contingent  of 
troops  for  his  expedition. 

§  4.  Pisidia  had  now  been  passed,  and  the  Greeks  plainly  saw 
that  they  had  been  deceived,  and  that  the  expedition  was  de- 
signed against  the  Persian  king.  Seized  with  alarm  at  the  pro- 
spect of  so  long  a  march,  they  declared  their  resolution  to  pro- 
ceed no  farther.  But  they  had  already  advanced  so  far  that  to 
retreat  seemed  as  difficult  and  dangerous  as  to  advance ;  and, 
after  considerable  hesitation  and  delay,  they  sent  a  deputation 
to  Cyrus  to  ask  him  what  his  real  intentions  were.  Cyrus  re- 
plied that  his  design  was  to  march  against  his  enemy,  Abrocomas, 
satrap  of  Syria,  who  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates. 
The  Greeks,  though  they  still  suspected  a  delusion,  contented 
themselves  with  this  answer  in  the  face  of  their  present  diffi- 
culties, especially  as  Cyrus  promised  to  raise  their  pay  from  one 
Daric  to  one  Daric  and  a  half  a  month.  The  whole  army  then 
marched  forwards  to  Issus,  the  last  town  in  Cilicia,  seated 
on  the  gulf  of  the  same  name.  Here  they  met  the  fleet,  which 
brought  them  a  reinforcement  of  1100  Greek  soldiers,  thus 
raising  the  Grecian  force  to  about  14,000  men. 

Abrocomas,  who  commanded  for  the  Great  King  in  Syria  and 
PhcEnicia,  alarmed  at  the  rapid  progress  of  Cyrus,  fled  before 
him  with  all  his  army,  reported  as  300,000  strong  ;  abandomng 
the  impregnable  pass  situated  one  day's  march  from  Issus,  and 
known  as  the  Gates  of  Cilicia  and  Syria.  This  pass  was  a  narrow 
road,  nearly  half  a  mile  in  length,  lying  between  the  sea  and 
Mount  Amanus,  and  enclosed  at  either  end  by  gates.  Marchnig 
in  safety  through  this  pass,  the  army  next  reached  Myriandrus, 
a  sea-port  of  Phcenicia,  where  the  Grecian  generals  Xenias  and 
Pasion  deserted,  and  hired  a  merchant-vessel  to  convey  them 
home.  Cyrus  might  easily  have  captured  them  with  his  triremes, 
but  declined  to  do  so ;— conduct  which  won  for  him  the  confidence 

and  love  of  the  army. 

^  5.  Cyrus  now  struck  off  into  the  interior,  over  Mount  Ama- 
nus. Twelve  days'  march  brought  him  to  Thapsacus  on  the 
Euphrates,  where  for  the  first  time  he  formally  notified  to  the 
army  that  he  was  marching  to  Babylon  against  his  brother 
Artaxerxes.  At  this  intelligence  loud  murmurs  again  broke  forth 
from  the  Grecian  ranks,  and  accusations  against  the  generals  of 
having  deceived  them.  The  discontent,  however,  was  by  no 
means  so  violent  as  that  which  had  been  manifested  at  Tarsus. 
The  real  object  of  the  march  had  evidently  been  suspected 
beforehand  by  the  soldiers,  and  the  promise  of  a  large  donative 
soon  induced  them  to  proceed.  The  water  happened  to  be  very 
low,  scarcely  reaching  to  the  breast ;  and  Abrocomas  made  no 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXVI. 


424 

attempt  to  dispute  the  passage.  The  army  now  entered  upon 
the  desert,  where  the  Greeks  were  struck  with  the  novel  sights 
which  met  their  view,  and  at  once  amused  and  exhausted  them- 
selves in  the  chase  of  the  wild  ass  and  the  antelope,  or  in  the 
vain  pursuit  of  the  scudding  ostrich.  After  several  days  ol  toil- 
some march,  the  army  at  length  reached  Pyla)  the  entrance  into 
the  cultivated  plains  of  Babylonia,  where  they  halted  a  few  days 
to  refresh  themselves. 

§  6.  Soon  after  leaving  that  place  symptoms  became  per- 
ceptible of  a  vast  hostile  force  moving  m  their  iront.     ihe 
exagcrerated  reports  of  deserters  stated  it  at  1,200,000  men  ;  its 
reaF'strength  wa^  about  900,000.     In  a  characteristic  address 
Cyrus  exhorted  the  Greeks  to  take  no  heed  of  the  multitude  ot 
their  enemies  ;  they  would  find  in  them,  he  affirmed,  nothing  but 
numbers  and  noise,  and  if  they  could  bring  themselves  to  despise 
these  they  would  soon  find  of  what  worthless  stutl  the  natives 
were' composed.     The  army  then  marched  cautiously  forwards, 
in  order  of  battle,  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates.     They 
soon  came  upon  a  huge  trench,  30  feet  broad  and  18  deep,  which 
Artaxerxes  had  caused  to  be  dug  across  Uie  plfm  for  a  length 
of  about  42  English  miles,  reaching  Irom  the  Euphrates  to  the 
wall  of  Media.     Between  it  and  the  river  was  left  only  a  narrow 
passage  about  20  feet  broad  ;  yet  Cyrus  and  his  army  louiid  with 
surprise  that  this  pass  was  left  entirely  undefended.     This  cir- 
cumstance inspired  them  with  a  contempt  of  the  enemy   and 
induced  them  to  proceed  in  careless  array  ;  but  on  tlie  next  day 
but  one  after  passing  the  trench,  on  arriving  at  a  place  called 
Cuiirtxa,  they  were  surprised  with  the  intelligence  that  Artaxerxes 
was  approachin-  with  all  his  forces.    Cyrus  immediately  drew  up 
his  army  in  order  of  battle.     The  Greeks  were  posted  on  the 
ri^ht,  whilst  Cyrus  himself,  surrounded  by  a  picked  body-guard 
of  600  Persian  cuirassiers,  took  up  his  station  in  the  centre.     It 
was  loner,  however,  before  the  army  of  the  Great  King  appeared 
in  siorht"  A  white  cloud  of  dust  in  the  extreme  distance  gave  the 
first  Indication  of  their  approach.     Out  of  this  an  undefined  and 
ominous  dark  spot  began  gradually  to  emerge ;  presently  arrns 
and  armour  glanced  in  the  sunbeams ;  and  at  length  the  whole 
array  of  the  enemy  became  discernible,  advancing  lu  dense  and 
threatening  masses.     0:i  their  left  wing,  and  consequently  op- 
iiosed  to  the  Greeks,  appeared  Tissaphernes,  at  the  head  ot  the 
Persian  horsemen,  with  white  cuirasses  ;  on  his  right  the  Persian 
bowmen  with  their  ^enha,  or  light  wicker  shields,  which  they 
planted  in  the  ground,  and  from  behind  them  shot  their  arrows , 
next,  the  array  of  the  Egyptian  infantry,  whose  loiig  wooden 
sluelds  covered  their  whole  body  from  head  to  foot.     In  fiont 


B.C.  401. 


BATTLE  OF  CUNAXA 


425 


was  a  line  of  chariots,  having  scythes  attached  to  the  wheels,  and 
which  were  to  lead  the  charge.     The  Persian  line  was  so  vast 
that  its  centre  extended  beyond  the  Icit  of  Cyrus.     Before  the 
battle  began  Cyrus  desired  Clearchus  to  attack  the  Persian 
centre,  where  the  king  in  person  was  posted.     But  Clearchus, 
whose'  right  rested  on  the  river,  cared  not  to  withdraw  from  that 
position,  lest  he  should  be  surrounded  by  the  superior  numbers 
of  the  enemy,  and  therefore  returned  a  general  answer  that  he 
would  manage  everything  for  the  best.     His  over-precaution  oc- 
casioned the  defeat  and  death  of  Cyrus.     When  the  enemy  were 
about  half  a  mile  distant,  the  Greeks  charged  them  with  the 
usual  war-shout.     The  Persians  did  not  await  their  onset,  but 
turned  and  fled.     Tissaphernes  and  his  cavalry  alone  ofiered  any 
resistance  ;  the  remainder  of  the  Persian  left  was  routed  without 
a  blow.     As  Cyrus  was  contemplating  the  easy  victory  of  the 
Greeks,  his  followers  surrounded  him,  and  already  saluted  him 
with  the  title  of  king.     But  the  centre  and  right  of  Artaxerxes 
still  remained  unbroken ;   and  that  monarch,  unaware  of  the 
defeat  of  his  left  wing,  ordered  the  right  to  wheel  and  ericompass 
the  army  of  Cyrus.     No  sooner  did  Cyrus  perceive  this  move- 
ment than  with  his  body-guard  he  impetuously  charged  the 
enemy's  centre,  where  Artaxerxes  himself  stood,  surrounded  with 
6000  horse.     The  latter  were  routed  and  dispersed,  and  were  fol- 
lowed so  eagerly  by  the  guards  of  Cyrus,  that  he  was  left  almost 
alone  with  the  select  few  called  his  "  Table  Companions."  In  this 
situation  he  caught  sight  of  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  whose  per- 
son was  revealed  by  the  flight  of  his  troops,  when,  maddened  at 
once  by  rage  and  ambition,  he  shouted  out,  "  I  see  the  man !" 
and  rushed"  at  him  with  his  handful  of  companions.     Hurling 
his  javelin  at  his  brother,  he  wounded  him  in  the  breast,  but 
was  himself  speedily  overborne  by  superior  numbers  and  slain 

on  the  spot. 

§  7.  Meanwhile,  Clearchus  had  pursued  the  flying  enemy  up- 
wards of  three  miles ;  but  hearing  tliat  the  King's  troops  were 
victorious  on  the  left  and  centre,  he  retraced  his  steps,  again 
routing  the  Persians  who  endeavoured  to  intercept  him.  When 
the  Greeks  regained  tlieir  camp  they  Ibund  that  it  had  been 
completely  plundered,  and  were  consequently  obliged  to  go  su^i^ 
perless  to  rest.  It  was  not  till  the  following  day  that  they 
learned  the  death  of  Cyrus ;  tidings  which  converted  their 
triumph  into  sorrow  and  dismay.  A  Greek  in  the  service  ot 
Artaxerxes  now  appeared  in  their  camp,  with  a  message  re- 
quiring them  to  lay  down  their  arms.  "  If  the  King,"  replied 
the  Grecian  generals,  "  thinks  himself  strong  enough,  let  him 
come  and  take  them."     But  they  were  in  a  difficult  position. 


\ 


'I 


i 


416 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XXXVL 


B.C.  401 


RETREAT  OF  THE  GREEKS. 


427 


They  were  desirous  that  Ariscus,  who  now  commanded  the  army 
of  Cyrus,  should  lay  claim  to  the  Persian  crown,  and  oflered  to 
support  his  pretensions ;  hut  Ariicus  answered  that  the  Persian 
grandees  would  not  tolerate  Fiich  a  chiiin  ;  that  he  intended  im- 
mediately to  retreat ;  and  that  if  tiie  Greeks  wished  to  accom- 
pany him,  they  must  join  him  diiriiijr  the  lollowiujr  ni«j:ht.  This 
was  accordingly  done  ;  when  oaths  of  reciprocal  lidclity  were 
iuterchanged  between  the  Grecian  generals  and  Ariajus,  and 
sanctitied  by  a  solemn  sacrifice. 

The  difficult  question  now  arose  how  their  retreat  was  to  be 
conducted.  They  were  nearly  1 500  miles  from  8ardis,  and  were 
to  find  their  own  way  back,  without  guides,  and  by  a  new  route, 
since  the  former  one  was  impracticable  on  account  of  the  desert 
and  the  want  of  provisions.  Moreover,  though  tliey  might  easily 
defy  the  Persian  infantry,  however  numerous,  yet  the  Persian 
cavalry,  ever  hovering  on  their  rear,  would  prove  a  formidable 
obstacle  to  their  retreat.  They  commenced  their  march  east- 
wards towards  some  Babylonian  villages,  where  tliey  hoped  to 
find  supplies ;  but  on  reaching  them  at  the  end  of  a  long  day's 
march,  they  foimd  that  they  had  been  plundered,  and  that  no 
provisions  were  to  be  obtained. 

On  the  following  day  a  message  arrived  from  the  Persian  king, 
with  a  proposal  to  treat  for  })eace  on  equal  terms.  Clearchus 
afiected  to  treat  the  oiler  vvitli  great  iudiliercnce,  and  made  it  an 
opportunity  for  procuring  provisions.  "  Tell  your  king,"  said  he 
to  the  envoys,  "  that  we  must  first  fight ;  for  we  have  had  no 
breakfast,  nor  will  any  man  presume  to  talk  to  the  Greeks  about 
a  truce,  without  first  providing  for  them  a  breakfast."  This 
was  agreed  to,  and  guides  were  sent  to  conduct  the  Greeks  to 
some  villages  where  they  might  obtain  food.  In  these  all  the 
riches  of  Babylon  were  spread  before  them.  Corn  in  vast  abun- 
dance, dates  of  such  size  and  flavour  as  they  had  never  betbre 
seen,  whie  made  from  the  date  palm;  in  short,  luxury  and 
abundance  in  place  of  their  late  scanty  fare  and  privations. 
Whilst  they  were  enjoying  these  quarters,  they  received  a  visit 
from  Tissaphemes,  who  came  in  great  state.  He  pretended 
much  friendship  towards  them,  and  said  that  he  had  come  from 
the  Great  King  to  inquire  the  reason  of  their  expedition.  Cle- 
archus repUed — what  was  indeed  true  of  the  greater  part  of  the 

army^ ^that  they  had  not  come  thither  with  any  design  to  attack 

the  king,  but  had  been  enticed  forwards  by  Cyrus  under  false 
pretences ;  that  their  only  desire  at  present  was  to  return  home  ; 
but  that  if  any  obstacle  was  oliered,  they  were  prepared  to  repel 
hostilities.  In  a  day  or  two  Tissaphemes  returned,  and  with 
some  parade  stated  that  he  had  with  great  ditficulty  obtained 


permission  to  save  the  Greek  army  ;  that  he  was  ready  to  con- 
duct them  in  person  into  Greece,  and  to  supply  them  with 
provisions,  for  which,  however,  they  were  to  pay ;  but  it  he 
i'ailed  to  supply  them,  tlien  they  were  to  be  at  liberty  to  help 
tluMiiselves.    An  agreement  was  accordingly  entered  into  to  this 

ciiect. 

Artaxerxcs,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  heartily  desirous  of 
gettin"-  rid  of  them.  They  were  now  within  90  miles  of  Baby- 
lon, in  a  rich  country  intersected  by  canals,  and  easily  defensible 
acrainst  cavalry.  Bit  a  pamful  interval  of  twenty  days  ensued 
d'urincr  which  TLssaphernes  neglected  to  return ;  whilst  at  the 
Bame°time  the  suspicions  of  the  Greeks  were  excited  by  the 
friendly  messages  which  Ariseus  received  from  Artaxerxes,  with 
promises  of  oblivion  and  forgiveness  of  his  past  conduct.  At 
length,  however,  Tissaphernei  returned,  and  undertook  the  di- 
rection of  the  homeward  march. 

§  8    The  troops  of  Ariseus  were  now  mingled  with  those  ot 
Tissaphemes,  whilst  the  Greeks  followed  the  combined  army 
at  a  distance  of  three  miles.    In  three  days'  march  they  reached 
the  wall  of  Media,  and  passed  through  it.     This  wall  was  100 
feet  high  and  20  feet  broad,  and  was  said  to  extend  a  distance 
of  70  miles.    Two  days  more  brought  them  to  the  Tigris,  which 
they  crossed  on  the  following  morning  by  a  bridge  of  boats. 
They  then  marched  northward,  arriving  in  four  days  at  the  river 
Physeus  and  a  large  city  called  Opis.     Six  days'  further  march 
through  a  deserted  part  of  Media  brought  them  to  some  villages 
belonging  to  queen  Parysatis,  which,  out  of  enmity  to  her  as 
the  patron  of  Cyrus,  Tissaphemes  abandoned  to  be  plundered 
by  the  Greeks.    From  thence  they  proceeded  in  five  days  to  the 
river  Zabatus,  or  Greater  Zab,  having  previously  crossed  the 
Lesser  Zab,  which  X3nophon  neglects  to  mention.     In  the  first 
of  these  five  days  they  saw  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Tigris 
a  larcre  city  called  Cajii®,  the  inhabitants  ot  which  brought 
over  "provisions  to  them.     At   the   Greater  Zab  they  halted 
three  days.      Mistmst,   and  even  slight  hostilities,  had  been 
already  manifested  between  the  Greeks  and  Persians,  but  they 
now  became  so  serious  that  Clearchus  demanded  an  interview 
with  Tissaphemes.     The  latter  protested  the  gi'catest  fidelity 
and  friendship  towards  the  Greeks,  and  promised  to  deliver  to 
the  Greek  generals,  on  the  following  day,  the  calumniators  who 
had  set  the  two  armies  at  variance.    But  when  Clearchus,  with 
four  other  generals,  accompanied  by  some  lochages,  or  captains, 
and  200  soldiers,  entered  the  Persian  camp,  according  to  appoint- 
ment, the  captains  and  soldiers  were  immediately  cut  down; 
whilst  the  five  generals  were  seized,  put  into  irons,  and  sent  to 


428 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXVI. 


B.C.  401. 


RETREAT  OF  THE  GREEKS. 


429 


tbe  Persian  court.  After  a  short  imprisonment,  four  of  them 
were  beheaded ;  the  fifth,  Menon,  who  pretended  that  he  had 
iKstrayed  his  colleapues  into  the  hands  of  Tissaphernes,  was  at 
first  spared ;  but  after  a  year's  detention  Avas  put  to  death  \.ith 

tortures.  .       .  ^     . 

This  scene  naturally  produced  a  commotion  m  the  rersian 
camp ;  and  the  Greeks  who  observed  it  from  ailir,  warned  by  one 
of  the  companions  of  the  generals,  who  came  running  womided 
towards  them,  rushed  to  arms  in  expectation  ol  a  general  attack 
None,  however,  followed ;  but  Ariseus  rode  up  at  the  head  ot 
300  horse,  and  relating  to  the  Greeks  the  fate  of  their  generals, 

called  upon  them  to  surrender.  r.   x.    -o     •        .i,  ♦ 

§  9.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  opmion  of  the  Persians  that 
under  these  circumstances  the  Greeks  would  feel  themselves 
completely  helpless ;   but  some  of  the  Greek  officers  stepped 
forward  and  dismissed  Aria^us  with  indignant  reproaches.     Yet 
apprehension  and  dismay  reigned  among  the  Greeks.     Their 
situation  was,  indeed,  appalling.     They  were  considerably  more 
than  a  thousand  miles  from  home,  in  a  hostile  and  unknown 
country,  hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  impassable  rivers  and  moun- 
tains, without   generals,    without   guides,    without   provisions. 
Despair  seemed  to  have  seized  on  all.     Lcavmg  their  watcli- 
lircs  unhghted  and  their  suppers  uncooked,  they  threw  them- 
selves on  the  ground,  not  to  sleep,  but  to  ruminate  on  their 
forlorn  condition.     Xcnophon  slumbered,  nideed,  but  his  lancy 
was  fdled  with  the  images  naturally  conjured  up  by  his  desperate 
situation.     He  dreamed  that  a  thunderbolt  had  struck  his  pa- 
ternal house,  and  enveloped  it  in  llames.    This  partly  lavourable 
and  partly  unfavourable  omen  indicated  at  all  events  a  message 
from  Jove;  and  the  sujKjrstition  which  formed  so  marked  a  trait 
in  his  character,  led  him  to  consider  it  as  a  warning  to  rise  and 
bestir  himself    He  immediately  got  up,  and  calling  an  assembly 
of  the  captains,  impressed  upon  them  the  danger  ot  their  i^si- 
tion,  and  the  necessity  for  taking  immediate  precautions.    Xcno- 
phon, though  young,  possessed  as  an  Athenian  eitr/eii  some 
claim  to  distinction ;   and  his  animated  address  showed  him 
fitted  for  command.     He  was  saluted  general  on  the  spot ;  and 
in  a  subsequent  assembly  was,  witli  four  others,  lorm-ally  elected 

to  that  office. 
^  10.  TheGreeks,havingfirstdestroyed  their  superfluous  baggage, 

crossed  the  Greater  Zab,  and  pursued  their  march  on  the  other  bank. 
Tissaphernes  preceded  them  with  his  host,  but  without  daring 
to  dispute  their  passage  or  molest  their  route :  though  some 
cavalry,  under  Mithridates,  annoyed  the  rear  guard  with  their 
missiles.     In  order  to  meet  this  species  of  attack,  a  small  body 


of  50  horse  and  200  Rhodian  slingers  was  organized.  It  was 
found  highly  useful,  as  the  leaden  bullets  of  the  Rhodians  car- 
ried farther  than  the  stones  of  the  Persian  slingers.  Another 
day's  march  brought  the  Greeks  to  the  Tigris,  near  the  deserted 
city  of  Larissa,  7  miles  in  circumference,  with  walls  25  feet  thick 
and  100  feet  high.  Pursuing  the  course  of  the  Tigris  they  ar- 
rived on  the  following  day  at  Mespila,  another  deserted  city.  It 
was  in  this  neighbourhood  that  Nineveh  was  situated,  and, 
according  to  a  modern  tlieory,  the  two  were  both  formerly  com- 
prised under  the  name  of  Nineveh.  Larissa  seems  to  be  repre- 
sented by  the  mound  now  called  Nimro? id,  and  Mespila  by  that 
of  Koia/ioy'ik,  opposite  the  modern  town  of  Mosul. 

The  march  from  Mespila  to  the  mountainous  country  of  the 
Carduchi  occupied  several  days,  in  which  the  (Wrecks  sullered 
much  from  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

sWl.  Their  future  route  was  now  a  matter  of  serious  per- 
plexity. On  their  left  lay  the  Tigris,  so  deep  that  they  could 
not  fathom  it  with  their  spears ;  wliile  in  their  front  rose  the 
steep  and  lofty  mountains  of  the  Carduchi,  which  came  so  near 
the  river  as  hardly  to  leave  a  passage  for  its  waters.  A  Rhodian 
soldier  proposed  to  transport  the  army  across  the  Tigris  by 
means  of  inflated  skins  ;  but  the  appearance  of  large  masses  of 
the  enemy's  cavalry  on  the  opposite  bank  rendered  this  inge- 
nious sclieme  impracticable.  As  all  other  roads  seemed  barred, 
they  formed  the  resolution  of  striking  into  the  mountains  of  the 
Carduehi,— atribe  of  iierce  and  warlike  highlanders,  who,  though 
surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  dominions  of  the  Persian  king, 
had  succeeded  in  maintaining  their  independence.  On  the 
farther  side  of  these  mountains  lay  Armenia,  where  both  the 
Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  might  be  forded  near  their  sources. 
The  Greeks  found  the  first  mountain-pass  undefended,  and  de- 
scended thence  into  some  villages;  but  all  their  attempts  to 
conciliate  the  inhabitants  proved  unavailing.  Every  pass  was 
disputed.  Sometimes  liuge  rocks  were  hurled  doAvn  on  the 
defiling  army  ;  sometimes  they  were  attacked  by  the  Carduchian 
slingers  and  bowmen.  The  latter  were  of  extraordinary  skill, 
and^tlieir  bows  and  arrows  of  such  strength  as  to  pierce  the 
shields  and  corslets,  and  even  the  brazen  helmets  of  the  Greekc. 
After  a  difficult  and  dangerous  inarch  of  seven  days,  during 
which  their  suflerings  were  far  greater  than  any  they  had  ex- 
perienced from  the  Persians,  the  army  at  length  emerged  into  the 
plain,  and   reached  the   river   Centrites,  the   boundary  of  Ar- 

Tfnenia.  n  -i   ,      m 

§  12.  Their  first  attempts  to  cross  the  Centrites  failed.     The 
cavalry  of  Tiribazus,  satrap  of  Armenia,  lined  the  ojiposite  baidc 


430 


HISTOUY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXVI. 


©f  the  river,  which  was  200  feet  broad,  up  to  the  neck  in  depth, 
with  a  rapid  current  and  shppery  bottom.     All  the  eflbrts  of 
the  Greeks  to  ford  it  proved  abortive ;    and  as  the  Carduchi 
were  threatening  their  rear,  their  situation  seemed  altogether 
desperate.     On  tlie  following  morning,  however,  two  young  men 
fortunately  discovered  a  lord  about  half  a  mile  higher  up  the 
stream,  by  which  the  whole  army  suceeded  in  getting  across. 
They  now  prosecuted  their  maich  iu  Armenia,  and  in  three  days 
arrived  at  some  villages  situated  on  the  river  Teleloas.     Here 
Tiribazus  proposed  to  them  that  they  should  proceed  urmiolested 
through  his  satrapy,  taking  what  supphes  they  wanted,  but  with- 
out damaging  the  villages.     During  the  first  part  of  their  march 
Tiribazus  kept  his  word,  and  tlie  only  annoyance  they  felt  was 
tlie  severity  of  the  weather.     It  was  now  tlie  month  of  December, 
and  Armenia  was  cold  and  exposed,  being  a  table-land  raised  high 
above  the  level  of  the  sea.     Whilst  halting  near  some  well  sup- 
plied villages,  the  Greeks  were  overtaken  by  two  deep  falls  of 
snow,  which  almost  buried  them  in  tlieir  open  bivouacs.     Hence 
a  five  days'  march  brought  them  to  the  eastern  branch  of  the 
Euphrates.     Crossing  the  river,  they  proceeded  on  the  other 
side  of  it  over  plains  covered  with  a  deep  snow,  and  in  the  iace 
of  a  biting  north  wind.     Here  many  of  the  slaves  and  beasts 
of  burthen,  and  even  a  few  of  the  soldici-s,  fell  victims  1o  the 
cold.     Some  had  tlieir  ieet  frost-bitten ;  some  were  blinded  by 
the  snow ;  whilst  others,  exhausted  with  cold  and  hunger,  sunk 
down  and  died.     The  army  next  arrived  at  some  singular  vil- 
lages consisting  of  dwellings  excavated  in  tlie  earth,  and  entered 
by  means  of  a  ladder  through  an  oi^ening  like  a  well.     As  these 
villages  were  plentifully  stocked  with  cattle,  com,  vegetables, 
and  l)eer,  they  here  took  up  their  quarters  for  a  week,  in  order 
to  refresh  theinsi'lves.     On  the  morning  after  their  arrival,  they 
despatchetl  a  detachment  which  brought  iu  mcst  of  the  soldiers 
left  behind  during  the  march.     On  the  eiglilh  dsiy  they  pro- 
ceeded on  their  way,  ascending  the  banks  ol"  the  Tliasis,  not  the 
celebrated  river  of  that  name,  but  probably  the  one  usually  called 
Araxes. 

H3.  From  thence  they  fought  their  way  through  the  country 
of  the  Taochi  and  Chalydes,  both  of  them  brave  and  warlike 
tribes.  Then,  after  crossing  the  Harpasus  (the  modern  7\Jtorouk), 
they  reached  the  comitry  of  the  Scythiui,  in  whose  territor)-  they 
Ibund  abundance  in  a  large  and  populous  city  called  Gymnias. 
The  chief  of  this  place  liaving  engaged  to  conduct  them*  witliin 
sight  of  the  Euxine,  they  proceeded  for  five  days  under  his 
guidance ;  when,  after  ascending  a  mountain,  the  sea  suddenly 
burst  on  th*j  view  of  the  vanguard.     The  men  proclaimed  their 


B.C.  401.    ARRIVE  AT  TRAPEZUS,  ON  THE  EUXINE 


431 


joy  by  loud  shouts  of  "  The  sea  I  the  sea  I"  The  rest  of  the 
army  hurried  to  the  summit,  and  gave  vent  to  their  joy  and 
exultation  in  tears  and  mutual  embraces.  With  spontaneous 
impulse  they  erected  a  pile  of  stones,  by  way  of  trophy,  to  mark 
the  spot ;  and  dismissed  their  guide  with  many  presents  and 
expressions  of  the  warmest  gratitude. 

The  Greeks  now  entered  the  country  of  the  Macrones,  with 
whom  they  opened  negotiations  through  a  peltast  conversant 
with  their  language,  and  agreed  for  an  unmolested  passage  and 
the  purchase  of  provisions.  The  Colchians,  through  whose  ter- 
ritory the  march  next  lay,  attempted  to  oppose  their  progress, 
but  were  soon  dispersed.  The  honey  of  this  region  produced  a 
singular  efiect  upon  the  Greeks.  It  was  grateful  to  the  palate, 
and  when  eaten  in  moderation  produced  a  species  of  intoxication  ; 
but  those  who  partook  largely  of  it  were  seized  with  vomiting 
and  diaiThcca,  and  thrown  into  a  state  resembling  madness. 

Two  days'  further  march  at  length  brought  them  to  the  ob- 
jects for  which  they  had  so  often  pined,  and  which  many  at  one 
time  had  never  hoped  to  see  again — a  Grecian  city  and  the  sea. 
By  the  inhabitants  of  Trapezus  or  Trebizond,  on  the  Euxine, 
where  they  had  now  arrived,  they  were  hospitably  received,  and 
being  cantoned  in  some  Colchian  villages  near  the  town,  re- 
freshed themselves  alter  the  hardships  they  had  undergone  by  a 
repose  of  thirty  days.  They  also  seized  this  opportunity  to  dis- 
charge the  vows  which  they  had  made  for  a  safe  deliverance, 
after  the  capture  and  massacre  of  their  generals  by  Tissaphernes, 
by  offering  up  sacrifices  to  Jove  the  Preserver,  Hercules  the  Con- 
ductor, and  other  gods.  Solemn  games  followed  and  completed 
these  sacred  ceremonies. 

^  11.  The  most  difhcult  part  of  the  return  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand was  now  accomplished,  but  much  still  remained  to  be  done. 
The  sight  of  the  sea  awakened  in  the  army  a  universal  desire  to 
prosecute  the  remainder  of  their  journey  on  that  element. 
"  Comrades,"  exclaimed  a  Tlmrian  soldier,  *'  I  am  weary  of  pack- 
ing up,  of  marching  and  running,  of  shouldering  arms  and  falling 
into  line,  of  standing  sentinel  and  fighting.  For  my  part  I 
should  like  to  get  rid  of  all  these  labours,  and  go  home  by  sea 
the  rest  of  the  way,  so  that  I  might  arrive  in  (jreece  outstretched 
and  asleep,  like  Ulysses  of  old."  The  sliouts  of  applause  which 
greeted  this  address  showed  that  the  Thurian  had  touched  the 
right  chord  ;  and  when  Chirisophus,  one  of  the  principal  officers, 
offered  to  ])roceed  to  Byzantium  and  endeavour  to  procure 
transports  for  the  conveyance  of  the  army,  his  proposal  was  joy- 
fully accepted.  Meanwhile,  the  Ten  Thousand  were  employed 
iu  marauding  expeditions,  and  in  collecting  all  the  vessels  possible, 


Jl 


4SS 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXVL 


in  case  Chirisophus  should  fail  in  obtaining  the  requisite  supply. 
That  officer  delayed  to  return ;  provisions  jrrew  scarce,  and  the 
army  found  itself  compelled  to  evacuate  Trapczus.  Vessels 
enou«rh  liad  been  collected  to  Iransprt  the  women,  the  sick,  and 
the  ba<igage  to  Gerasus,  whither  the  army  proceeded  by  laud. 
Here  they  remained  ten  days,  during  which  they  were  mustered 
and  reviewed  ;  when  it  was  found  that  the  number  of  hoplites 
still  amounted  to  8G0O,  and  with  peltasts,  bowmen,  &c.,  made 
a  total  of  more  than  10,000  men. 

From  Gerasus  they  pursued  their  journey  to  Cotyora,  through 
the  territories  of  the  Mosyna?ci  and  G haly  l)es.  They  were  obliged 
to  fight  their  way  through  the  former  of  these  jKiuple,  capturing 
and  plundering  the  wooden  towers  in  which  they  dwelt,  and 
from  which  they  derived  their  name.  At  Cotyora  they  waited 
in  vain  for  Chirisophus  and  the  transports.  Many  diiliculties 
still  stood  ill  the  way  of  their  return.  The  iuliabitants  of  ^»inope 
represented  to  them  that  a  march  through  Paphlagonia  was  im- 
practicable, and  the  means  of  a  passjage  by  sea  were  not  at 
hand.  After  remaining  Ifj  days  at  Cotyora  a  suflicient  number 
of  vessels  was  collected  to  convey  the  army  to  Siiiope.  A  pas- 
sage of  2  I  hours  brought  them  to  that  town,  w^here  they  wore 
hospitably  received  and  lodged  in  the  neighbouring  sea-port  of 
Armene.  Here  they  were  joined  by  Chirisophus,  who,  however, 
brought  with  him  only  a  single  trireme.  From  8inope  the  army 
proceeded  to  Heraclea,  and  from  thence  to  Calpe,  where  Chiri- 
sophus died.  From  Calpe  tiiey  marclied  across  Bithynia  to 
ChrysoiK)lis,  a  town  immediately  opposite  to  Byzantium,  where 
tliey  spent  a  week  in  realizing  the  booty  which  they  had  brought 
with  them. 

i  15.  The  satrap  Pharnabazus  was  desirous  that  the  Greeks 
should  evacuate  Asia  Minor  ;  and,  at  liis  instance,  Anaxibius, 
the  Lacedaemonian  admiral  on  the  station,  induced  them  to  cross 
over  by  promising  to  provide  them  with  pay  when  they  should 
have  reached  the  other  side.  But  instead  of  fulfilling  his  agree- 
ment, Anaxibius  ordered  them,  after  their  arrival  at  Byzantium, 
to  proceed  to  the  Thracian  Chersonese,  where  the  Lacedajmonian 
harmost,  Cyniscus,  would  find  them  pay  ;  and  during  this  long 
march  of  150  miles  they  were  directed  to  support  themselves  by 
plmidering  the  Thracian  villages.  Preparatory  to  the  march 
they  were  ordered  to  muster  outside  the  walls  of  Byzantium. 
But  the  Greeks,  irritated  by  the  deception  which  had  been 
practised  on  them,  and  which,  tlirough  want  of  caution  on  the 
part  of  Anaxibius,  became  known  to  them  liefore  they  had  all 
quitted  the  town,  prevented  the  gate*  from  being  closed,  and 
rushed  in  infiuriatcd  masses  back  into  tlic  city,  uttering  loud 


B.C.  400. 


RETURN  TO  EUROPK 


4S3 


threats  and  bent  on  plunder  and  havoc.  The  hves  and  property 
of  the  citizens  were  at  their  mercy ;  for  at  the  first  alarm  Anaxi- 
bius had  retired  with  his  troops  into  the  citadel,  \yhilst  the 
aflrighted  inhabitants  were  either  barricading  their  houses,  or 
flying  to  the  ships  for  refuge.  In  this  conjuncture  Xenophon 
felt  that  the  destruction  of  a  city  like  Byzantium  would  draw 
down  upon  the  army  the  vengeance  not  merely  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians, but  of  all  Greece.  With  great  presence  of  mind,  and 
under  colour  of  aiding  their  designs,  he  caused  the  soldiers  to 
form  in  an  open  square  called  the  Thracian,  and  by  a  well-timed 
speech  diverted  them  from  their  designs. 

Shortly  afterwards,  the  army  entered  into  the  service  of 
Seuthos,  a  Thracian  prince,  who  was  anxious  to  recover  his 
sovereignty  over  three  revolted  tribes.  But  after  they  had  ac- 
complished this  object,  Seuthes  neglected  to  provide  the  pay 
which  he  liad  stipulated,  or  to  fulfil  the  magnificent  promises 
which  he  liad  made  to  Xenophon  personally,  of  giving  him  his 
daughter  in  marriage,  and  putting  him  in  poEsession  of  the  town 

of  Bisanthe. 

The  army,  now  reduced  to  GOOO,  was  thus  again  thrown  mto 
difficulties,  when  it  entered  on  the  last  phase  of  its  checkered 
career  by  engaging  to  serve  the  Lacedajmonians  in  a  war  which 
they  had  just  declared  against  the  satraps  Tissaphernes  and 
Pharnabazus.  Xenophon  accordingly  conducted  his  comrades  to 
Pergamus  in  Mysia,  where  a  considerable  booty  fell  uito  their 
hands  by  the  capture  of  a  castle  not  far  from  that  place.  Xeno- 
phon was  allowed  to  select  the  choicest  lots  from  the  booty  thus 
acquired,  as  a  tribute  of  gratitude  and  admiration  for  the  ser- 
vices which  he  had  rendered. 

Shortly  after  this  adventure,  in  the  spring  of  B.C.  399,  Thim- 
bron,  the  Laccdaimonian  commander,  arrived  at  Pergamus,  and 
the  remainder  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks  became  incorporated 
with  his  army.  Xenophon  now  returned  to  Athens,  where  he 
must  have  arrived  shortly  after  the  execution  of  his  master 
Socrates.  Disgusted  probably  by  that  event,  he  rejoined  his 
old  comrades  in  Asia,  and  subsequently  returned  to  Greece  along 
with  Agesilaus,  as  we  have  already  related.* 

•  See  p.  412. 

u 


I 


B  C.  401. 


ELIS  REDUCED  BY  KING  AGIS. 


485 


I 


Choragic  Monument  orLysicrates. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

FEOM    THE    COMMENCEMENT   OF    THE    SPARTAN    EMPIRE    TO    THB 

BATTLE    OF   CNIDUS. 

§  1.  Invasion  and  reduction  of  Elis  byKingAgis.  §  2.  Ambitious  pro- 
jects of  Lysander.  §  3.  He  procures  tJie  throne  for  Agesiiaus.  §  4. 
Character  of  AgesUaus.  §  5.  Nature  of  the  Spartan  empire.  §  6.  Af- 
fairs of  Asia  Minor.  §  7.  Agesiiaus  proceeds  thither.  §  8.  Mortifies 
I.ysandcr.  §  9.  Campaigns  of  Agesiiaus  against  Tissaphernes  and 
Ptmniabazus.  §10.  Execution  of  Tissaphernes.  §11.  Proceedings 
ofConon.  Rhodes  revolts  from  Sparta.  §  12.  Agesiiaus  ravages  the 
satrapy  of  Pharnabazus.  Interview  between  them,  §  18.  Recall  of 
Agesiiaus.     §  14.  Battle  of  Cuidus. 


^  1 .  Resuming  the  thread  of  the  narrative,  we  shall  now  briefly 
trace  the  history  of  the  Spartan  supremacy,  which  resulted  from 
the  battle  of  iEgospotami,  and  the  consequent  capture  of  Athens, 
related  iu  the  preceding  book.  This  supremacy  lasted  altogether 
34  years,  from  the  victory  of  jEgospotami  in  B.C.  405  to  the 
defeat  of  Leuctra  in  b.c.  371.  It  was,  however,  only  during  th» 
first  nine  years  of  this  period  that  Sparta  exercised  an  imdis- 
puted  sway  in  Greece,  since  the  battle  of  Cnidus,  fought  in  b.c. 
394,  deprived  her  of  her  maritime  ascendency,  and  consequently 
of  much  of  her  power. 

After  the  fall  of  Athens  Sparta  stood  without  a  rival  in  Greece. 
The  first  use  she  made  of  her  undisputed  power  was  to  take 
vengeance  on  her  neighbours  the  E  leans  for  some  wrongs  and 
insults  which  she  had  received  at  their  hands.  It  will  be  recol- 
lected that  in  the  year  in  which  Alcibiades  conducted  the  Athe- 
nian thedry  at  Olympia  with  so  much  splendour,  the  Eleans  had 
excluded  the  Spartans  from  the  festival ;  and  moreover  that  they 
had  subsequently,  in  conjunction  with  Argos  and  Mantinea, 
borne  arms  against  Sparta.  To  these  causes  of  offence  a  fresh 
insult  had  been  recently  added,  by  the  exclusion  of  King  Agis 
from  the  temple  of  Olympia,  whither  he  had  gone  to  offer  sa- 
crifice and  consult  the  oracle.  The  Spartans  also  viewed  with 
dislike  and  suspicion  the  democratical  form  of  government  esta- 
blished in  Elis.  Accordingly,  they  now  demanded  that  the 
Eleans  should  make  good  their  quota  of  the  expenses  of  the 
war  against  Athens,  and  also  that  they  should  relinquish  their 
authority  over  their  dependent  townships  in  the  district  of 
Triphylia.  Upon  the  refusal  of  the  Eleans  to  comply  with  these 
demands,  King  Agis  entered  their  territory  at  the  head  of  a 
Lacedaemonian  army  ni  the  summer  of  b.c.  402,  but  he  was  in- 
duced to  retire  and  disband  his  troops  by  the  unfavourable  omen 
of  an  earthquake.  In  the  following  year,  however,  he  resumed 
the  expedition  with  more  success.  Assisted  by  the  alUes  of 
Sparta,  amoug  whom  even  the  Athenians  now  furnished  their 
contingent,  he  ravaged  and  plundered  the  territory  of  Elis,  per- 
formed by  force  the  sacrifice  at  Olympia  from  which  he  had 
been  debarred,  and  ultimately  compelled  the  Eleans  to  accept  a 
humiliating  peace.  This  success  placed  Sparta  in  a  more  com- 
manding position  tlian  she  had  ever  before  occupied ;  and  she  took 
advantage  of  it  to  root  out  her  ancient  enemies  the  Messenians, 
some  of  whom  had  been  planted  by  the  Athenians  in  Naupactus, 
and  others  in  the  island  of  Cephallenia. 

k  2.  Meanwhile  the  overgrown  wealth  and  power  of  Lysander 
made  him  ill-satisfied  to  remain  iu  the  condition  of  a  private 
citizen.     Stimulated  by  the  flattery  which  ho  received  from 


! 


4S« 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXVII 


every  quarter,  he  began  to  contemplate  setting  aside  the  two 
regal  families  of  Pausanias  and  Agis,  and  by  rendering  the  crown 
elective,  to  pave  the  way  for  his  own  accession  to  it.  It  is  to  be 
recollected,  however,  that  at  Sparta  such  a  design  must  not  bd 
regarded  in  quite  the  same  light  as  in  any  other  monarchy 
Although  the  two  chief  magistrates  there  enjoyed  the  title  of 
Basiteus,  or  King,  they  were  not  kings  in  the  modern  sense  of  the 
term.  They  were  merely  hereditary  magistrates,  enjoying  indeed 
certain  privileges,  and  exercising  certain  definite  civil  and  military 
functions ;  but  they  had  no  share  in  the  government,  which  was 
carried  on  by  the  Ephors  and  the  senate,  with  occasional  appeals 
to  the  public  assembly;  and  even  in  the  discharge  of  their  ap- 
jwintcd  duties  they  were  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Ephors. 

^  3.  Aware  of  the  influence  of  religion  over  the  Spartan  mind, 
Lysander,  in  pursuance  of  his  scheme,  endeavoured  by  briber^' 
to  procure  for  it  the  sanction  of  the  oracles  of  Delphi,  Dodona, 
and  Jove  Ammon  in  Libya.  But  the  priests  of  those  famous 
temples  provuig  on  this  occasion  incorruptible,  he  employed  his 
influence  in  obtaining  for  another  the  sceptre  which  had  eluded 
his  own  grasp.  About  a  year  after  his  campaign  in  Elis,  King 
Agis  died,  leaving  a  son  named  Leotychides,  about  fifteen  years 
of  age.  The  legitimacy  of  Leotychides  was  however  doubted, 
and  Agis  himself  suspected  him  to  be  the  oflspring  of  Alcibiades. 
Agesilaus,  the  younger  brother  of  Agis,  but  by  a  diilerent  mo- 
ther, took  advantage  of  these  doubts,  and  being  assisted  by  tlie 
powerful  influence  of  Lysander,  succeeded  in  setting  aside  Leo- 
tychides and  ascending  the  throne,  B.C.  398. 

§  4.  Agesilaus  was  now  forty  years  of  age,  and  esteemed  a 
model  of  those  virtues  more  peculiarly  deemed  Spartan.  He  was 
obedient  to  the  constituted  authorities,  emulous  to  excel,  cou- 
rageous, energetic,  capable  of  bearing  all  sorts  of  hardship  and 
fatigue,  simple  and  frugal  in  his  mode  of  life.  To  these  severer 
qualities  he  added  the  popular  attractions  of  an  agreeable  coun- 
tenance and  pleasing  address.  The  character  of  Agesilaus  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  magnified  beyond  its  real  worth  by  the 
indiscriminating  panegyrics  of  his  biographers,  who  relate  of 
him  many  trivial  anecdotes  with  a  sort  of  unctuous  admiration  ; 
and  though  he  was  indisputably  a  good  general,  yet  his  cam- 
paigns present  us  with  little  that  is  striking  or  decisive.  Pre- 
viously to  his  accession  he  had  filled  no  prominent  pubhc  ofiice, 
and  his  character  consequently  remained  in  a  great  measure 
unknown  even  to  Lysander  himself;  who  erroneously  considered 
hnn  to  be  of  a  yielding  and  manageable  disposition,  and  hoped 
by  a  skilful  use  of  those  qualities  to  extend  his  own  influence, 
and  under  tlic  name  of  another  to  be  in  reality  king  himsell". 


B.C.  898. 


ACCESSION  OF  AGESILAUa 


437 


The  personal  defects  of  Agesilaus  at  first  stood  in  the  way  of 
his  promotion.  He  was  not  only  low  in  stature,  but  also  lame 
of  one  leg ;  and  there  was  an  ancient  oracle  which  warned  the 
Spartans  to  beware  "  of  a  lame  reign."  The  ingenuity  of  Lysan- 
der, assisted  probably  by  the  popular  qualities  of  Agesilaus, 
contrived  to  overcome  this  objection  by  interpreting  a  lame 
reign  to  mean  not  any  bodily  defect  in  the  king,  but  the  reign 
of  one  who  was  not  a  genuine  descendant  of  Hercules.  Once 
possessed  of  power,  Agesilaus  supplied  any  defect  in  his  title  by 
the  prudence  and  policy  of  his  conduct ;  and,  by  the  marked 
deference  which  he  paid  both  to  the  Ephors  and  the  senators, 
he  succeeded  in  gaining  for  himself  more  real  power  than  had 
been  enjoyed  by  any  of  his  predecessors.  The  very  beginning 
of  his  reign  was  threatened  by  the  conspiracy  of  Cinadon,  one 
of  the  poorer  class  of  citizens,  but  possessing  all  the  pride  of  an 
ancient  Spartan.  The  conspiracy,  however,  was  discovered,  and 
Cinadon  and  his  accomplices  were  arrested  by  a  stratagem  of 
the  Ephors  and  put  to  death. 

{5.  The  discontent  which  gave  birth  to  this  conspiracy  ori- 
ginated in  a  great  measure  from  the  altered  condition  of  Spartan 
citizens,  in  consequence  of  the  extension  of  Spartan  power  and 
dominion.  Sparta  had  now  stepped  into  the  place  of  Athens. 
Ill  the  various  cities  which  had  belonged  to  the  Athenian  em- 
pire, Lysander  established  an  oligarchical  Council  of  ten,  called 
a  Dccluirchy^  or  Decemvirate,  subject  to  the  control  of  a  Sj)artan 
Ilarmostf  or  governor.  The  Decarchies,  however,  remained  only 
a  short  time  in  power,  since  the  Spartan  government  regarded 
tliein  with  jealousy  as  the  partisans  of  Lysander ;  but  Harmosts 
contiiuied  to  be  placed  in  every  state  subject  to  their  empire. 
The  government  of  the  Harmosts  was  corrupt  and  oppressive ; 
no  justice  could  be  obtained  against  them  by  an  appeal  to  the 
Spartan  authorities  at  home  ;  and  the  Grecian  cities  soon  had 
cause  to  regret  the  milder  and  more  equitable  sway  of  Athens. 

The  commencement  of  the  Spartan  degeneracy  and  decay  may 
be  dated  from  her  entrance  ujwn  imperial  power.  Before  the 
victories  of  Lysander,  iron  had  formed  the  oidy  Spartan  money. 
That  commander  brought  vast  sums  of  gold  and  silver  into  the 
public  treasury,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  some  of  the  Ephors, 
who  regarded  such  a  proceeding  as  a  flagrant  violation  of  the 
ordinances  of  Lycurgus.  Several  instances  of  corruption  re- 
corded in  the  course  of  this  history  have,  however,  shown  that  the 
Spartans  were  far  from  insensible  to  the  love  of  money,  and  that 
they  contrived  to  gratify  it  even  under  the  old  system.     But 


*  AeKOQXla.        f  'Agfioar^g,  literally  "oDe  who  fits  or  arranges." 


4»8 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXVIl. 


properly  regarded,  an  extension  of  the  currency  was  rendered 
necessary  by  the  altered  situation  of  Sparta.  It  would  have 
lieen  im^iossible  to  maintain  a  large  fleet  and  a  colonial  emjiirc 
witliout  the  Requisite  funds ;  and  how,  for  instancT,  could  a  re- 
venue of  1000  talents,  which  Sparta  levied  from  the  subject 
states,  have  been  represented  in  iron  money  ?  Whether  Sparta 
had  now  entered  on  a  career  to  which  the  national  genius  was 
suited  is  another  question ;  and  it  would  not  perhaps  be  diffi- 
cult to  show  that  in  grasping  the  splendid  prize  ol"  empire,  she 
lost  those  homely  virtues  which  previously  ibmied  her  chief  dis- 
tinction, and  for  which  her  children  were  naturally  most  fitted. 
It  is  at  all  events  certain  that  the  influx  of  wealth  caused  a 
great  alteration  in  her  internal  condition.  It  was  only  the 
leading  men  who  were  enabled  to  enrich  themselves  by  foreign 
cornmands  or  at  the  expense  of  the  public  treasury.  Hence  arose 
a  still  more  marked  distinction  between  the  higher  class  of  citizens, 
called  Peers,  and  the  lower,  calletl  the  Equals  or  the  Inferiors.* 
The  latter,  though  nominally  in  the  enjoyment  of  equal  privileges, 
were  no  longer  able,  in  consequence  of  tlie  altered  scale  of  living, 
to  bear  their  share  at  the  Syssitia,  or  public  tables,  and  thu  •• 
sank  into  a  degraded  and  discontented  class,  in  which  Cinadoi 
found  the  materials  of  his  sedition. 

§  G.  The  aliairs  of  Asia  Muior  soon  began  to  draw  the  atten- 
tion of  Agesilaus  to  that  quarter.  The  assistance  lent  to  Cyrus 
by  the  Spartans  was  no  secret  at  the  Persian  court,  and  Tissa- 
phernes,  who  had  been  rewarded  for  his  fidelity  with  the  satrapy 
of  Cyrus  in  addition  to  his  own,  no  sooner  returned  to  his  go- 
vernment than  he  attacked  the  Ionian  cities,  then  under  the 
protection  of  Sparta.  A  considerable  Lacedarmonian  Ibrce  under 
Thimbron  was  despatched  to  their  assistance,  and  which,  as 
related  in  the  preceding  chapter,  was  jomed  by  the  remnant  of 
the  Greeks  wlio  had  served  under  Cyrus.  Thimbron,  however, 
proved  so  inefficient  a  connnander,  that  he  was  su|>erseded  appa- 
rently at  the  end  of  399  or  beginning  of  398  b.c  ,  and  Dercyllidas 
appointed  in  his  place,  a  man  who  from  his  cunning  and  re- 
sources had  acquired  the  name  of  Sisyphus.  On  assuming  the 
command,  Dercyllidas  concludeil  a  truce  with  Tissaphenies,  in 
order  that  he  might  direct  his  whole  force  against  Pharnabazus, 
from  whom  he  had  received  a  personal  injury.  He  overran  the 
greater  part  of  jEohs  with  great  rapidity,  reducing  nnie  towns 
in  eight  days,  and  took  up  his  winter  quarters  in  Bithynia. 
Early  in  the  ensuing  spring  he  proceeded  into  Thrace,  where  he 
built  a  wall  across  the  Chersonese,  to  protect  the  Grecian  colo- 


♦  See  p.  62. 


B.C.  39Y. 


WAR  IN  ASIA  MINOR. 


4^9 


nies  from  the  attacks  of  the  barbarians  of  the  interior.  On  his 
return  to  Asia  he  received  orders  from  the  Ephors  to  attack 
Tissaphenies  in  Caria,  whilst  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet  under 
Pharax  co-operated  with  him  on  the  coast.  But  here  the  Per- 
sians appeared  in  such  force,  the  two  satrap"  having  luiited  their 
armies,  that  he  was  able  to  ellect  but  little;  '^nd  bemg  surprised 
in  an  unfavorable  position  would  himself  havp  suffered  severely 
but  for  the  timidity  of  Tissaphernes,  who  was  afraid  to  venture 
upon  an  action.  Under  these  circiwnstances  an  annistice  was 
agreed  to  for  the  purpose  ol  treating  for  a  peace.  Dercyllidas  de- 
manded on  the  part  of  the  Spartans  the  complete  independence 
of  the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia :  the  Persians  on  their  side  required 
the  Lacedaemonians  to  withdraw  their  army  from  Asia  as  well  as 
their  various  harmosts,  or  governors. 

This  armistice  took  place  in  397  b.c.  Pharnabasus  availed 
himself  of  it  to  make  active  preparations  for  a  renewal  of  the 
war.  He  obtained  large  reinforcements  of  Persian  troops,  and 
bejran  to  organize  a  fleet  in  PhoBuicia  and  Cilicia.  This  was 
to  be  intrusted  to  the  Athenian  admiral  Conon,  of  whom  we  now 
first  hear  again  after  a  lapse  of  seven  years  since  his  defeat  at 
^gospotami.  After  that  disastrous  battle,  Conon  fled  with  9 
triremes  to  Cyprus,  where  he  was  now  living  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis.  At  the  instance  of  Pharna- 
bazus, seconded  by  Evagoras,  Conon  consented  to  accept  the 
command  of  the  Persian  fleet,  which  was  to  be  raised  to  the 
number  of  300  vessels. 

^  7.  It  was  the  news  of  these  extensive  preparations  that  in- 
duced Agesilaus,  on  the  suggestion  of  Lysauder,  to  volunteer  his 
services  against  the  Persians.  He  proposed  to  take  with  him 
only  30  full  Spartan  citizens,  or  peers,  to  act  as  a  sort  of  council, 
together  with  2000  Neodamodes,  or  enfranchised  Helots,  and 
6000  hoplites  of  the  allies.  But  Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Athens 
refused  on  different  pleas  to  join  the  expedition.  Lysauder  in- 
tended to  be  the  leader  of  the  30  Spartans,  and  expected  through 
them  to  be  the  virtual  commander  of  the  expedition  of  which 
Agesilaus  was  nominally  the  head. 

Since  the  time  of  Agamemnon  no  Grecian  king  had  led  an 
army  into  Asia  ;  and  Agesilaus  studiously  availed  himself  of  the 
prestige  of  that  precedent  in  order  to  attract  recruits  to  his 
standard.  The  Spartan  kings  claimed  to  inherit  the  sceptre  of 
Agamemnon;  and  to  render  the  parallel  more  complete,  Age- 
silaus proceeded  with  a  division  of  his  fleet  to  Aulis,  intending 
there  to  imitate  the  memorable  sacrifice  of  the  Homeric  hero. 
But  as  he  had  neglectej  to  ask  the  permission  of  the  Thebans, 
and  conducted  the  sacrifice  and  solemnities  by  means  of  hii 


^ 


^Mlf 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXXVII. 


own  prophets  and  ministers,  and  in  a  manner  at  variance  with 
the  usual  rites  of  the  temple,  the  Thebans  were  ofiended,  and 
exiielled  him  by  armed  Ibrcc  :— an  uisult  M'hich  he  never 
ibrgave. 

§  8.  It  was  in  396  k.c  that  AjresiJaus  arrived  at  Ephcsus,  and 
took  tlie  command  in  Asia.  He  demanded  tlic  game  conditions 
of  peace  as  those  previously  made  by  Dercyllidas ;  and  in  order 
that  there  might  be  time  to  communicate  with  the  Persian  court, 
the  armistice  was  renewed  fbr  three  mouths.  During  this  in- 
terval of  repose,  Lysander,  by  his  arrogance  and  pretensions, 
ofiended  both  Agcsilaus  and  the  Thirty  tSpartans  Agesdausi 
determined  to  uphold  liis  dignity,  subjected  Lysander  to  so 
many  humiliations  that  he  was  at  last  lain  to  request  his  dis- 
missal from  Ephesus,  and  was  accordingly  sent  to  the  Hellespont, 
where  he  did  good  service  to  the  8parlaii  interests. 

^  9.  Meanwhile  Tissaphenies,  having   received   large   rein- 
forcements, sent  a  message  to  Agcsilaus  before  the  armistice 
had  expired,  ordering  him  to  quit  Asia.     Agcsilaus  replied  by 
saying  that  he  thanked  the   satrap  for  perjuring  himself  so 
flagrantly  as  to  set  the  gods  against  him,  and  immediately  made 
preparations  as  if  he  would  attack  Tissaphames  in  Caria ;  but 
having  thus  put  the  enemy  on  a  falt=e  scent,  he  suddenly  turned 
northwards  into  Phr}'gia,  the  satrapy  oi  Pharnabazus,  and  marched 
without  opposition  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Bascylium,  the  re- 
sidence of  the  satrap  himstdf.     Here,  however,  he  was  repulsed 
by  the  Persian  cavalrj- ;  and  the  sacrifices  proving  unfavourable 
for  an  advance,  Agcsilaus  gave  orders  to  retreat.     He  now  pro- 
ceeded into  winter  quarters  at  Ephesus,  where  he  employed  him- 
self in  organizing  a  body  of  cavalry  to  compete  with  the  Persians. 
A  eonscnption  was  accordingly  made  of  the  richest  Greeks  in 
the  various  tovras,  who,  liowever,  were  allowed  if  they  pleased 
to  provide  substitutes.     By  these  and  other  energetic  exertions, 
which  during  the  winkT  gave  to  Ephesus  the  appearance  oi'one 
vast  arsenal,  the  army  was  brought  into  excellent  condition ;  jiid 
Agesilaus  gave  out  early  in  the  spring  of  395  b.c.  that  he  should 
march  direct  upon  Sardis.      Tissaphemes,  suspecting  another 
k'lnt,  now  dispersed  his  cavalry  in  the  plain  of  the  Ma-ander. 
But  this  time  Agesilaus  marched  as  he  had  announced,  and  in 
three  days  arrived  unopposed  on  the  banks  of  the  Pactolus,  be- 
fore the  Persian  cavalry  could  be  recalled.     "WTicn  they  at  last 
came  up,  the  newly-raised  Grecian  horse,  assisted  by  the  peltasts, 
and  some  of  the  younger  and  more  active  hoplites,  soon  succeeded 
in  putting  them  to  flight.     Many  of  the  Persians  were  drowned 
in  the  Pactolus,  and  their  camp,  containing  much  booty  and 
several  camels,  was  taken. 


B.C.  396. 


AGESILAUS  IN  ASIA 


441 


HO.  Agesilaus  now  pushed  his  ravages  up  to  the  very  gates 
of  Sardis,  the  residence  of  Tissaphemes.  But  the  career  of  that 
timid  and  treacherous  satrap  was  drawing  to  a  close.  The 
queen-mother,  Parysatis,  who  had  succeeded  in  regaining  her 
influence  over  Artaxerxes,  making  a  pretext  of  the  disasters 
which  had  attended  the  arms  of  Tissaphemes,  but  in  reality  to 
avenge  the  part  which  he  had  taken  against  her  son  Cyrus, 
caused  an  order  to  be  sent  down  from  Susa  for  his  execution  ;  in 
pursuance  of  which  he  was  seized  in  a  bath  at  CoIosssb,  and  be- 
headed. Tithraustes,  who  had  been  intrusted  with  the  execution 
of  this  order,  succeeded  Tissaphemes  in  the  satrapy,  and  imme- 
diately reopened  negotiations  with  Agesilaus ;  proposing  that  if 
he  quitted  Asia  the  Greek  cities  there  should  enjoy  their  in- 
dependence, with  the  sole  exception  of  paying  to  Persia  the  tri- 
bute originally  imposed  upon  them.  Agesilaus  replied  that  he 
could  decide  nothing  without  consulting  the  authorities  at  home. 
For  this  purpose  an  armistice  of  six  months  was  concluded  ;  and 
meanwhile  Tithraustes,  by  a  subsidy  of  30  talents,  induced  Age- 
silaus to  move  out  of  his  satrapy  into  that  of  Pharnabazus. 

§11.  During  this  march  into  Phrygia  Agesilaus  received  a  new 
commission  from  home,  appointing  him  the  head  of  the  naval  as 
well  as  of  the  land  Ibrce — two  commands  never  before  united 
in  a  single  Spartan.  For  the  first  time  since  the  battle  of 
iEgospotami  the  naval  supremacy  of  Sparta  was  threatened. 
Conori,  with  a  fleet  of  40  triremes,  occupied  the  port  of  Caunus, 
on  the  confines  of  Caria  and  Lycia,  and  was  there  blockaded  by  a 
Lacedaimonian  fleet  of  120  triremes  under  Pharax;  but  a  re- 
inforcement of  40  more  ships  having  come  to  the  aid  of  Conon, 
Pharax  raised  the  blockade  and  retired  to  Rhodes.  Here  the 
first  symptoms  appeared  of  the  detestation  in  which  the  Spartan 
government  was  held.  The  inhabitants  rose,  compelled  the  Spar- 
tan fleet  to  leave  the  island,  and  put  themselves  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Conon,  who  now  sailed  thither.  . 

§  1 2.  Agesilaus,  having  despatched  orders  to  the  Lacedaemonian 
maritime  dependencies  to  prepare  a  new  fleet  cf  120  triremes 
against  the  following  year,  and  having  appointed  his  brother- 
in-law,  Pisander,  to  the  command  of  it,  marched  himself  into  the 
satrapy  of  Pharnabazus.  He  passed  the  winter  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Dascylium,  the  rich  and  fertile  country  about  which 
af lorded  comfortable  quarters  and  abundant  plunder  to  the 
Grecian  army. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  winter  a  Greek  cf  Cyzicus,  named 
Apollophanes,  brought  about  an  interview  beteen  Agesilaus  and 
Pharnabazus.  Agesilaus,  with  the  Thirty,  having  arrived  first  at 
the  appointed  place,  sat  down  without  ceremony  on  the  grass. 


u  = 


442 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXYIl. 


When  the  Satrap  came,  accompanied  with  all  the  luxury  of  ori- 
ental pomp,  his  attendants  prepared  to  spread  some  rich  carpets 
for  him ;  but  Phamabazus,  observing  how  the  Spartans  were 
seated,  was  ashamed  to  avail  himseli'  of  such  luxuries,  and  sat 
down  on  the  grass  by  the  side  of  Agesilaus.     After  mutual 
salutes,  Pharnabazus  began  to  reproach  the  Greeks  with  their 
treatment  of  one  who  had  always  been  their  faithful  ally.    "  You 
have  reduced  me  so  low,"  he  observed,  •'  that  I  have  scarcely  a 
dinner  except  from  your  leavings.     My  residences,  my  parks  and 
hunting-grounds,  the  charm  of  my  Mfe,  are  all  burnt  or  destroyed. 
Pray  tell  me  if  this  is  gratitude."     The  Spartans  seemed  struck 
with  shame ;  and  Agesilaus,  after  a  long  pause,  remarked  in 
apology  that  their  war  with  the  Persian  king  compelled  them  to 
act  as  they  had  done ;  that  towards  himself  personally  they  had 
the  most  Iriendly  leehnga,  and  invited  him  to  join  their  alliance, 
when  they  would  support  him  in  independence  of  the  Persian 
king.     The  reply  of  Pharnabazus  was  characterized  by  a  noble 
frankness.     *'  If  the  kiiig,"  he  said,  *'  should  deprive  me  of  my 
command,  I  would  willingly  become  your  ally ;  but  so  long  as  I 
am  intrusted  with  the  supreme  power,  exj^ect  from  me  nothuig 
but  war."   Agesilaus  was  touched  with  the  satrap's  magnanimity. 
Taking  him  by  the  hand,  he  observed,  "  Would  to  Heaven  that 
with  such  noble  sentiments  it  were  possible  for  you  to  be  our 
friend      But  at  all  events  I  will  at  once  quit  your  territory,  and 
never  again  molest  you  or  your  property  so  long  as  there  are 
other  Persians  against  whom  to  turn  my  arms." 

H3.  In  pursuance  of  this  promise  Agesilaus  now  entered  the 
plains  of  Thebe,  near  the  gulf  of  Elajus ;  but  whilst  he  was  here 
preparing  an  expedition  on  a  grand  scale  into  the  interior  of 
Asia  Minor,  he  was  suddenly  recalled  home  (b.c.  394)  to  avert 
the  dangers  which  threatened  his  native  country. 

Meanwhile  Conon,  who  had  remained  almost  inactive  since  the 
revolt  of  Rhodes,  proceeded  in  person  to  Babylon,  and  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  considerable  sum  of  money  from  Artaxerxes.  He 
shared  his  command  with  Pharnabazus,  and  by  their  joint  exer- 
tions a  powerful  fleet,  partly  PhcBnician  and  partly  Grecian,  was 
speedily  equipped,  superior  in  number  to  that  of  the  Lacedas- 
monians  under  Pisander.  About  the  month  of  July  Conon 
proceeded  to  the  peninsula  of  Cnidus,  in  Caria,  and  ollered 
Pisandar  battle.  Though  inferior  in  strength,  Pisander  did 
not  shrink  from  the  encounter.  Being  abandoned,  however, 
by  his  Asiastic  allies,  he  was  soon  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  fell  gallantly  fightuig  to  the  last.  More  than  half  the  Lace- 
daemonian fleet  was  either  captured  or  destroyed.  This  event 
occurred  about  the  begiuning  of  August  B.C.  394- 


View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acrocorinthus. 


CHAPTER  XXXVni. 

THE   CORINTHIAN   WAR.       FROM    THE  BATTLE   OF    CNmUS    TO    THE 

PEACE    OF    ANTALCIDAS. 

§  1.  Mission  of  Timocrates  to  the  Grecian  cities.  §  2.  Hostilities  between 
Sparta  and  Tliebes.  §  3.  The  Athenians  join  the  Thebans.  Defeat 
and  death  of  Lj-sandcr.  Retreat  of  Pausanias.  §  4.  League  aerainst 
Sparta.  Battle  of  Corinth.  §  5.  Homeward  march  of  Agesilaus. 
8  6.  Battle  of  Coronea.  §  7.  Loss  of  the  Spartan  maritime  empire. 
§  8.  Conon  rebuilds  the  walls  of  Athens.  §  9.  Civil  dissensions  at 
Corinth.  §  10.  Campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  the  Corinthian  territory'. 
§  11.  New  system  of  tactics  introduced  b}^  Iphicrates.  Destruction 
of  a  Spartan  mora  by  his  light-armed  troops.  §  12.  Negotiations  of 
Antalcidas  with  the  Persians.  Death  of  Conon.  Defeat  and  death 
of  Thimbron.  §  13.  Maritime  war  on  the  coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of 
Rhodes.  Thrasybulus  appointed  Athenian  commander.  His  death 
at  Aspendus.  Anaxibius  defeated  by  Iphicrates  at  the  Hellespont 
S  14.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.  Teleutias  surprises  thePirajua. 
§  16.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.     §  IG.Its  character. 

fl.  The  jealousy  and  ill-will  with  which  the  newly  acquired 
empire  of  the  Spartans  was  regarded  by  the  other  Grecian  states 
had  not  escaped  the  notice  of  the  Persians ;  and  when  Tithraustes 
succeeded  to  the  satrapy  of  Tissaphernes  he  resolved  to  avail 
himself  of  this  feeling  by  exciting  a  war  against  Sparta  in  the 
heart  of  Greece  itself  With  this  view  he  despatched  one  Timo- 
crates. a  Rhodian,  to  the  leading  Grecian  cities  which  appeared 


! 


« 


4 


44S 


HISTOKY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XXXYll 


When  the  Satrap  came,  accompanied  with  all  the  luxury  of  ori- 
ental pomp,  his  attendants  prepared  to  spread  some  ricli  carpets 
for  him ;  but  Phariiabazus,  observing  liow  the  Spartans  were 
seated,  was  ashamed  to  avail  himself  of  such  luxuries,  and  sat 
down  on  the  grass  by  the  side  of  Agesilaus.     After  mutual 
salutes,  Pharnabazus  began  to  reproacli  tlie  Greeks  with  their 
treatment  of  one  who  had  always  been  their  faithful  ally.    "  You 
have  reduced  me  so  low,"  he  observed, "  that  I  have  scarcely  a 
dinner  except  from  your  leavings.     My  residences,  my  parks  and 
hunting-grounds,  the  charm  of  my  life,  are  all  burnt  or  destroyed. 
Pray  tell  me  if  this  is  gratitude."     The  Spartans  seemed  struck 
with  shame;  and  Agesilaus,  after  a  long  pause,  remarked  in 
apology  that  their  war  with  the  Persian  king  compelled  them  to 
act  as  they  had  done  ;  that  towards  himself  personally  they  had 
the  most  friendly  feelings,  and  invited  him  to  join  their  alliance, 
when  they  would  support  him  in  independence  of  the  Persian 
king.     The  reply  of  Pharnabazus  was  cliaracterized  hy  a  noble 
frankness.     "  U  the  king,"  he  said,  "  should  deprive  me  of  my 
command,  I  would  willingly  become  your  ally  ;  but  so  long  as  I 
am  intrusted  with  the  supreme  power,  exjiect  from  me  nothing 
but  war."   Agesilaus  was  touched  with  the  satrap's  magnanimity. 
Taking  him  by  the  hand,  he  observed,  "  Would  to  Heaven  that 
with  such  noble  sentiments  it  were  possible  for  you  to  be  our 
friend      But  at  all  events  I  will  at  once  quit  your  territory,  and 
never  again  molest  you  or  your  property  so  long  as  there  are 
other  Persians  against  whom  to  turn  my  arms." 

^  13.  In  pursuance  of  this  promi.se  Agesilaus  now  entered  the 
plains  of  Thebe,  near  the  gulf  of  Elajus  ;  but  whilst  he  was  here 
preparing  an  expedition  on  a  grand  scale  into  the  interior  of 
Asia  Minor,  he  was  suddenly  recalled  home  (b.c.  391)  to  avert 
the  dangers  which  threatened  his  native  country. 

Meanwhile  Conon,  who  had  remained  almost  inactive  since  the 
revolt  of  Rhodes,  proceeded  in  person  to  Babylon,  and  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  considerable  sum  of  money  I'rom  Artaxerxes.  He 
shared  his  command  with  Pharnabazus,  and  by  their  joint  exer- 
tions a  powerful  fleet,  partly  PhoBnician  and  partly  Grecian,  was 
speedily  equipped,  superior  in  number  to  that  of  the  Lacedaj- 
monians  under  Pisander.  About  the  month  of  July  Conon 
proceeded  to  the  peninsula  of  Cnidus,  in  Caria,  and  oilered 
Pisandar  battle.  Though  inferior  in  strengtli,  Pisander  did 
not  shrink  from  the  encounter.  Being  abandoned,  however, 
by  his  Asiastie  allies,  he  was  soon  overj^wered  by  numbers, 
and  fell  gallantly  fighting  to  the  last.  More  than  half  the  Lace- 
daemonian fleet  was  either  captured  or  destroyed.  This  event 
occurred  about  the  beginning  of  August  u.c.  394 


View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acrocorinthus. 


CHAPTER  XXXVUI. 

THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR.   FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  CNIDUS  TO  THE 

PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS. 

§  1.  Mission  of  Timocratcs  to  the  Grecian  cities.  §  2.  Hostilities  between 
Sparta  and  Thebes.  §  3.  The  Athenians  join  the  Thebans.  Defeat 
and  death  of  Lysander.  Retreat  of  Pausanias.  §  4.  League  ajjainst 
Sparta.  Battle  of  Corinth.  §  5.  Homeward  march  of  Agesilaup. 
§6.  Battle  of  Coronea.  §  7.  Loss  of  the  Spartan  maritime  empire. 
§  8.  Conon  rebuilds  the  walls  of  Athens.  §  9.  Civil  dissensions  at 
Corinth.  §  10.  Campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  tlie  Corinthian  territory. 
§  IL  New  system  of  tactics  introduced  by  Iphierates.  Destruction 
of  a  Spartan  mora  hy  his  light-armed  troops.  §  12.  Negotiations  of 
Antalcidas  with  thc"^ Persians.  Death  of  Conon.  Defeat  and  death 
of  Thimbron.  §  13.  Maritime  war  on  tlie  coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of 
Rhodes.  Tlirasybulus  appointed  Athenian  commander.  His  death 
at  Aspendus.  Anaxibius  defeated  by  I]>hicrates  at  the  Hellespont 
1 14.  "War between  Athens  and  vEgina.  Teleutias  surprises  thePirttua. 
I  15.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.     §  16.  Its  character. 

{ 1 .  The  jealousy  and  ill-will  with  which  the  newly  acquired 
empire  of  the  Spartans  was  regarded  hy  the  other  Grecian  states 
had  not  escaped  the  notice  of  the  Persians  ;  and  when  Tithraustes 
gucceeded  to  the  satrapy  of  Tissaphernes  lie  resolved  to  avail 
himself  of  this  feeling  by  exciting  a  war  against  Sparta  in  the 
heart  of  Greece  itself  With  this  view  lie  despatched  one  Timo- 
crates.  a  Rhodian,  to  the  leading  Grecian  cities  which  appeared 


r 


AAA 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


C11.VP  XXXVIII. 


B.C;  894. 


BATTLE  OF  CORINTIL 


445 


hostile  to  Sparta,  carrying  with  him  a  sum  of  50  talents  to  be 
distributed  among  the  chief  men  in  each  for  the  purpose  of 
brinjrinjj  them  over  to  the  views  of  Persia.  This  transaction, 
however,  is  scarcely  to  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  a  private  bribe, 
but  rather  as  a  sum  publicly  advanced  lor  a  specific  purpose. 
Timocrates  was  successful  in  Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Argoe ;  but 
he  appears  not  to  have  visited  Athens. 

k  2.  Hostilities  were  at  first  confined  to  Sparta  and  Thebes. 
A  quarrel  having  arisen  between  the  Opuntian  Locrians  and  the 
Phocians  respecting  a  strip  of  border  land,  the  former  people 
appealed  to  the  Thebans,  who  invaded  Phocis.  The  Phocians  on 
their  side  invoked  the  aid  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  elated 
with  the  prosperous  state  of  their  attkirs  in  Asia,  and  moreover 
desirous  of  avenging  the  affronts  they  had  received  from  the 
Thebans,  readily  listened  to  the  appeal.  Lysander,  who  took  an 
active  part  in  promoting  the  war,  was  directed  to  attack  the 
town  of  Haliartus,  having  first  augmented  the  small  force  which 
he  took  with  him  by  contingents  levied  among  the  tribes  of 
Mount  (Eta ;  and  it  was  arranged  that  King  Pausanias  should 
join  him  on  a  fixed  day  under  the  walls  of  that  town,  with 
the  main  body  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  their  Peloponnesian 
allies. 

j  3.  Nothing  could  more  strikingly  denote  the  altered  state 
of  feeling  in  Greece  than  the  request  for  assistance  which  the 
Thebans,  thus  menaced,  made  to  their  ancient  enemies  and  rivals 
the  Athenians ;  even  offering,  as  an  inducement,  to  assist  them 
in  recovering  their  lost  empire.  Nor  were  the  Athenians  back- 
ward in  responding  to  the  appeal  Disunion,  however,  prevailed 
among  the  Boeotians  themselves ;  and  Orchomenus,  the  second 
city  in  importance  in  their  confederacy,  revolted  at  the  approach 
of  Lysander,  and  joined  the  Lacedajmonians.  That  commander, 
afler  ravaging  the  country  round  Lebadea,  proceeded  according 
to  agreement  to  Haliartus,  though  he  had  as  yet  received  no 
tidings  of  Pausanias.  Here,  in  a  sally  made  by  the  citizens, 
opportunely  supported  by  the  unexpected  arrival  of  a  body  of 
Thebans,  the  army  of  Lysander  was  routed,  and  himself  slain : 
ind  though  his  troops,  favoured  by  some  rugged  ground  in  their 
fear,  succeeded  in  rallying  and  repulsing  their  assailants,  yet,  dis- 
heartened by  the  severe  loss  which  they  had  suHered,  and  by  the 
death  of  their  general,  they  disbanded  and  dispersed  themselves 
in  the  night  time.  Thus  when  Pausanias  at  last  came  up,  he 
found  no  army  to  unite  with ;  and  as  an  imposing  Athenian 
force  had  arrived,  he  now,  with  the  advice  of  his  council,  took 
the  humiliating  step — always  deemed  a  confession  of  inferiority — 
«f  requesting  a  truce  in  order  to  bury  the  dead  who  had  fallen 


in  the  preceding  battle.  Even  this,  however,  the  Thebans  would 
not  grant  except  on  the  condition  that  the  Lacedaemonians 
should  immediately  quit  their  territory.  With  these  terms  Pau- 
sanias was  forced  to  comply  ;  and  after  duly  interring  the  bodies 
of  Lysander  and  his  fallen  comrades,  the  Lacedaemonians  deject- 
edly pursued  their  homeward  march,  followed  by  the  Thebans, 
who  manifested  by  repeated  insults,  and  even  by  blows  admin- 
istered to  stragglers,  the  insolence  inspired  by  their  success.  Pau- 
sanias, afraid  to  face  the  public  indignation  of  the  Spartans, 
took  refuge  in  the  temple  of  Athena  Alea  at  Tegea  ;  and  being 
condemned  to  death  in  his  absence,  only  escaped  that  fate  by 
remaining  in  the  sanctuary.     He  was  succeeded   by  his   son 

Agesipolis. 

§  4.  The  enemies  of  Sparta  took  fresh  courage  from  this  dis- 
aster to  her  arms.  Athens,  Corinth,  and  Argos  now  formed  with 
Thebes  a  solemn  alliance  against  her.  The  league  was  soon  joined 
by  the  Euboeans,  the  Acarnanians,  the  Ozolian  Locriiais,  the  Am- 
braciots,  the  Leucadians,  and  the  Chalcidians  of  Thrace.  In  the 
spring  of  394  B.C.  the  allies  assembled  at  Corinth,  and  the  war, 
which  had  been  hitherto  regarded  as  merely  Boeotian,  was  now 
called  the  Corinthian,  by  which  name  it  is  known  in  history.  This 
threatening  aspect  of  aflairs  determined  the  Epliors  to  recall 
Agesilaus,  as  related  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

The  allies  were  soon  in  a  condition  to  take  the  field  vdth  a 
force  of  24,000  hoplites,  of  whom  one-fourth  were  Athenians, 
together  with  a  considerable  body  of  light  troops  and  cavalry. 
The  Lacedajmonians,  under  the  conduct  of  Aristodemus,  had 
also  made  the  most  active  preparations.  The  exact  amount  of 
their  force  is  not  known,  but  it  was  in  all  probability  consi- 
derably inferior  to  that  of  the  allies.  The  latter  were  full  of 
confidence,  and  the  Corinthian  Timolaus  proposed  marching 
straight  upon  Sparta,  in  order,  as  he  expressed  it,  to  burn  the 
wasps  in  their  nest  before  they  came  forth  to  sting.  This  bold, 
but  perhaps  judicious  advice,  was,  however,  anticipated  by  the 
unwonted  activity  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  had  already 
crossed  their  border,  and,  advancing  by  Tegea  and  Mantinea, 
had  taken  up  a  position  at  Sicyon.  The  allies,  who  had  pro- 
ceeded as  far  as  Nemea,  now  fell  back  upon  Corinth,  and  en- 
camped on  some  rugged  ground  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city. 
Here  a  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  Lacedaemonians  gained  the 
victory,  tliough  their  allied  troops  were  put  to  the  rout.  Of  the 
Spartans  themselves  only  8  men  fell  ;  but  of  their  allies  1100 
perished,  and  of  the  confederates  as  many  as  2800.  This  battle, 
called  the  battle  of  Corinth,  was  fought  apparently  about  the 
game  time  as  that  of  Cnidus,  in  July  394  B.C. 


I 


44«  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.         Cuap.  XXXVm 

^  5.  Agesilaus,  who  had  rehnquished  with  a  heavy  heart  his 
projected  expedition  into  Asia,  was  now  on  his  homeward  march. 
By  the  promise  of  rewards  at  Sestus  in  the  Chersonese,  he  had 
persuaded  the  bravest  and  most  efficient  soldiers  in  his  army  to 
accompany  him,  amoiigst  whom  were  many  ol'the  Ten  Thousand, 
with  Xenophon  at  their  head.    The  route  of  Agesilaus  was  much 
the  same  as  the  one  formerly  traversed  by  Xerxes,  and  the  camels 
which  accompanied  the  army  gave  it  somewhat  of  an  oriental 
aspect.     At  Amphipolis  he  received  the  news  of  the  victory  at 
Corinth ;  but  his  heart  was  so  full  of  schemes  against  Persia, 
that  the  feeling  which  it  awakened  in  his  bosom  was  rather  one 
of  regret  that  bo  many  Greeks  had  fallen,  whose  united  efforts 
might  have  emancipated  Asia  Minor,  than  of  joy  at  the  success 
of  his  countrymen.     Having  forced  his  way  through  a  desultory 
opposition  offered  by  the  Thessahan  cavalry,  he  crossed  Mount 
Otlirys,  and  marched  unopposed  the  rest  of  the  way  through  the 
straits  of  ThermopylaB  to  the  frontiers  of  Phocis  and  Bceotia. 
Here  the  evil  tidings  reached  him — foreshadowed  according  to 
ancient  superstition  by  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  (14  Aug.  394  b.c°)--- 
of  the  defeat  and  deatli  of  his  brother-in-law,  Pisander,  at  Cnidus 
Feanng  the  mipression  which  such  sad  news  might  produce  upon 
his  men,  he  gave  out  that  the  Lacedajmonian  fleet  had  gained  a 
victory,  though  Pisander  had  perished ;  and,  having  offered  sacri- 
fice as  if  for  a  victory,  he  ordered  an  advance. 

^  6.  Agesilaus  soon  came  up  with  the  confederate  army,  which 
had  prepared  to  oppose  him  in  the  plain  of  CoronCa.    Tlie  hostile 
forces  approached  each  other  slowly  and  in  silence,  till  witliin 
about  a  furlong,  when  the  Thebans  raised  the  pajan,  and  charged 
at  a  running  pace.     They  succeeded  in  driving  in  the  Orchome- 
niaiis,  who  formed  the  left  wing  of  the  army  of  Agesilaus,  and 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  baggage  in  the  rear.     But  on  the  re- 
mainder of  the  line  Agesilaus  was  victorious,  and  the  Thebans 
now  saw  themselves  cut  off  from  their  companions,  who  had 
retreated  and  taken  up  a  position  on  Mount  Hehcon.     Facing 
about  and  forming  in  deep  and   compact  order,  the  Thebans 
sought  to  rejoin  the  main  body,  but  they  were  opposed  by  Age- 
silaus and  his  troops.    The  shock  of  the  conflicting  masses  which 
ensued  was  one  of  the  most  terrible  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
Grecian  warfare.     The  shields  of  the  foremost  raidts  were  shat- 
tered, their  spears  broken,  so  that  daggers  became  the  only 
available  arm.     The  regular  war-shout  was  suppressed,  but  the 
silence  was  occasionally  broken  by  deep  and  furious  exclamations. 
Agesilaus,  who  was  in  the  front  ranks,  unequal  by  his  size  and 
strength  to  sustain  so  furious  an  onset,  was  flung  down,  trodden 
on,  and  covered  with  wounds ;  but  the  devoted  courage  of  the 


B.C.  394. 


BATTLE  OF  CORONEA. 


447 


50  Spartans  forming  his  body-guard  rescued  him  from  death. 
The  Thebans  finally  forced  their  way  through,  but  not  without 
severe  loss.  The  victoiy  of  Agesilaus  was  not  very  decisive  ; 
but  the  Thebans  tacitly  acknowledged  their  defeat  by  soliciting 
the  customary  truce  for  the  burial  of  their  dead. 

After  the  battle  Agesilaus  visited  Delphi,  where  he  dedicated 
to  Apollo  a  tithe,  valued  at  the  large  sum  of  100  talents,  of  the 
booty  which  he  had  acquired  during  his  Asiatic  campaigns.  He 
then  returned  to  Sparta,  where  he  was  received  A^ith  the  most 
lively  demonstrations  of  gratitude  and  esteem,  and  became  hence- 
forwards  the  sole  director  of  Spartan  policy. 

{  7.  Thus  in  less  than  two  months  the  Lacedaemonians  had 
fought  two  battles  on  land,  and  one  at  sea ;  namely,  those  of 
Corinth,  Coronea,  and  Cnidus.  But,  though  they  had  been  vic- 
torious in  the  land  engagements,  they  were  so  little  decisive  as 
to  lead  to  no  important  result ;  whilst  their  defeat  at  Cnidus 
produced  the  most  disastrous  consequences.  It  was  followed  by 
the  loss  of  nearly  all  their  maritime  empire,  even  faster  than  they 
had  acquired  it  after  the  battle  of  jEgospotami.  For  as  Conon 
and  Pharnabazus  sailed  with  their  victorious  fleet  from  island 
to  island,  and  from  port  to  port,  their  approach  was  everywhere 
the  signal  for  the  flight  or  expulsion  of  the  Spartan  harmosts. 
Abydus  formed  the  only  exception  to  this  universal  surrender. 
Fortunately  for  Sparta  the  able  and  experienced  Dercyllidas  was 
then  harmost  in  that  city,  and  by  his  activity  and  courage  he 
succeeded  in  preserving  not  only  Abydus,  but  also  the  opposite 
Chersonese  from  the  grasp  of  Pharnabazus. 

^8.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  B.C.  393,  Conon  and 
Pharnabazus  sailed  from  the  Hellespont  with  a  powerful  fleet, 
and,  after  visiting  Melos  and  several  of  the  Cyclades,  directed 
their  course  to  the  Pelopomiesus.  After  ravaging  the  coast  of 
Laconia  at  several  points,  and  taking  the  island  of  Cythera, 
where  they  established  an  Athenian  garrison,  they  sailed  to  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth,  then  occupied  as  a  central  post  by  the  allies. 
The  appearance  of  a  Persian  fleet  in  the  Saronic  gulf  was  a 
strange  sight  to  Grecian  eyes,  and  one  which  might  have  served 
as  a  severe  comment  on  the  efiect  of  their  suicidal  wars.  Phar- 
nabazus assured  the  allies  of  his  support,  and  gave  earnest  of  it 
by  advancing  to  them  a  considerable  sum  of  money.  Conon 
dexterously  availed  himself  of  the  hatred  of  Pharnabazus  towards 
Sparta  to  procure  a  boon  for  his  native  city.  As  the  satrap  was 
on  the  point  of  proceeding  homewards  Conon  obtained  leave  to 
employ  the  seamen  in  rebuilding  the  fortifications  of  Pira3us  and 
the  long  walls  of  Athens.  Pharnabazus  also  granted  a  large  sum 
foi  the  game  purpose  ;  and  Conon  had  thus  the  glory  of  appear- 


44» 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XXXVHI 


I5.C.  391 


THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR. 


449 


ing,  like  a  second  Themistocles,  the  deliverer  and  restorer  of  his 
country.  By  a  singular  revolution  of  fortune,  the  Thebans,  w^ho 
had  most  rejoiced  at  the  fall  of  Athens,  as  well  as  the  Persians, 
who  had  subsidized  Sparta  to  destroy  the  city,  now  gave  their 
funds  and  labour  to  restore  it.  Before  the  end  of  autumn  the  walls 
were  rebuilt.  Athens  seemed  now  restored,  if  not  to  power,  at 
least  to  independence  ;  and  if  she  reflected  but  the  shadow  of  her 
former  greatness,  she  was  at  least  raised  up  from  the  depths  of 
her  degradation.  Having  thus,  as  it  were,  founded  Athens  a 
second  time,  Conon  sailed  to  the  islands  to  lay  again  the  founda- 
tions of  an  Athenian  maritime  empire. 

f  9.  During  the  remainder  of  this  and  the  whole  of  the  follow- 
ing year  (b.c.  392),  the  war  was  carried  on  in  the  Corinthian 
territory.  The  Onean  mountains,  which  extend  across  the  Isth- 
mus south  of  its  narrowest  part,  afford  an  excellent  line  of 
delence  against  an  invading  anny.  Through  tliese  mountains 
there  are  only  three  passes,  one  by  the  Saronic  gulf,  close  to 
Cenchreai,  a  second  through  a  ravine  at  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Acrocorinthus  or  citadel  of  Corinth,  and  a  third  along  the 
narrow  strip  of  land  which  lies  between  the  western  foot  of  the 
Acrocorinthus  and  the  Corinthian  gulf  The  two  former  of 
these  passes  could  easily  be  delended  by  a  resolute  body  of 
troops  against  superior  numbers  ;  and  the  third  was  completely 
protected  by  two  long  walls  running  down  from  Corinth  to 
Lschaeum,  the  port  of  the  city  upon  the  Corinthian  gulf  Corinth 


Plan  of  Carinth. 


A.  AcfucorinUitui. 

B.  Corinth. 


C.     L«ehttam. 
I.  ].  Luns  VVsIlfl. 


and  the  passes  of  the  Onean  mountains  were  now  occupied  by 
the  allied  troops  ;  but  while  the  allies  themselves  suffered  little 
or  nothing,  the  whole  brunt  of  the  war  lell  upon  Corinth.  The 
Spartans  took  up  their  head-quarters  at  Sicyon,  whence  they 
ravaged  the  fertile  Corinthian  plain  upon  the  coast.  The  wealthy 
Corinthian  proprietors  suffered  so  much  from  the  devastation  of 
their  lands,  that  many  of  them  became  anxious  to  renew  their 
old  alliance  with  Sparta.  A  large  number  of  the  other  Co- 
rinthians participated  in  these  feelings,  and  the  leading  men  in 
power,  who  were  violently  opposed  to  Sparta,  became  so  alarmed 
at  the  wide-spread  disaffection  among  the  citizens,  that  they  in- 
troduced a  body  of  Argives  into  the  city  during  the  celebration 
of  the  festival  of  the  Eucleia,  and  massacred  numbers  of  the 
opposite  party  in  the  market-place  and  in  the  theatre.  The  go- 
vernment now  formed  such  a  close  union  with  Argos,  that  even 
the  boundary  marks  between  the  two  states  were  removed,  and 
the  very  name  of  Corinth  was  changed  to  that  of  Argos.  But 
the  aristocratical  party  at  Corinth,  which  was  still  numerous, 
contrived  to  admit  Praxitas,  the  Laceda3monian  commander  at 
Sicyon,  within  the  long  walls  which  connected  Corinth  with 
Lechaeum.  In  the  space  between  the  walls,  which  was  of  con- 
siderable breadth,  and  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  length,  a  battle 
took  place  between  the  Lacedaemonians  and  the  Corinthians, 
who  had  marched  out  of  the  city  to  dislodge  them.  The  Co- 
rinthians, however,  were  defeated,  and  this  victory  was  followed 
by  the  demolition  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  long  walls  by 
Praxitas.  The  Lacedemonians  now  marched  across  the  Isthmus, 
and  captured  Sidus  and  Crommyon.     These  events  happened  in 

I>.C.     Ot)ii. 

§  10.  The  breach  effected  in  the  long  walls  of  Corinth  excited 
great  alarm  at  Athens,  as  it  opened  a  secure  passage  to  the  Lace- 
dajuionians  into  Attica  and  BoBotia.  Accordingly  the  Athenians 
moved  in  great  force  to  Corinth,  with  carpenters  and  other  ne- 
cessary workmen  ;  and  with  this  assistance  the  Corinthians  soon 
restored  the  breach.  In  the  summer  of  n.c.  391,  this  step  was, 
however,  rendered  useless  in. consequence  of  Agesilaus,  assisted 
by  the  Laecdajmonian  fleet  under  his  brother  Teleutias,  having 
obtained  possession  not  only  of  the  long  walls,  but  also  of  the 
port  of  Lechajum  itself  Agesilaus  followed  up  his  success  by 
marcliing  into  the  rocky  peninsula  between  the  bay  of  Lechaium 
and  the  Alcyonian  sea,  from  which  Corinth  derived  both  support 
and  assistance.  The  two  principal  places  in  this  district,  PiraBum 
and  QEnoe,  together  with  large  booty  and  many  captives,  fell  into 
his  hands.  Corinth  was  now  surrounded  on  every  side  ;  and  the 
Tliebans  were  thrown  into  such  alarm  that  they  sent  envoys  to 


4m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK        Chap.  XKXVnt 


Agesilaus  to  treat  of  peace.  Agesilaus  had  never  forgiven  the 
Thebans  for  having  interrupted  his  sacrifice  at  Aulis ;  and  he 
now  seized  the  opportunity  of  gratifying  his  spite  against  them. 
Accordingly,  when  they  were  introduced  into  his  presence,  he 
treated  them  with  the  most  marked  contempt,  and  allected  not 
to  notice  them.  But  a  retributive  Nemesis  was  at  hand.  As 
Agesilaus  sat  in  a  pavihon  on  the  banks  of  a  lake  which  adjoined 
the  sacred  grove  of  Hera,  feasting  his  eyes  with  the  spectacle  of 
a  long  train  of  captives,  paraded  under  the  guard  of  Lacedsemo- 
Mian  hoplites,  a  man  galloped  up  on  a  foaming  horse,  and  ac- 
quainted him  with  a  disaster  more  novel  and  more  astounding 
than  any  that  had  ever  yet  befallen  the  Spartan  arms.  This  was 
nothing  less  than  the  destruction  of  a  whole  Lacedaemonian 
mam,  or  battalion,  by  the  hght-armed  mercenaries  of  the  Athe- 
nian Iphicrates. 

Hi.  For  the  preceding  two  years  Iphicrates  had  commanded 
a  body  of  mercenaries,  consisting  of  peltasts,=*  who  had  been 
first  organised  by  Conon  after  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Athens. 
For  this  force  Iphicrates  introduced  those  improved  anns  and 
tactics  which  form  an  epoch  in  the  Grecian  art  of  war.  His 
object  was  to  combine  as  far  as  possible  the  peculiar  advantages 
of  the  hopUtes  and  light-armed  troops.  He  substituted  a  linen 
corslet  for  the  coat  of  mail  worn  by  the  hoplites,  and  lessened 
the  shield,  while  he  rendered  the  hght  javelin  and  short  sword 
of  the  peltasts  more  efiective  by  lengthening  them  both  one-half 
These  troops  soon  proved  very  effective.  At  their  head  Iphi- 
crates attacked  and  defeated  the  Phliasians,  gained  a  victory  near 
Sicyon,  and  inflicted  such  loss  upon  the  Arcadian  hoplites  that 
they  were  afraid  to  meet  his  peltasts  in  the  field.  He  now  ven- 
tured upon  a  bolder  exploit. 

A  body  of  Amyclaean  hoplites  had  obtained  leave  to  celebrate 
the  festival  of  the  Hyacinthia  in  their  native  city  ;  and  a  Lace- 
daemonian nwrtty  600  strong,  was  appointed  to  escort  them  till 
they  should  be  considered  out  of  reach  of  attack.  Iphicrates, 
who  was  in  Corinth  with  his  peltasts,  suffered  the  Amycljeans 
and  their  escort  to  pass  unmolested ;  but  on  the  return  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  he  sallied  forth  with  inconceivable  hardihood,  and 
attacked  them  in  flank  and  rear.  So  many  fell  under  the  darts 
and  arrows  of  the  peltasts  that  the  Lacedaemonian  captain  called 
a  halt,  and  ordered  the  youngest  and  most  active  of  his  hoplites 
to  rush  forward  and  drive  ofi'  the  assailants.  But  their  heavy 
arms  rendered  them  quite  unequal  to  such  a  mode  of  fighting  ; 
nor  did  the  Lacedsemonian  cavalry,  which  now  came  up,  but 

•  So  called  from  the  pelta,  or  kind  of  shield  which  they  carried. 


B.C.  391. 


VICTORY  OF  IPHICRATES. 


451 


which  acted  with  very  little  vigour  and  courage,  produce  any 
better  effect.  At  length  the  Lacedaemonians  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing an  eminence,  where  they  endeavoured  to  make  a  stand  ;  but 
at  this  moment  Callias  arrived  with  some  Athenian  hoplites 
from  Corinth,  whereupon  the  already  disheartened  Lacedajmo- 
nians  broke  and  fled  in  confusion,  pursued  by  the  peltasts,  who 
committed  such  havoc,  chasing  and  killing  some  of  them  even 
in  the  sea,  that  but  very  few  of  the  whole  body  succeeded  in 
reaching  Lechajum. 

The  news  of  this  defeat  produced  a  great  change  in  the  con- 
duct of  the  Thebaii  envoys  then  with  Agesilaus.  They  did  not 
say  another  word  about  peace,  but  merely  asked  permission  to 
communicate  with  their  countrymen  at  Corinth.  Agesilaus,  per- 
ceiving their  altered  sentiments,  and  taking  them  with  him, 
marched  on  the  following  day  with  his  whole  force  to  Corinth, 
where  he  defied  the  garrison  to  come  out  to  battle.  But  Iphi- 
crates was  too  prudent  to  hazard  his  recently  achieved  success ; 
and  Agesilaus  marched  back  to  Sparta  as  it  were  by  stealth, 
avoiding  all  those  places  where  the  inhabitants,  though  allies, 
were  likely  to  show  their  satisfaction  at  the  disgrace  of  the  Spar- 
tan arras.  No  sooner  was  he  departed  than  Iphicrates  sallied 
forth  from  Corinth  and  retook  Sidus,  Crommyon,  Piraeum,  and 
CEnoe,  thus  liberating  all  the  northern  and  eastern  territory  of 
Corinth.  But,  in  spite  of  his  military  abilities  and  great  services, 
the  domineering  character  of  Iphicrates  had  rendered  him  so 
unpopular  at  Corinth,  that  the  Athenians  were  obliged  to  recall 
him,  and  appoint  Chabrias  in  his  place. 

^2.  Meantime  important  events  had  taken  place  in  connexion 
with  the  maritime  war.  The  successes  of  Conon  had  inspired 
the  Lacedajmoiiians  with  such  alarm  that  they  resolved  to  spare 
no  efforts  to  regain  the  goodwill  of  the  Persians.  With  this 
view  they  sent  Antalcidas,  an  able  politician  trained  in  the 
school  of  Lysander,  to  negotiate  with  Tiribazus,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Tithraustes  in  the  satrapy  of  Ionia,  in  order  to  bring 
about  a  general  peace  under  the  mediation  of  Persia.  His  nego- 
tiations, however,  though  supported  by  the  influence  of  Tiri- 
bazus, at  present  proved  unsuccessful.  Conon,  and  the  other 
representatives  of  the  allies  in  Asia,  rejected  with  indignation 
the  proposal  of  Antalcidas  to  abandon  the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia 
to  Persia ;  nor  was  the  court  of  Susa  itself  as  yet  disposed  to 
entertain  any  amicable  relations  with  Sparta.  Tiribazus,  how- 
ever, covertly  supplied  the  Lacedajmonians  with  money  for  the 
purposes  of  their  fleet,  and,  by  a  gross  breach  of  public  faith, 
caused  Conon  to  be  seized  and  detained,  under  the  pretence  that 
he  was  acting  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  Great  King.    This 


? 


40S 


fflSTORY  OF  GREECE.         Chap.  XXXVHt 


t 


event  proved  the  end  of  Conon's  public  life.  According  to  one 
account  the  Persians  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death  in  prison ; 
but  it  seems  more  probable  that  he  escaped  and  again  took 
refuge  with  Evagoras  in  Cyprus.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  n.ay, 
the  pubhc  labours  of  one  of  the  most  useful,  if  not  one  of  the 
greatest,  of  Athenian  citizens,  were  now  brought  to  a  close :  a 
man  from  whose  hands  his  country  reaped  nothing  but  benefit, 
and  to  whose  reputation  history  seems  to  have  done  but  scanty 
justice. 

Struthas,  who  held  the  command  in  Ionia  during  the  absence 
of  Tiribazus  at  Susa,  carried  on  hostiUties  with  vigour  against 
the  Lacedaemonians.  In  spite  of  his  proved  incapacity,  Thimbron 
had  been  again  intrusted  with  the  command  of  an  army  of  8000 
men ;  but  while  on  his  march  from  Ephesus  he  was  surprised 
by  Struthas,  and  sufiered  a  complete  deleat.  Thimbron  himself 
was  among  the  slain,  and  those  of  his  soldiers  who  escaped  were 
compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  neighbouring  cities. 

H3.  The  island  of  Rhodes  now  demanded  the  attention  of  the 
belligerents.  The  democratical  party  in  this  island,  having  ob- 
tained the  upper  hand,  had  revolted  from  Persia ;  and  the  Spar- 
tans, fearing  that  they  would  form  an  alliance  with  Athens,  sent 
Telcutias,  the  brother  of  Agesilaus,  with  a  fleet  to  reduce  the 
island,  although  they  were  themselves  at  war  with  Persia,  so 
much  greater  was  their  lear  of  the  Athenians  than  of  the  Per- 
sians. On  his  way  from  Cnidus,  Teleutias  fell  in  with  and  cap- 
tured  an  Athenian  squadron  of  10  triremes  under  Philocrates, 
which  was  proceeding  to  assist  Evagorus  in  a  struggle  that  was 
impending  between  him  and  the  Persians.  The  news  of  this 
reverse,  as  well  as  the  great  increase  of  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet, 
induced  the  Athenians  to  despatch,  in  B.C.  389,  a  fleet  of  40 

triremes,  under  Thrasybulus,  to  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor a  feat 

which  betokens  a  considerable  renovation  of  their  naval  power. 
Thrasybulus  first  proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  where  he  ex- 
tended the  Athenian  alliance  among  the  people  on  both  sides  of 
the  straits,  persuaded  or  compelled  Byzantium  and  other  cities 
to  establish  democratical  governments,  and  reimposed  the  toll  of 
m  tenth  on  all  vessels  passing  from  the  Euxine.  After  this,  Thra- 
sybulus sailed  to  Lesbas,  where  he  defeated  the  Lacedjemoniau 
harmost,  and  next  visited  several  places  on  the  mainland,  with 
the  view  of  raismg  funds  for  his  meditated  expedition  to  Rhodes. 
But  the  inhabitants  of  Aspendus  in  Pamphylia,  where  he  had 
obtained  some  contributions,  surprised  his  naval  camp  in  the 
night,  and  slew  him.  Thus  perished  the  man  who  had  delivered 
his  country  from  the  Thirty  Tyrants.  He  was  succeeded  in  his 
command  by  Agyrrhius. 


B.C.  S89. 


TELEUTIAS  SURPRISES  PIRAEUS. 


453 


The  success  of  Thrasybulus  in  the  Hellespont  created  such 
anxiety  at  Sparta  that  the  Ephors  were  induced  to  supersede 
Dercyllidas,  and  appoint  Anaxibius  to  the  government  of  Aby- 
dus.  Anaxibius  took  with  him  a  force  that  rendered  him  master 
of  the  straits,  and  enabled  him  to  intercept  the  merchantmen 
bound  to  Athens  and  other  ports  belonging  to  the  allies.  The 
Athenians  now  despatched  Iphicrates  with  8  triremes  and  1200 
peltasts  to  make  head  against  Anaxibius ;  and  by  a  well-laid 
stratagem  the  Athenian  commander  succeeded  in  suprising 
Anaxibius  among  the  mountain-ranges  of  Ida,  whilst  on  his 
homeward  march  from  Antandrus  to  Abydus.  The  troops  of 
Anaxibius  were  completely  routed,  and  himself  and  twelve  other 
harmosts  slain. 

§  14.  This  exploit  rendered  the  Athenians  again  masters  of  the 
Hellespont.  But  whilst  thus  successful  in  that  quarter,  their 
attention  was  attracted  nearer  home  by  the  aflairs  of  ^Egina. 
After  the  battle  of  ^Egospotami,  Lysander  had  restored  to  the 
island  as  many  of  the  ancient  population  as  he  could  find ;  and 
they  were  now  induced  by  the  Lacedaemonian  harmost  to  infest 
the  Athenian  trade  with  their  privateers ;  so  that,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Pericles,  JEgina  again  became  "  the  eyesore  of  Piraeus." 
The  most  memorable  event  in  this  period  of  the  war  was  the 
surprise  of  Piraeus  by  Teleutias  with  a  squadron  of  only  12  sail. 
Teleutias  was  the  most  popular  commander  in  the  Lacedaemonian 
fleet,  and  was  sent  by  the  Ephors  to  appease  the  discontent 
among  the  Lacedaemonian  seamen  at  ^Egina,  in  consequence  of 
not  receiving  their  pay.  Teleutias  plainly  told  them  that  they 
had  nothing  to  depend  upon  but  their  swords,  and  he  bade  them 
prepare  for  an  enterprise,  the  object  of  which  he  did  not  then 
disclose.  This  was  nothing  less  than  an  attack  upon  Piraeus ; 
an  enterprise  which  it  seemed  almost  insane  to  attempt  with  a 
force  of  only  12  triremes.  But  Teleutias  reckoned  on  taking  the 
Athenians  by  surprise.  Quitting  the  harbour  of  iEgina  at  night- 
fall, and  rowing  along  leisurely  and  in  silence,  Teleutias  Ibmid 
himself  at  daybreak  within  half  a  mile  of  Piraeus,  and  when  it 
was  fully  hght  he  steered  his  vessels  straight  into  the  harbour, 
which  was  beginning  to  assume  again  some  of  its  former  com- 
mercial importance.  Here,  as  he  expected,  he  found  no  pre- 
parations for  repelling  an  attack,  and  though  the  alarm  was 
immediately  raised,  he  had  time  to  inflict  considerable  damage 
before  any  troops  could  be  got  together  to  oppose  him.  His 
men  disembarked  on  the  quays,  and  carried  off  not  only  the 
portable  merchandise,  but  also  the  shipmasters,  tradesmen,  and 
others  whom  they  found  there.  The  larger  merchant  ships 
were  boarded  and  plundered ;  several  of  the  smaller  were  towed 


I 


^ 


4114 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAP   XTYVITT 


oft'  with  their  whole  cai^goes ;  and  even  three  or  four  triremes 
met  the  same  fate.  All  this  booty  Teleutias  succeeded  in  carry- 
ing safely  into  iEgina,  together  with  several  corn-ships,  and 
other  merchantmen  which  he  fell  ui  with  ofi'  Sunium.  The 
prizes  were  then  sold,  and  yielded  so  large  a  sum  that  Teleutiai 
was  able  to  pay  the  seamen  a  month's  wages. 

§  15.  Whilst  these  things  were  passing  in  Greece,  Antalcidas, 
conducted  by  Tiribazus,  had  repaired  to  the  Persian  court  a 
second  time  for  the  purpose  of  renewing  his  negotiations  for  a 
general  peace  on  the  same  basis  as  he  had  proposed  before. 
This  time  he  succeeded  in  winning  the  favour  of  the  Persian 
monarch,  in  spite  of  his  dislike  of  the  Spartans  generally,  and 
prevailed  on  him  both  to  adopt  the  peace,  and  to  declare  war 
against  those  who  should  reject  it.  Antalcidas  and  Tiribazus 
again  arrived  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  in  the  spring  of  b.c. 
387,  not  only  armed  with  these  powers,  but  provided  with  an 
ample  force  to  carry  them  into  execution.  In  addition  to  the 
entire  fleet  of  Persia,  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  had  placed  20  tri- 
remes at  the  service  of  the  Lacedamonions ;  and  Antalcidas  now 
sailed  with  a  large  fleet  to  the  Hellespont,  where  Iphicrates  and 
the  Athenians  were  still  predominant.  But  the  overwhelming 
force  of  Antalcidas,  the  largest  that  had  been  seen  in  the  Helles- 
pont since  the  battle  of  jEgospotami,  rendered  all  resistance 
hopeless.  The  supplies  of  corn  from  the  Euxine  no  longer 
found  their  way  to  Athens ;  the  ^ginetan  privateers  resumed 
their  depredations ;  and  the  Athenians,  depressed  at  once  both 
by  what  they  felt  and  by  what  they  anticipated,  began  to  long 
for  peace.  The  Argives  participated  in  the  same  desire ;  and 
as  without  the  assistance  of  Athens  it  seemed  hopeless  for  the 
other  allies  to  struggle  against  Sparta,  all  Greece  seemed  in- 
chned  to  listen  to  an  accommodation. 

Under  these  circumstances  deputies  from  the  Grecian  states 
were  summoned  to  meet  Tiribazus;  who,  after  exhibiting  to 
them  the  royal  seal  of  Persia,  read  to  them  the  following  terms 
of  a  peace :  "  King  Artaxerxes  thinks  it  just  that  the  cities  in 
Asia  and  the  islands  of  Clazomense  and  Cyprus  should  belong  to 
him.  He  also  thinks  it  just  to  leave  all  the  other  Grecian  cities, 
both  small  and  great,  independent — except  Lemnos,  Imbros,  and 
Scyros,  which  are  to  belong  to  Athens,  as  of  old.  Should  any 
parties  refuse  to  accept  this  peace,  I  will  make  war  upon  them, 
along  with  those  who  are  of  the  same  mind,  both  by  land  and 
sea,  with  ships  and  with  money." 

The  deputies  reported  these  terms  to  their  respective  govern- 
ments, all  of  which  at  once  accepted  the  jieace  with  the  exception 
of  the  Thebans,  who  claimed  to  take  the  oath  not  in  their  own 


B.C.  887. 


PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS. 


455 


behalf  alone,  but  for  the  Boeotian  confederacy  in  general.  But 
when  Agesilaus  threatened  the  Thebans  with  war  if  they  did 
not  comply,  they  consented  to  take  the  oath  for  their  own  city 
alone — ^thus  virtually  renouncing  their  federal  headship. 

H6.  This  disgraceful  peace,  called  the  peace  of  Antalcidas, 
was  concluded  in  the  year  b.c.  387.  By  it  Helles  seemed  pro- 
strated at  the  feet  of  the  barbarians ;  for  its  very  terms,  engraven 
on  stone  and  set  up  in  the  sanctuaries  of  Greece,  recognized  the 
Persian  king  as  the  arbiter  of  her  destinies.  Although  Athens 
cannot  be  entirely  exonerated  from  the  blame  of  this  transac- 
tion, the  chief  guilt  rests  upon  Sparta,  whose  designs  were  far 
deeper  and  more  hypocritical  than  they  appeared.  Under  the 
specious  pretext  of  securing  the  independence  of  the  Grecian 
cities,  her  only  object  was  to  break  up  the  confederacies  under 
Athens  and  Thebes,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  Persia,  to  pave 
the  way  for  her  own  absolute  dominion  in  Greece.  Her  real 
aim  is  pithily  characterized  in  an  anecdote  recorded  of  Agesi- 
laus. When  somebody  remarked  "Alas,  for  Hellas,  that  our 
Spartans  should  be  Mediziytg!"  "Say  rather,"  replied  Agesi- 
laus, "that  the  Medes  are  Laconizing.'' 


Adventures  or  Dionysus,  fVom  the  Choragic  monument  of  Lysicrates. 


i 


B.C««  88d> 


DESTRUCTION  OF  MANTINEA, 


467 


AdTentures  ofDioDysas,  flrom  the  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  CALLUS. 

§1-  Aggressions  of  Sparta  in  Bccotia  Rebuilding  of  Plnt.Ta.  J?  2. 
Reduction  of  Mantinea.  §3.  Olvntliian  eonfederation.  Sparta' in. 
terferes.  §  4.  Seizure  of  the  Cadraea  at  Thebes  by  the  J^acedaMno- 
nians.  §  o.  Reduction  of  Olynthus.  §  6.  Unpopularity  of  Sparta. 
§  1.  Revolution  at  Thebes.  §  8.  The  I^cedaiMionians  expelled  from 
the  Cadmea.  §9.  Their  expeditions  against  Thebes.  Alarm  of  the 
Athenians,  who  ally  themselves  with  Thebes.  §  10.  Reoi-ganization 
of  the  Athenian  eonfederation.  §11.  Preparations  for  war.  The 
Theban  "Sacred  Band."  §  12.  Character  of  Epaminondas.  §  13. 
Spartan  invasions  of  Boeotia.  14.  Maritime  affairs.  Battle  of  Naxos. 
Success  of  Timotheus.  §15.  Progress  of  the  Theban  arms.  §16. 
The  Athenians  form  a  peace  with  S[mrta,  which  is  immediately 
broken.  Proceedings  at  Corcyra.  §  17.  The  Lacedcemonians  solicit 
Persian  aid.  §  18.  (  ongress  at  Sparta  to  treat  of  peace.  The  The- 
bans  arc  excluded  from  it 

U.  No  sooner  was  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  coiitdiuled  tliaii 
Sparta,  directed  by  Agesilaus,  the  ever-active  enemy  of  Thebes, 
exerted  all  her  power  to  weaken  that  city.  She  began  by  pro^ 
claiming  the  independence  of  the  various  Bceotian  cities,  and 
by  organizing  in  each  a  local  oligarchy,  adverse  to  Thebes  and 
favourable  to  herself.  The  popular  feeling  in  these  cities  was 
in  general  opposed  to  the  Spartan  dominion ;  two  alone,  Orcho- 
menus  and  Thespiae,  preferred  it  to  that  of  Thebes ;  and  in  these 
the  Lacedaemonians  placed  garrisons,  and  made  them  their  main 
stations  in  Bceotia.  Even  such  a  step  as  this  seemed  to  exceed 
the  spirit  of  the  treaty,  which  required  merely  the  independence 
of  each  city;  but  the  restoration  of  Platiea,  now  effected  by  the 
Lacedaemonians,  was  an  evident  work  of  sufiererogation,  under- 
taken only  to  annoy  and  weaken  Thebes,  and  to  form  a  place 
iir  another  Lacedaemonian  garrison.     Since  the  destruction  of 


Plataja,  most  of  her  remaining  citizens  had  become  domiciled  at 
Athens,  had  niarried  Athenian  women,  and  had  thus  almost 
forgotten  their  native  country.  These  were  now  restored,  and 
their  city  rebuilt ;  but  merely  that  it  might  become  a  Spartan 
out-post.  Thebes  was  at  present  too  weak  to  resist  these  en- 
croachments on  her  dignity  and  power,  which  even  at  Sparta  were 
regarded  with  dissatislation  by  king  Agesipohs  and  the  moro 
moderate  party. 

§  2.  The  Lacedasmonians  now  found  themselves  in  a  condition 
to  wreak  tlieir  vengeance  on  the  Mantiueans,  by  whom  they 
deemed  themselves  aggrieved.     They  could  not,  indeed,  briii^r 
any  charge  of  positive  hostility  against  the  Mantiiieans  ;  but  they 
accused  them  of  lukewarmness  and  equivocal  fidelity  ;  of  havin*T 
been  slack  in  lurnishing  their  contingents  during  the  late  war ; 
and  of  having  supplied  the  Argives  with  corn  when  at  war  with 
Sparta.     Oa  these  grounds  a  message  was  sent  requiring  the 
Mantineans  to  raze  their  walls  ;  and  as  they  hesitated  to  comply, 
an  army  was  despatched  under  Agesipolis  to  enforce  obedience. 
AgesipoJis  succeeded  in  taking  Mantinea,  which  was  well  sup- 
plied with  provisions,  by  damming  up  the  river  Ophis  which 
ran  through  it.     The  inundation  thus  caused  undermined  the 
walls  which  were  built  of  baked  bricks,  and  obliged  the  citizens 
to   capitulate.     Mueli  harder  terms  were    now  exacted  from 
them.    They  were  required  not  only  to  demolish  their  fortifica- 
tions but  also  a  great  part  of  their  town,  so  as  to  restore  it  to 
the  form  of  five  villages,  out  of  which  it  had  been  originally 
formed.     Each  of  tliese  villages  was  left  unfortified,  and  placed 
under  a  separate  oligarchical  government.     About  the  same 
time  the  Lacedcemonians  compelled  the  city  of  PhUus  to  recall 
a  bady  of  exiles  who  had  been  expelled  on  account  of  their  at- 
tachment to  the  interests  of  Sparta. 

§  3.  But  the  attention  of  Sparta  was  soon  called  to  more 
distant  regions.  Olynthus,  a  town  situated  at  the  head  of  the 
Toronaic  gulf  in  the  peninsula  of  the  Macedonian  Chalcidice,  had 
become  the  head  of  a  powerful  confederation,  which  included 
several  of  the  adjacent  Grecian  cities,  and  among  them  Potidaea, 
on  tlie  isthmus  of  Pallene.  Acanthus  and  Apollonia,  the  largest 
cities  after  Olynthus,  in  the  Chalcidic  peninsula,  had  refused  to 
join  the  league  ;  and  as  they  were  threatened  wath  war  by  Olyn- 
thus, they  despatched  envoys  to  Sparta  to  solicit  aid  (b.c.  383). 
The  envoys  gave  an  alarming  account  of  the  designs  of  Olyn- 
thus :  and  being  seconded  by  ambassadors  from  Amyntas,  king 
of  Macedonia,  tlie  Lacedcemonians  were  easily  persuaded  to  enter 
upon  an  undertakuig  which  harmonised  with  their  present  course 
of  policy.     Their  allies  were  persuaded  or  rather  overawed  into 


It 


9 


453 


HISTORY  Of  GREECK 


Chap.  XXXIX. 


\ 


\t 


the  adoption  of  their  views,  and  an  army  of  10,000  men  was 
voted.  The  emergency,  however,  was  so  pressing  that  Euda- 
midas  was  despatched  at  once  with  a  ibrce  of  2000  hophtes. 
Marching  rapidly  with  only  a  portion  even  of  these,  he  arrived 
in  time  enough  to  defend  Acanthus  and  Apollonia,  and  even  suc- 
ceeded in  inducing  Potidaia  to  revolt  from  the  league.  But, 
though  joined  by  Amyntas  with  his  forces,  he  was  not  strong 
enough  to  take  the  field  openly  against  the  Olynthians. 

k  4.  This  expedition  ol'  the  Lacedemonians  led  incidentally  to 
an  affair  of  much  greater  importance.     The  Thebans  had  entered 
into  an  alliance  with  Olynthus,  and  had  forbidden  any  of  their 
citizens  to  join  the  LacedsBmonian  army  destined  to  act  against 
it ;  but  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  prevent  its  marching 
through  their  territory.     Phcubidas,  the  brother  of  Eudamidas, 
was  appointed  to  collect  the  troops  which  were  not  in  readiness 
at  the  time  of  his  brother's  departure,  and  to  march  with  all  pos- 
sible speed  towards  Olynthus.     On  his  way  through  Bceotia  he 
halted  with  his  division  at  a  gymnasium  not  far  iiom  Tliebcs ; 
where  he  was  visited  by  Leontiades,  one  of  the  polemarchs  of 
the  city,  and  two  or  three  other  leaders  of  the  Lacedemonian 
party  in  Thebes.     It  happened  that  the  festival  of  the  Thes- 
mophoria  was  on  the  point  of  being  celebrated,  during  which  the 
Cadmea,  or  Theban  Acropolis,  was  given  up  for  the  exclusive  use 
of  the  women.     The  opportunity  seemed  favourable  for  a  sur- 
prise ;  and  Leontiades  and  Phcebidas  concerted  a  plot  to  seize  it. 
Whilst  the  festival  was  celebrating,  Phcebidas  pretended  to  re- 
sume his  march,  but  only  made  a  circuit  round  the  city  walls ; 
whilst  Leontiades,  stealing  out  of  the  senate,  mounted  his  horse, 
and  joining  the  Lacedajmonian  troops,  conducted  them  towards 
the  Cadmea.     It  was  a  sultry  summer's  afternoon,  so  that  the 
very  streets  were  deserted ;  and  Phcebidas,  without  encounter- 
ing any  opposition,  seized  the  citadel  and  all  the  women  in  it,  to 
serve  as  hostages  for  the  quiet   submission   of  the  Thebans. 
Leontiades  then  returned  to  the  senate,  and  caused  his  fellow 
Polemarch,  Ismenias,  who  was  the  head  of  the  opposite,  or  pa- 
triotic, party,  to  be  seized  and  imprisoned.     AtUr  this  blow, 
300  of  the  leading  men  of  his  party  fled  to  Athens  for  safety. 
Ismenias  was  shortly  afterwards  brought  to  trial  by  Leontiades 
before  a  packed  court,  and  put  to  death  on  tlie  ground  of  his 
receiving  money  from  Persia  and  stirring  up  the  late  war. 

This  treacherous  act  during  a  period  of  profound  peace 
awakened  the  liveliest  indignation  throughout  Greece.  Sparta 
herself  could  not  venture  to  justify  it  openly,  and  Pha?bidas  was 
made  the  scape-goat  of  her  affected  displeasure.  The  Ephoi-s, 
though  they  had  secretly  authorised  the  proceeding,  now  dis- 


B.C.  379. 


END  OF  THE  OLYNTHIAN  WAR. 


469 


avowed  him ;  and  Agesilaus  alone,  prompted  by  his  burning 
hatred  of  Thebes,  stood  forth  in  his  defence.  The  result  was  a 
truly  Laconian  piece  of  hypocrisy.  As  a  sort  of  atonement  to 
the  violated  feeling  of  Greece,  Phosbidas  was  censured,  fined,  and 
dismissed.  But  that  this  was  a  mere  farce  is  evident  from  the 
fact  of  his  subsequent  restoration  to  command ;  and,  however 
indignant  the  LacedsBmonians  afiected  to  appear  at  the  act  of 
Phcebidas,  they  took  care  to  reap  the  fruits  of  it  by  retaining 
their  garrison  in  the  Cadmea. 

^  5.  The  once  haughty  Thebes  was  now  enrolled  a  member  of 
the  LacedaBmonian  alliance,  and  furnished  her  contingent — the 
grateful  offering  of  the  new  Theban  government — for  the  war 
which  Sparta  was  prosecuting  with  redoubled  vigour  against 
Olynthus.  The  troops  of  that  city,  however,  especially  its  cav- 
alry, were  excellent,  and  the  struggle  was  protracted  for  several 
years.  During  the  course  of  it  king  Agesipolis  died  of  a  fever 
brought  on  by  his  exertions ;  and  the  war,  which  had  begun  in 
B.C.  363,  was  ultimately  brought  to  a  close  by  his  successor, 
Polybiades,  in  e.c.  379  :  who,  by  closely  blockading  Olynthus, 
deprived  it  of  its  supplies,  and  thus  forced  it  to  capitulate.  The 
Olynthian  confederacy  was  now  dissolved  ;  the  Grecian  cities  be- 
longing to  it  were  compelled  to  join  the  Lacedaemonian  alliance  ; 
whilst  the  maritime  towns  of  Macedonia  were  again  reduced 
under  the  dominion  of  Amyntas.  Sparta  thus  inflicted  a  great 
blow  upon  Hellas ;  for  the  Olynthian  confederacy  might  have 
served  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  growing  power  of  Macedon,  des* 
tined  soon  to  overwhelm  the  rest  of  Greece. 

About  the  same  time  as  the  reduction  of  Olynthus,  Phlius 
yielded  to  the  arms  of  Agesilaus,  who,  on  the  complaint  of  the 
restored  exiles  that  they  could  not  obtain  a  restitution  of  their 
rights,  liad  undertaken  the  siege  of  that  city.  A  govermnent 
nominated  by  Agesilaus  was  now  appointed  there. 

k  G.  The  power  of  Sparta  on  land  had  now  attained  its  greatest 
height.  At  sea,  she  divided  with  Atlicns  the  empire  of  the 
smaller  islands,  whilst  the  larger  one  seems  to  have  been  inde- 
pendent of  both.  Her  mipopularily  in  Greece  was  commen- 
surate with  the  extent  of  her  harshly  administered  dominion. 
She  was  leagued  on  all  sides  with  the  enemies  of  Grecian  free- 
dom— with  the  Persians,  with  Amyntas  of  Macedon,  and  with 
Dionysius  of  Syracuse.  But  she  had  now  reached  the  turning- 
point  of  her  fortunes,  and  her  succetsses,  which  had  been  earned 
without  scruple,  were  soon  to  be  followed  by  misfortunes  and 
disgrace.  The  first  blow  came  from  Tliebcs,  where  she  had  per- 
petrated her  most  signal  injustice. 

k  7.  That  city  had  been  for  three  years  in  the  hands  of 


li 


r 


460 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXDC 


B.a  3Y9. 


LIBERATION  OF  THEBES. 


4«l 


Leontiades  and  the  Spartan  party.  During  this  time  great  dis- 
content had  grown  up  among  the  resident  citizens ;  and  there 
was  also  the  party  of  exasperated  exiles,  who  had  taken  refuge  at 
Athens.  Among  these  exiles  was  Pelopidas,  a  young  man  of 
birth  and  fortune,  who  had  already  distinguished  himself  by  his 
disinterested  patriotism  and  ardent  character.  He  applied  a 
great  part  of  his  wealth  to  the  relief  of  his  indignant  fellow- 
citizens,  and  gave  such  undivided  attention  to  public  aflairs  as 
to  neglect  the  management  of  Iiis  own  property. 

Pelopidas  took  the  lead  in  the  plans  now  Ibrmed  for  the  libe- 
ration of  his  country,  and  was  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  enter- 
prise. Rebuked  by  his  friends  on  account  of  his  carelessness,  he 
replied  that  money  was  certainly  useful  to  such  as  were  lame 
and  Wind.  His  warm  and  generous  heart  was  irresistibly  at- 
tracted by  everything  great  and  noble  ;  and  hence  he  was  led  to 
form  a  close  and  intimate  friendsliip  with  Epaminondas,  who 
was  several  years  older  than  himself  and  of  a  still  loi'tier  cha- 
racter. Their  friendship  is  said  to  liave  originated  in  a  cam- 
paign in  which  they  served  together,  wlien  Peloj)itlas  having 
lallen  in  battle  apparently  deatl,  Epaminondas  protected  his 
body  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  own  lile.  Pelopidas  afterwards 
endeavoured  to  persuade  Epaminondas  to  sliare  his  riches  with 
liim ;  and  when  he  did  not  succeed,  he  resolved  to  live  on  the 
same  frugal  faro  as  his  great  IViend.  A  secret  correspondence 
was  opened  with  his  iriends  at  Thebes,  the  chief  of  whom  were 
Phyllitias,  secretary  to  thepolemarchs,  and  Charon.  Epaminon- 
das was  solicited  to  take  a  part  in  the  conspiracy  ;  but,  though 
he  viewed  the  Lacedffimonian  government  with  abhorrence,  his 
principles  forbade  him  to  paticipate  in  a  plot  which  was  to  be 
carried  out  by  treachery  and  murder. 

The  dominant  faction,  besides  the  advantage  of  the  actual 
possession  of  power,  was  supported  by  a  garrison  of  1500  Lace- 
dajmonians.  The  enterprise,  therefore,  was  one  of  considerable 
difficulty  and  danger.  In  the  execution  of  it  Phyllidas  took  a 
leading  pai-t.  It  was  arranged  that  he  should  give  a  supper  to 
Archias  and  Philippus,  the  two  polemarchs,  whose  company  was 
to  be  secured  by  the  allurement  of  an  introduction  to  some 
Theban  women  remarkable  lor  their  beauty.  Alter  they  had 
partaken  freely  of  wine,  the  conspirators  were  to  be  intro- 
duced, disguised  as  women,  and  to  complete  their  work  by  the 
assassination  of  the  polemarchs.  On  the  day  belbre  the  banquet, 
Pelopidas,  with  six  other  exiles,  arrived  at  Thebes  from  Athens, 
and,  stragghng  through  the  gates  towards  dusk  in  the  disguise^ 
of  rustics  and  huntsmen,  arrived  safely  at  tlie  house  of  Charon, 
where  they  remained  concealed  till  the  appointed  hour.     Before 


it  arrived,  however,  a  summons  which  Charon  received  to  attend 
the  polemarchs  filled  the  conspirators  with  the  liveliest  alarm. 
These  magistrates,  whilst  enjoying  the  good  cheer  of  Phyllidas, 
received  a  vague  message  from  Athens  respecting  some  plot 
formed  by  the  exiles ;  and,  as  Charon  was  known  to  be  connected 
with  them,  he  was  immediately  sent  for  and  questioned.  By 
the  aid  of  Phyllidas,  however,  Charon  contrived  to  lull  the  sus- 
picions of  the  polemarchs,  who  were  already  half  intoxicated. 
•Shortly  after  the  departure  of  Charon  another  messenger  arrived 
from  Athens  with  a  letter  for  Archias,  in  which  the  whole  plot 
was  accurately  detailed.  The  messenger,  in  accordance  with  his 
Histructions  informed  Archias  that  the  letter  related  to  matters 
of  serious  importance.  But  the  polemarch,  completely  engrossed 
by  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  thrust  the  letter  under  the  pillow 
of  his  couch,  exclaiming,  "  Serious  matters  to-morrow." 

The  hour  of  their  fate  was  now  ripe,  and  the  polemarchs, 
flushed  with  wine,  desired  PhyUidas  to  introduce  the  women. 
The  conspirators,  disguised  with  veils,  and  in  the  ample  folds  of 
female  attire,  were  ushered  into  the  room.  For  men  in  the 
state  of  the  revellers  the  deception  was  complete  ;  but  when  they 
attempted  to  lift  the  veils  from  the  women,  their  passion  was 
rewarded  by  the  mortal  thrust  of  a  dagger.  After  thus  slaying 
the  two  polemarchs,  the  conspirators  went  to  the  house  of  Leon- 
tiades, whom  they  found  reclining  after  supper,  whilst  his  wife 
sat  spinning  by  his  side.  Leontiades,  who  was  strong  and 
courageous,  immediately  seized  his  sword  and  inflicted  a  mortal 
wound  on  one  of  the  conspirators,  but  was  at  length  overpowered 
and  killed  by  Pelopidas.  Then  the  conspirators  proceeded  to  the 
gaol,  and,  having  liberated  the  prisoners,  supplied  them  with 
arms. 

Tiie  news  of  the  revolution  goon  spread  abroad.  Epaminondas, 
whose  repugnance  to  these  proceedings  attached  only  to  their 
secret  and  treacherous  cliaracter,  now  appeared,  accompanied  by 
a  few  friends  in  arms.  Proclamations  were  issued  announcing 
liiat  Thebes  was  free,  and  calling  upon  all  citizens  who  valued 
their  liberty  to  muster  in  the  market-place.  As  soon  as  day 
dawned,  and  the  citizens  became  aware  that  they  were  sum- 
moned to  vindicate  their  liberty,  their  joy  and  enthusiasm  were 
unbounded.  For  the  first  time  since  the  seizure  of  their  citadel 
tliev  met  in  public  assembly  ;  the  conspirators,  being  introduced, 
were  crowned  by  tlie  priest  with  wreaths,  and  thanked  in  the 
name  of  their  country's  gods  ;  whilst  the  assembly,  with  grateful 
acclamation,  unanimously  nominated  Pelopidas,  Charon,  and  Mel- 
lon as  the  first  restored  Bceotarchs. 

§  8,  Meanwhile  the  remainder  of  the  Theban  exiles,  accom' 


4m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIX 


panied  by  a  body  of  Athenian  volunteers,  assembled  on  the 
frontiers  of  Boeotia  ;  and,  at  the  first  news  of  the  success  of  the 
conspiracy,  hastened  to  Thebes  to  complete  the  revolution.     The 
Lacedajmonian  garrison  scut  to  Thespiie  and  Plata;a  i'or  reinforce- 
ments ;  but  these  were  disjKirscd  by  the  Tliebau  cavalry  beibre 
they  could  approach  the  gates.     The  Thebans,  under  their  new 
BflBotarchs,  were  already  mounting  to  the  assault  of  the  Cadmca, 
when  the  Lacedajmonians capitulated,  and  were  allowed  to  march 
out  with  the  honours  of  war.    But  several  of  tlie  Theban  citizens 
of  the  Lacedcemonian  party,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  citadel, 
were  put  to  death,  and  in  some  cases  even  their  children  shared 
their  late.     The  surrender  of  the  Cadmea  seems  to  have  been  a 
disgraceful  dereliction  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  three  com- 
manding Spartan  harmosts ;  nor  are  we  surprised  to  hear  that 
two  of  them  were  put  to  death  and  the  thirtl  lined  and  banished. 
$  9.  The  news  of  this  revolution  gave  a  shock  to  the  Lace- 
daemonian jx)wer  throughout  Greece.     At  Sparta  itself  it  occa- 
Bioned  the  greatest  consternation.     Although  it  was  the  depth 
of  winter,  the  allied  contingents  were  immediately  called  out 
and  an  exjiedition  undertaken  against  Thebes.     As  Agesilaus, 
being  now  more  than  sixty  years  of  age,  declined  to  take  the 
command,  it  was  assigned  to  his  colleague,  Cleombrotus,  who 
penetrated  as  far  into  BoDotia  as  Cynoscephala; ;  but,  after  re- 
maining there  sixteen  days,  he  rctumed  to  Sparta  without  having 
effected  anything,  leaving,  however,  a  third  of  his  army  at  Thes^ 
pia;,  nnder  the  command  of  Sphodrias.     This  expedition  caused 
great  alarm  at  Athens.     The  Lacedaemonians  sent  envoys  to 
demand  satisfaction  for  the  part  which  the  Athenians  had  taken 
in  the  Theban  revolution.     Among  those  who  had  aided  and 
abetted  the  plot  were  two  of  the  Strategi  or  Generals,  who  were 
now  sacrificed  to  the  public  security,  one  of  them  being  con- 
demned and  executed,  and  the  other,  who  fled  before  trial,  sen- 
tenced  to  banishment.      The  Thebans,  now  fearing  that  the 
Athenians  would  remain  quiet  and  leave  them  to  contend  single- 
handed  against  the  Spartans,  bribed  Sphodrias  to  invade  Attica. 
Accordingly  Sphodrias  set  out  from  Thespiaj  with  the  intention 
of  surprising  the  Pirajus  by  night ;  but,  being  overtaken  by  day- 
light whilst  still  on  the  Thriasian  plain  near  Eleusis,  he  retreated, 
though  not  without  committing  various  acts  of  depredation! 
This  attempt  excited  the  liveliest  indignation  at  Athens.     The 
Lacedaemonian  envoys,  still  at  Athens,  were  seized  and  interro- 
gated, but  exculpated  themselves  from  all  knowledge  of  the  en- 
terprise.    Sphodrias  himself  was  indicted  for  it  at" Sparta,  but 
the  influence  of  Agesilaus  procured  his  acquittal.     His  escape 
was  denounced  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  Greece.     At  Athens 


B.O.  &7«.    ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  THEBES.      468 

it  at  once  produce<l  an  alliance  with  Thebes,  and  a  declaration 
of  war  against  Sparta  (ii.c.  378). 

$  10.  From  this  time  must  be  dated  the  asra  of  a  new  political 
combination  in  Greece.  Athens  strained  every  nerve  to  organ- 
ize a  fresh  confederacy.  She  already  possessed  the  nucleus  oi'one 
in  a  small  body  of  maritime  allies,  and  envoys  were  now  sent  to 
the  principal  ports  and  islands  in  the  ^gean,  inviting  them  to 
join  the  alliance  on  equal  and  honourable  tei-ms.  Thebes  did 
not  scruple  to  enrol  herself  as  one  of  its  earliest  members.  At 
Athens  itself  the  fortifications  of  Piraeus  were  completed,  new 
ships  of  war  were  built,  and  every  means  taken  to  ensure  naval 
supremacy.  The  basis  on  which  the  conlederacy  was  formed 
closely  resembled  that  of  Deles.  The  cities  comnosing  it  were 
to  be  independent,  and  to  send  deputies  to  a  congress  at  Athens, 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  coniiiion  fund  for  the  support  of  a 
naval  force.  Care  was  taken  to  banish  all  recollections  con- 
nected with  the  former  unpopularity  of  the  Athenian  empire. 
The  name  of  the  tribute  was  no  longer  phoros*  but  syntaxis,i  or 
*'  contribution ;"  and  all  previous  rights  of  cicrKchia  were  formally 
renounced.  The  confederacy,  which  ultimately  numbered  70 
cities,  was  chiefly  organized  through  the  exertions  of  Chabrias, 
of  Timotheus  the  son  of  Conon,  and  of  the  orator  Callistratus ; 
but  of  these  Timotheus  was  particularly  successl'ul  in  procuring 
accessions  to  the  league. 

HI.  The  first  proceeding  of  the  assembled  congress  was  to  vote 
20,000  hoplites,  500  cavalry,  and  200  triremes.  To  meet  the  ne- 
cessary expenses,  a  new  graduated  assessment  of  the  eisj^hara^X  or 
property  tax,  was  instituted  at  Athens  itself  (b.c.  378) ;  a  species 
of  tax  never  imposed  except  on  urgent  occasions.  These  pro- 
ceedings show  the  ardour  with  which  Athens  embarked  in  the 
war.  Nor  were  the  Thebans  less  zealous,  amongst  whom  the 
Spartan  government  had  left  a  lively  feeling  of  antipathy.  They 
hastened  to  enrol  themselves  under  Pelopidas  and  his  colleagues  ; 
the  most  fertile  portion  of  the  Theban  territory  was  surrounded 
with  a  ditch  and  palisade,  in  order  to  protect  it  from  invasion ; 
the  military  force  was  put  in  the  best  training,  and  the  famous 
"Sacred  Band"  was  now  for  the  first  time  instituted.  This 
band  was  a  regiment  of  300  hoplites.  It  was  supported  at  the 
public  expense,  and  kept  constantly  under  arms.  It  was  com- 
posed of  young  and  chosen  citizens  of  the  best  familiej?,  and 
organized  in  such  a  manner  that  each  man  had  at  his  side  a  dear 
and  intimate  iriend.  Its  special  duty  was  the  defence  of  t^Q 
Cadmea. 


•  ^op'T* 


\  avvra^LQ. 


X  eiai^api 


'hS 


( 


T 


4i4 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIX. 


H  2.  The  Thebans  had  always  been  excellent  soldiers ;  but  their 
good  iortuiie  now  gave  them  the  greatest  general  that  Greece  had 
hitherto  seen.     Epaminondas,  who  now  appears  conspicuouslv 
m  public  hie,  deserves  the  reputation  not  merely  of  a  Thebaii 
but  of  a  Grecian  hero.     Sprung  from  a  poor  but  ancient  family, 
hpammondas  possessed  all  the  best  qualities  of  his  nation  with- 
out that  heavniess,  either  of  body  or  of  mind,  whicli  characterized 
and  deteriorated  the  Theban  people.     In  tiie  exercises  of  the 
gymiiasnim  lie  aimed  rather  at  ibats  of  skill,  than  of  mere  cor- 
poreal strength.     He  excelled  in  music— a  term  which  amonrr 
the  Greeks  denoted  not  oidy  instrumental  and  vocal  perform" 
ance,  and  dancing,  but  also  the  just  and  rhythmical  intonation 
ot  the  voice  and  movement  of  the  body.     To  these  accomplish- 
ments  he   united   the  more  intellectual  study  of  philosophy 
TliroLigh  the  Theban  Simmias,  aiul  the  Tarentine  Spintharus 
both  ot  whom  liad  been  companions  of  Sixirates,  Epaminondas 
imbibed  tlie  wisdom  and  the  metliod  of  the  great  philosopher 
of  Athens ;  whilst  by  the  Pythairorean  Lysis,  a  Tarentine  exile 
resident  at  Thebes,  he  was  initiated  into  the  more  recondite 
doctrines  of  the  earhest  of  Grecian  sages.     By  these  varied  com- 
mumcations  his  mind  was  enlarged  beyond  the  sphere  of  vul^rar 
superstition,  and  emancipated  from  that  timorous  interpretatTon 
of  nature,  which  caused  even  some  of  the  leading  men  of  those 
days  to  behold  a  portent  in  the  most  orduiary  i)hcnomenon      A 
still  rarer  accomplishment  for  a  Theban  was  that  of  elornicnce 
which  he  possessed  m  no  ordinary  degree.     Tlicse  intellectual 
qualities  were  matched  with  moral  virtues  wortliy  to  consort 
with  them.     Thougli  eloquent,  he  was  discreet :  thoucrh  iwor  he 
was  neither  avaricious  nor  corrupt ;  though  naturally  firm  and 
courageous,  he  was  averse  to  cnielty,  violence,  and  bloodshed ; 
though  a  patriot,  he  was  a  stranger  to  personal  ambition  and 
scorned  the  little  arts  by  which  popularity  is  too  often  courted. 
A  elopulas,  as  we  have  already  said,  was  his  bosom  friend.     It 
was  natural,  therelbre,  that  when  Peloj)idas  was  named  Bbo- 
tarch,  Epaminondas  should  be  prominently  employed  in  organ- 
izing the  means  of  war  ;  but  it  was  not  till  some  years  later 
that  his  military  genius  shone  forth  in  its  full  lustre. 

^  13.  Tlie  Spartans  were  resolved  to  avenge  the  repulse  they 
had  receiveJ— and  in  the  summer  of  u.c.  378,  Agesilaus  marched 
with  a  large  army  into  Boeotia.  He  succeeded  in  brcakincr 
through  the  Theban  circumvallation,  and  ravaged  the  country 
up  to  the  very  gates  of  Thebes  ;  though  the  combined  Theban 
and  Athenian  armies— the  latter  under  Chabri as— presented 
too  formidable  a  front  for  him  to  venture  upon  an  eneragement. 
After  spending  a  month  in  the  BcBotian  territory  without 


B.C.  376. 


BATTLE  OF  NAXUS. 


4«i 


striking  a  decisive  blow,  Agesilaus  returned  to  Sparta  with 
the  bulk  of  his  army,  leaving  the  rest  under  the  command  of 
Phoebidas  at  Thespia) ;  who  shortly  afterwards  fell  in  a  skirmish. 
A  second  expedition  undertaken  by  Agesilaus  in  the  following 
summer  (b.c.  377)  ended  much  in  the  same  manner.  An  injury 
to  his  leg,  which  he  received  on  the  homeward  march,  and  which 
was  aggravated  by  the  unskilfulness  of  his  surgeon,  disabled  him 
for  a  long  time  from  active  service  ;  so  that  the  invasion  in  the 
summer  of  u.c,  376  was  conducted  by  Cleombrotus.  But  the 
Thebans  had  now  acquired  both  skill  and  confidence.  They  an- 
ticipated the  Lacedajmonians  in  seizing  the  passes  of  Cithaeron; 
and  Cleombrotus,  instead  of  invading  Boeotia,  was  forced  to  re- 
treat ingloriously. 

H4.  This  ill-success  on  land  determined  the  Lacedajmonians 
to  try  what  they  could  elFect  at  sea ;  and  a  fleet  of  60  triremes 
under  PoUio  was  accordingly  despatched  into  the  iEgeaii.  Near 
Naxos  they  fell  in  with  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Chabrias,  who 
completely  defeated  them,  thus  regaining  once  more  for  Athens 
the  mastery  of  the  seas.  (b.c.  376.)  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  young  Phocion  first  distinguished  himself  The  Athenians 
followed  up  this  success  by  sending  Timotheus,  the  son  of 
Conon,  with  a  fleet  into  the  western  seas.  Timotheus  won 
success  as  much  by  prudence  and  conciliation  as  by  arms.  The 
inhabitants  of  Cephallenia  and  Corey ra,  several  of  the  tribes 
of  Epirus,  together  with  the  Acarnanians  dwelling  on  the  coast, 
were  persuaded  to  join  the  Athenian  alliance.  Off  Acarnania 
he  was  attacked  by  the  Pelopounesian  fleet,  whicli,  however,  he 
defeated ;  and  being  subsequently  reinforced  by  some  triremes 
from  Corcyra,  he  became  completely  master  of  the  seas  in  that 
quarter. 

^15.  The  justice  and  forbearance,  however,  which  Timotheus 
observed  towards  friends  and  neutrals,  obliged  him  to  draw 
largely  upon  the  Athenian  treasury  ;  and  the  losses  inflicted  on 
the  Athenian  commerce  by  the  privateers  of  ^gina  caused  th<^ 
drain  to  be  still  more  seriously  felt.  Athens  was  thus  compelled 
to  make  fresh  demands  on  the  members  of  the  confederacy ; 
with  which  however  the  Thebans  refused  to  comply,  though  it 
was  partly  at  their  instance  that  the  Athenian  fleet  had  been 
sent  into  the  ^Egean.  This  refusal  was  embittered  by  jealousy 
of  the  rapid  strides,  which,  owing  to  the  diversion  caused  by  the 
maritime  eflbrts  of  Athens,  Thebes  had  recently  been  making. 
For  two  years  Boeotia  had  been  free  from  Spartan  invasion ;  and 
Thebes  had  employed  this  time  in  extending  her  dominion  over 
the  neighbouring  cities.  One  of  her  most  important  successes 
during  this  period  was  the  victory  gained  by  Pelopidas  near 


4M 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIX 


Tegyra,  a  village  dependent  upon  Orchomenus  (d.c.  375).     The 
Spartan  harmost  of  Orchomenus  having  left  that  town  with  the 
greater  part  of  the  garrison  in  order  to  make  an  incursion  into 
Locris.  Pelopidas  formed  the  project  of  surprising  Orchomenus, 
but  finding  it  impracticable,  was  on  his  road  home,  when  he  fell 
in  near  Tegyra  with  the  Lacedaemonians  on  their  return  from 
liocris.     Pelopidas  had  with  him  only  the  Sacred  Band  and  a 
wnall  body  of  cavalry,  while  the  Lacedajmonians  were  nearly 
twice  as  numerous.     He  did  not,  however,  shrink  from  the  con- 
flict on  this  account ;  and  when  one  of  his  men,  running  up  to 
him,  exclaimed,  "  We  are  fallen  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy," 
he  replied,  "  Why  so,  more  than  they  into  the  midst  of  us  ?"    In 
the  battle  which  ensued,  the  two  Spartan  commanders  fell  at 
the  first  charge,  and  their  men  were  put  to  the  rout.     So  signal 
a  victory  inspired  the  Thebans  with  new  confidence  and  vigour, 
as  it  showed  that  Sparta  was  not  invincible  even  in  a  pitched 
battle,  and  with  the  advantage  of  numbers  on  her  side.     By  the 
year  374  b.c,  the  Thebans  had  succeeded  in  entirely  expelling 
the  Lacedaemonians  from  Boeotia,  had  put  down  the  oligarchical 
fections  in  the  various  cities,  and  revived  the  Bceotian  confe- 
deracy.    Orchomenus  alone,  which  lay  on  the  borders  of  Phocis, 
together  with  its  dependency  Charonea,  still  remained  under 
Spartan  government.     The  Thebans  now  began  to  look  beyond 
their  own  boundaries,  and  to  retaliate  on  the  Phocians  Ibr  the 
assistance  they  had  lent  to  Sparta.     The  success  of  the  Thebans 
in  that  quarter  would  have  laid  open  to  them  the  temple  of 
Delphi  with  all  its  treasures ;  nor  did  such  a  result  seem  impro- 
bable, as  the  Phocians  were  at  the  same  time  hard  pressed  by 
Jason,  of  PhersB  in  Thessaly .    But  at  the  instance  of  the  Phocian's 
Cleombrotus  came  to  their  aid,  and  succeeded  in  assuring  their 
safety,  as  well  as  that  of  Orchomenus. 

§16.  Such  were  the  successes  of  the  Thebans  which  revived 
the  jealousy  and  distrust  of  Athens.  Phocis  was  her  ancient 
ally ;  and  the  Theban  menace  of  that  country,  coupled  with  the 
anger  excited  by  the  refusal  of  the  Thebai.s  to  pay  the  required 
tribute,  induced  the  Athenians  to  make  proposals  of  peace  to 
Sparta.  These  were  eagerly  adopted,  and  Timotheus  was  in- 
structed to  sail  back  to  Athens  with  the  fleet.  The  peace,  how- 
ever, was  broken  ahnost  as  soon  as  made.  On  his  way  back, 
Timotheus  disembarked  at  Zacynthus  some  exiles  belonging  to 
that  island,  and  assisted  them  in  estabhshing  a  fortified  post. 
For  this  proceedinj^-  Sparta  demanded  redress  at  Athens  in  the 
name  of  the  Zacynthian  government ;  which  being  refused,  war 
was  again  declared.  The  Lacedaemonians  now  sent  a  large  force 
under  the  command  of  Mr  asippus  to  subdue  the  important  island 


B.a  371.     PEACE  BETWEEN  ATHENS  AND  SPARTA  467 

of  Corcyra,  which  has  not  appeared  in  Grecian  history  since  the 
tune  ol  the  fearful  dissensions  by  which  it  was  torn  asunder  in 
the  Peloponnesian  war.     Mnasippus  having  effected  a  landmcr 
and  blockaded  the  capital,  the  Corcyrians  invoked  the  aid  of  the 
Athenians,  who  appointed  Timotheus  to  conduct  a  fleet  to  their 
rehel ;  and  whilst  this  was  preparing  despatched  Stesicles  with 
600  peltasts  overland  through  Thessaly  and  Epirus.    These  beuiff 
conveyed  across  the  channel  to  Corcyra,  contrived  to  get  into  the 
city,  and  revived  the  hopes  of  the  besieged  with  the  news  of  th« 
approaching  Athenian  fleet.    The  distress  and  privation  had  now 
become  very  great  within  the  city  ;  but  the  misconduct  of  Mna- 
sippus afforded  the  Corcyrians  an  opportunity  of  retrieving  their 
affairs.     His  soldiers,  who  were  mostly  mercenaries,  being  irregu- 
larly paid  and  harshly  treated,  became  mutinous  and  insubor- 
dinate ;  the  watch  was  badly  kept ;  and  the  besieged,  observing 
their  opportunity,  made  a  sally  in  which  the  Lacedsemonians 
were  defeated,  and  Mnasippus  himself  slain.    Shortly  afterwards 
the  approach  of  the  Athenian  fleet  being  announced,  the  Lace- 
daemonions  hastily  evacuated  the  island,  leaving  behind  them  a 
large  store  of  provisions  and  many  slaves,  besides  a  considerable 
number  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers. 

When  the  Athenian  fleet  arrived  it  was  found  to  be  com- 
manded by  Iphicrates,  Chabrias,  and  the  orator  CaUistratus 
limotheus  had  been  superseded  in  the  command,  because  he 
was  thought  to  have  wasted  time  unnecessarily  in  equipping  the 
fleet.  Iphicrates,  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Corcyra,  captured  nine 
out  of  ten  triremes  sent  by  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Sparta.  From  thence  lie  crossed  over  to  the  opposite 
coast  of  Acarnama,  and  even  laid  waste  the  western  shores  of 
Peloponnesus. 

H7.  Thesesuccessesof  the  Athenians  occasioned  great  alarm 
at  Sparta.  Antalcidas  was  again  despatched  (b.c.  372)  to  sohcit 
the  intervention  of  Persia,  on  the  plea  that  the  peace  had  been 
infringed  by  the  re-establishment  of  the  Bceotian  confederation 
But  even  Athens  had  become  anxious  for  peace,  in  consequence 
ot  the  increasing  jealousy  of  Thebes,  which  had  recently  destroyed 
the  restored  city  of  Plataja,  and  obliged  its  inhabitants  once  more 
to  seek  refuge  at  Athens.  Prompted  by  these  feelings,  the  Athe- 
nians opened  negotiations  for  a  peace  with  Sparta  ;  a  resolution 
which  was  also  adopted  by  the  majority  of  the  allies.  Due  no- 
tice of  this  intention  was  given  to  the  Thebans,  who  were  also 
invited  to  send  deputies  to  Sparta. 

\  18.  A  congress  was  accordingly  opened  in  that  city  in  the 
spring  of  371  u.c.     The  Athenians  were  represented  by  Callias 
Autocles,  and  CaUistratus ;  and  the  Thebans  by  Epaminondas,' 


1 

4   [ 


I 


46B 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIX 


then  one  of  the  poleraarchs.  The  terms  of  a  peace  were  agreed 
upon,  by  which  the  independence  of  the  various  Grecian  cities 
was  to  be  recognized  ;  the  annaments  on  both  sides  were  to  be  dis- 
banded, and  the  Spartan  harmosts  and  garrisons  everywhere  dis- 
missed. Sparta  ratihed  the  treaty  for  herself  and  her  allies ;  but 
Athens  took  the  oaths  only  for  herself,  and  was  followed  separate- 
ly by  her  allies.  But  when  the  turn  of  the  Thebans  came, 
Epaminondas  refused  to  sign  except  in  the  name  of  the  Boeotian 
confederation,  and  justified  his  refusal  in  a  bold  and  eloquent 
ipeech,  in  which  he  maintained  that  the  title  of  Thebes  to  the 
headship  of  Bceotia  rested  on  as  good  a  foundation  as  the  claim 
of  Sparta  to  the  sovereignty  of  Laconia,  which  he  maintained 
was  derived  only  from  the  power  of  the  sword.  This  novel  and 
startling  view  of  the  matter,  which  nobody  before  had  ever  ven- 
tured to  open,  was  peculiarly  insulting  to  Spartan  cars.  Agesi- 
laus  was  incensed  beyond  measure  at  what  he  regarded  as  another 
instance  of  Theban  insolence.  Starting  abruptly  from  his  seat, 
and  addressing  Epaminondas,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Speak  out — will 
you,  or  will  you  not  leave  each  Boeotian  city  independent  ?" 
Epaminondas  replied  by  another  question  :  "  Will  you  leave  each 
of  the  Laconian  towns  independent  ?"  Agesilaus  made  no  answer, 
but  directing  the  name  of  the  Thebans  to  be  struck  out  of  the 
treaty,  proclaimed  them  excluded  from  it. 

Thus  ended  the  congress.  The  peace  concluded  between 
Sparta,  Athens,  and  their  respective  allies,  was  called  the  peace 
of  Callias.  The  result  with  regard  to  Thebes  and  Sparta  will 
appear  in  the  following  chapter. 


Tke  Wind  Boreas,  from  the  Ilorologium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestea  at  Athen%. 


Ithome,  from  the  Stadium  of  Messene. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

THE  SUPREMACY   OF    THEBES. 

§  1.  Invasion  of  BiTotia  Ly  Cloombrotns.     §  2.  BatUo  of  Lenctra.     8  3. 
Its  effect  tlirouirhout  Greece.     §  4.  Jason'of  Phenc  joins  the  Thebans." 
§  5.  Progress  of  Thebes.     §  6.  Assassination  of  Jason.     §  V.  Estab- 
lishment of  the  Arcadian  league.     §  8.  First  invasion  of  Peloponnesus 
by  Epaminondas.    Alarm  at  tSpart  a.    Vigorous  measures  of  Agesilaus. 
§  9.  Epaininoiulas  founds  ^legalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians! 
§  10.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Sparta.      Second  invasion   of 
Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas.     §  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the 
Arcadians.      §  12.   Expedition   of  Pelopidas  into  Thessaly.      The 
"Tearless  Battle"    between    the   Arcadians   and    Lacedsemonians. 
§  13.  Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas.     §  14.  Mis- 
eion  of  Pelopidas  to  the  court  of  Susa.     §  1 5.  Seizure  of  Pelopidas  by 
Alexander.     His  release.     §  16.  The  Athenians  acquire  Oropus.     Al- 
liance between  Athens  and  Arcadia.     §  17.  Attempt  of  the  Athenians 
to  seize  Corinth  followed  by  an  alliance  between  the  Corinthians  and 
Thebans.     §  18.  Success  of  the  Athenians  at  sea.     A  Theban  fleet 
commanded  by   Epaminondas.      §  19.  Death  of  Pelopidas.      §  20. 
Wars  between  Elis  and  Arcadia.     Battle  at  Olvnipia  during  tho 
festival.     §  21.  Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians."    §  22.  Fourth  in- 
vasion of  Peloponnesus  by  Epaminondas.     Attempts  upon  Sparta 
and  Mantinea.     §  23.  Battle  of  Mantinea,  and  death  of  Epaminon- 
das,    §  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus. 

H.  In  pursuance  of  the  treaty,  the  Lacedaemonians  withdrew 
their  harmosts  and  garrisons,  whilst  the  Athenians    recalled 


468 


mSTOUY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XXXIX 


then  one  of  the  polemarchs.  The  terms  of  a  peace  were  agreed 
upon,  by  whicli  the  indepeudeuco  of  tlie  various  Grecian  cities 
was  to  be  reeoornized  ;  the  armaments  on  both  sides  were  to  be  dis- 
banded, and  tlie  Spartan  harmosts  and  garrisons  everywhere  dis- 
missed. Sparta  rati  tied  the  treaty  lor  herself  and  her  aUies ;  but 
Athens  took  the  oaths  only  ibr  herself,  and  was  followed  separate- 
ly by  her  allies  But  when  the  turn  of  the  Thebans  came, 
Epaminondas  refused  to  sign  except  in  the  name  of  the  Boeotiaa 
confederation,  and  justified  his  refusal  in  a  bold  and  eloquent 
speech,  in  which  he  maintained  that  the  title  of  Thebes  to  the 
headship  of  Boeotia  rested  on  as  good  a  foundation  as  the  claim 
of  Sparta  to  the  sovereignty  of  Laconia,  which  he  maintained 
was  derived  only  from  the  power  of  the  sword.  This  novel  and 
startling  view  of  the  matter,  which  nobody  before  had  ever  ven- 
tured to  open,  was  peculiarly  insulting  to  Spartan  ears.  Agesi- 
laus  was  incensed  beyond  measure  at  what  he  regarded  as  another 
instance  of  Theban  insolence.  Starting  abruptly  from  his  seat, 
and  addressing  Epaminondas,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Speak  out — will 
you,  or  will  you  not  leave  each  Bceotian  city  independent  ?" 
Epaminondas  replied  by  another  question  :  "  Will  you  leave  each 
of  the  Laconian  towns  independent  ?"  Agesilaus  made  no  answer, 
but  directing  the  name  of  the  Thebans  to  be  struck  out  of  the 
treaty,  proclaimed  them  excluded  from  it. 

Thus  ended  the  congress.  The  peace  concluded  between 
Sparta,  Athens,  and  their  respective  allies,  was  called  the  peace 
of  Callias.  The  result  with  regard  to  Thebes  and  Sparta  will 
appear  in  the  following  chapter. 


The  Wind  Boreas,  from  the  7IoroIo?ium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestcs  at  Atbenv 


Ithonie,  from  the  Stadium  of  Messene. 


CHAPTEIl  XL. 

THE  SUPREMACY    OF    TIIEIJES. 

§  1.  Invasion  of  Bcpotia  by  rioorulu'otu^:.     S  2.  Batdo  of  Lonetra.     8  X 
Its  c'lfect  llirouirhoul  (ircoee.     §  4.  Jason  of  riicni'  j(.ins  the  Thebank' 
^  5.  ProL'i-css  of  Tlicbcs.     §  G.  Assassination  of  Jason.     §  7.  Estab- 
lishmont  of  the  Arcadian  leairue.     §  8.  First  invasion  of  Peloponnesus 
by  Epaminondas.    Alarm  at  Sparta.    Vigorous  measures  of  Agesilaus. 
§9.  Epaminondas  founds  Megalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians.' 
ij  10.  Allianee  between  Athens  and  Sparta.      Second  invasion   of 
Peloponnesus  by  Ei)amiiu>ndas.     §  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the 
Arcadians.      §  12.    Expedition    of  Pelopidas   into   Thessaly.      The 
"Tearless  Battle"    between    the   Arca<lians   and    Lacedaemonians. 
§  13.  Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  bv  Epaminondas.     §  U.  Mis- 
sion of  I'elopidas  \o  the  court  of  Susa.     §  1 5.  Seizure  of  Pelopidas  by 
Alexander.     His  release.     §  10.  The  Athenians  acquire  Oropus.     Al- 
liance between  Atliens  and  Arcadia.     §  17.  Attempt  of  the  Athenians 
to  seize  Corinth  followed  by  an  alliance  between  the  Corinthians  and 
Thebans.     §  18.  Success  of  the  Athenians  at  sea.     A  Theban  tket 
commanded   by   Epaminondas.      §  10.  Death  of  Pelopidas.      §  20. 
Wars  between  Elis  and  Arcadia.     Battle  at  01vmi)ia  during  tho 
festival.     §  21.  Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians."    ij  22.  Fourth  in- 
vasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  l^paniinondas.     Attempts  uj^ni  Sj»arta 
nn<l  Mantinra.     ^  'IX  P,attle  of  JNIantinea,  and  death  of  Epaminon- 
das.    ^  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus. 

h  1.  In  pursuance  of  the  treaty,  the  Lacedaemonians  witlidrew 
their  harmosts  and  garrisons,  whilst  the  Athenians    recalled 


410 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XI* 


KC.  371. 


BATTLE  OF  LEUCTRA. 


471 


Iphicrates  with  the  fleet  from  the  Ionian  sea.     Onlyone  feeling 
prevailed  at  Sparta— a  desire  to  crush  Thebes ;  and  this  was 
carried  to  an  ahnost  insane  extent ;  so  that  even  Xenophon,  a 
warm  partizan  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  compares  it  to  a  mis- 
leading and  fatal  inspiration  sent  by  the  gods.     But  this  was 
an  after-thought.    Before  the  actual  collision,  the  general  opinion 
not  only  at  Sparta,  but  throughout  Greece,  was  very  diflerent. 
Thebes  was  regarded  as  doomed  to  destruction  ;  and  it  was  not 
for  a  moment  imagined  that,  single-handed,  she  would  be  able 
to  resist  the  might  of  Sparta.     At  the  time  when  the  peace  was 
concluded,  Cleombrotus  happened  to  be  in  Phocis  at  the  head  of 
a  LacedsBmonian  army ;  and  he  now  received  orders  to  invade 
BoBotia  without  delay.     The  Thebans,  on  their  side,  were  equally 
determined  on  resistance.     In  order  to   prevent  Cleombrotus 
firom  penetrating  into  BcBotia,  Epaminondas  occupied  with  a 
strong  force  the  narrow  pass  near  Coronea,  situated  between  the 
lake  Copais  and  a  spur  ol"  Mount  Helicon,  through  which  Agesi- 
laus  had  forced  a  passage  on  his  homeward  march  from  Asia. 
But  Cleombrotus  took  a  circuitous  road,  deemed  hardly  practi- 
cable, and  therefore  but  slightly  guarded,  over  the  mountains  to 
the  south.     Arriving  thus  unexpectedly  before  Creusis  in  the 
Crissaean  gulf,  he  took  that  place  by  surprise,  and  seized  twelve 
Theban  triremes  which  lay  in  the  harbour.     Then,  having  left  a 
garrison  in  the  town,  he  directed  his  march  through  the  terri- 
tory of  Thespise,  and  encamped  on  the  memorable  plain  of 
Leuctra. 

j  2.  This  march  of  Cleombrotus  displays  considerable  military 
skill.     He  had  not  only  succeeded  in  i)enetrating  into  Bceotia 
almost  without  opposition ;  but,  by  seizing  the  port  of  Creusis,  he 
had  secured  a  safe  retreat  in  case  of  disaster.     The  Thebans  were 
discouraged  at  his  progress,  and  it  required  all  the  energy  and 
address  of  Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas  to  revive  their  drooping 
spirits.     Omens  of  evil  import  had  attended  their  march  I'rom 
Thebes;  and  when  they  encamped  within  sight  of  the  Lacedaj- 
monians,  three  out  of  the  seven  Bceotarchs  were  for  returning 
to  the  city  and  shutting  themselves  up  in  it,  after  sending  away 
their  wives  and  children  to  Athens.     But  Epaminondas  had  too 
much  confidence  in  his  own  genius  to  listen  to  such  timorous 
counsels.     His  own  mind  was  proof  against  the  fears  of  super- 
stition, and  luckily  some  favourable  portents  now  gave  encourage- 
ment to  his  troops.     A  Spartan  exile  serving  with  the  Thebans 
bade  them  reinark,  that  on  that  ver)'  spot  stood  the  tomb  of 
two  BcBotian  virgins  who  slew  themselves  in  consequence  of 
having  been  outraged  by  Lacedaemonians.     The  shades  of  these 
injured  maidens,  he  said,  would  now  demand  vengeance ;  and 


the  Theban  commanders,  seizing  the  omen,  crowned  the  tombs 
with  wreaths. 

.Jh^u'^'T  rj^'tu'^l''  ^'^  "^*  accurately  known,  but  it  seems 
probable  that  the  Thebans  were  outnumbered  by  the  Lacede- 
monians     The  military  genius  of  Epaminondas,  however,  com- 
pensated any  inferionty  of  numbers  by  novelty  of  tactics.     Ui, 
to  this  time  Grecian  battles  had  been  uniformly  conducted  by  a 
general  attack  in  line.     Epaminondas  now  first  adoi)ted  the  ma- 
nffiuvre,  used  with  such  success  by  Napoleon  in  modern  times, 
01  concentrating  heavy  masses  on  a  given  point  of  the  enemy's 
array.     Having  fonned  his  left  wing  into  a  dense  column  of  50 
deep,  so  that  Its  depth  was  greater  than  its  front,  he  directed  it 
against  the  Lacedaemonian  right,  containing  the  best  troops  in 
their  army,  drawn  up  1 2  deep,  and  led  by  Cleombrotus  in  person. 
Meanwhile  the  Theban  centre  and  right  were  ordered  to  be  kept 
out  ol  action,  and  in  readiness  to  support  the  advance  of  the  left 
wv^u   J^^^^'^*^^^  b^'^an  ^ith  skirmishes  of  cavalry  in  front,  in 
Which  the  Lacedrcmonian  horse  were  soon  driven  in.      The 
rheban    eft,  the  Sacred  Band  with  Pelopidas  at  their  head 
leading  the  van,  now  fell  with  such  irresistible  weicrht  on  the 
Laceda3nioniaii  right,  as  to  bear  down  all  opposition.    ^The  shock 
was  terrible.     Ceombrotus  himself  was  mortally  wounded  hi  the 
onset,  and  with  difficulty  earned  off  by  his  comrades.     Numbers 
ol  his  oihcers,  as  well  as  of  his  men,  were  slain,  and  the  whole  wiiur 
was  broken  and  driven  back  to  the  camp.     On  no  other  ])art  of 
the  line  was  there  any  serious  fighting ;  partly  owing  to  the  dis- 
posi  ion  made  by  Epaminondas,  and  partly  to  the  lukewarmness 
ol  the  Spartan  allies,  who  occupied  the  centre  and  part  of  the 
right  wmg.     The  loss  of  the  Thebans  was  small  compared  with 
that  of  the  Lacedaenionians.     Out  of  700  Spartans  in  the  army 
of  the  latter  400  had  faUen;  and  their  king  also  had  been  sC 
an  event  which  had  not  occurred  since  the  fatal  day  of  Thermo' 

SLf 'l.  .^^^7u''^*^^'  ^^^^  ^^'^"y  concealed  the  satisfaction 
which  they  felt  at  their  defeat;  whilst  so  great  was  the  depres- 
sion amorig  the  Lacedaemonians  themselves,  that  very  few  were  • 
lound  bold  enough  to  propose  a  renewal  of  the  combat,  in  order 

tn w  T  n'  ^'"l  "*'  w^^^^r  ^*^^  "^'i'^'^'y  ^'^^^^^  that  1 
truce  should  be  solicited  lor  that  purpose.     But,  though  the 

bodies  of  the  fallen  were  given  up,  their  arms  were  retained  ;  and 
five  centuries  afterwards  the  shields  of  the  principal  Spartan 
officers  were  seen  at  Thebes  by  the  traveller  Pausanias. 

^  o  Ihe  victory  of  Leuctra  was  gained  within  three  weeks 
after  the  exchision  of  tlic  Thebans  from  the  peace  of  Caffias. 
1  he  cHect  oi  it  througliout  Greece  was  electrical.  It  was  every- 
where felt  that  a  new  mihtary  power  had  arisen— that  the 


II 


f" 


472 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XIa 


B.C.  370. 


JASON  OF  PHER^ 


473 


prestige  of  the  old  Spartan  discipline  and  tactics  had  departed. 
Yet  at  S])arta  itself,  though  the  reverse  was  the  greatest  that 
her  anns  had  ever  sustained,  the  news  of  it  was  received  with 
an  assumption  of  indifierence  characteristic  of  the  people.  The 
Ephors  forbade  the  chorus  of  men,  who  were  celebrating  in  the 
theatre  the  festival  of  the  Gymnopa?dia,  to  be  interrupted.  They 
contented  themselves  with  directing  the  names  of  the  slain 
to  be  communicated  to  their  relatives,  and  with  issuing  an 
order  forbidding  the  women  to  wail  and  mourn.  Those  whose 
friends  had  fallen  apixjared  abroad  on  the  morrow  with  joyful 
countenances,  whilst  the  relatives  of  the  survivors  seemed  over- 
whelmed with  grief  and  shame.  The  Ephors  then  directed  their 
attention  to  the  rescue  of  tlie  defeated  army.  The  whole  re- 
maining military  force  of  Sparta,  including  even  the  more  aged 
citizens,  together  with  what  ibrccs  could  be  collected  ircm  tbe 
allies,  was  placed  under  tlie  command  of  Arehidamus,  son  cf 
Agesilaus,  and  transported  by  sea  from  Corinth  to  Creusis, 
which  port  now  proved  an  invaluable  acquisition. 

§4.  Immediately  after  the  battle  the  Thebans  had  sent  to 
Jason  of  Phcraj  in  Thessaly  to  solicit  his  aid  against  the  Laceda;- 
monians.  We  have  already  had  occasion  to  mention  this  despot, 
who  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  jieriod.  He  was 
Tagus,*  or  Generalissimo,  of  all  Thessaly  ;  and  Macedonia  was 
partially  dependent  on  him.  He  was  a  man  of  boundless  ambi- 
tion, and  metlitated  nothing  less  than  extending  his  dominion 
over  the  whole  of  Greece,  for  which  his  central  situation  seemed 
to  offer  many  facilities.  Upon  receiving  the  invitation  of  the 
Thebans,  Jason  immediately  resolved  to  join  them,  and  marched 
with  such  rapidity  that  he  forestalled  all  opposition,  though  he 
had  to  proceed  through  the  hostile  territories  of  the  Heracleots 
and  Phocians.  AVhen  lie  arrived,  the  Thebans  were  anxious  that 
he  should  unite  with  them  in  an  attack  ujwn  the  Lacedaemonian 
camp ;  but  Jason  dissuaded  them  from  the  enterimse,  advising 
them  not  to  drive  the  Laceda>monians  to  despair,  and  ofTering 
his  mediation.  He  accordingly  succeeded  in  eflecting  a  truce, 
by  which  the  Lacedflemonians  were  allowed  to  depart  from 
BoBotia  unmolested.  Their  commander,  however,  did  not  trust 
to  this ;  but,  having  given  out  that  he  meant  to  march  over 
Mount  Cithieron,  he  decamped  in  the  night  to  Creusis,  and  from 
thence  proceeded  by  a  difficult  road  along  the  side  of  the  rocks 
upon  the  coast  to  jEgoslhcna  in  the  Megarfd  ;  where  he  was  met 
by  Arehidamus  and  his  army.  As  the  defeated  troops  were  now 
in  safety,  the  object  of  the'  latter  had  been  attained,  and  the 
whole  armament  was  disbanded. 

*  Taydf. 


^  5.  According  to  Spartan  custom,  the  survivors  of  a  defeat 
were  looked  upon  as  degraded  men,  and  subjected  to  the  pe- 
nalties  of  civil  infamy.     No  allowance  was  made  Ibr  circum- 
stances. But  those  who  had  fled  at  Leuctra  were  three  hundred  in 
number  ;  an  attempt  to  enforce  against  them  the  usual  penalties 
might  prove  not  only  inconvenient,  but  even  dangerous  ;  and  on 
the  proposal  of  Agesilaus,  they  were,  for  this  occasion  only,  sus- 
pended.    The  loss  of  material  power  which  Sparta  sustained  by 
the  defeat  was  great.     The  ascendency  she  had  hitherto  enjoyed 
m  parts  north  of  the  Corinthian  gulf  fbll  from  her  at  once,  and 
was  divided  between  Jason  of  Pliera3,  and  the  Thebans.   '  The 
latter,  flushed  by  success,  now  panted  for  nothing  but  military 
glory,  and  under  the  superintendence  of  Epaminondas  devoted 
themselves  to  an  active  course  of  warlike  training.  Their  alliance 
was  sought  on  every  side.     The  Phocians  were  the  first  to  claim 
It,  and  their  example  was  soon  followed  by  the  Euboians,  the 
Locriaiis,  tlie  Maliaiis,  and  the  Heracleots.     In  this  flood-tide  of 
power  tlie  Thebans  longed  to  take  vengeance  on  their  ancient 
enemy  Orcliomenus,  to  destroy  the  town,  and  to  sell  the  inhabit- 
ants lor  slaves ;  and  from  this  design  they  were  only  diverted  by  the 
mildness  and  wisdom  of  Epaminondas.     But  the  Orchomenians 
were  forced  to  make  their  submission,  and  were  then  re-admitted 
as  members  of  the  Boeotian  confederation.     The  same  lenity  was 
not  extended  to  the  Thespians,  who  were  expelled  from  Bceotia 
and  their  territory  annexed  to  Thebes.     They  took  refuge,  like 
the  Plata^ans,  at  Athens.  «=  »      ^^ 

j  G.  At  the  same  time  Jason  of  Phera3  was  also  extending  his 
inlluence  and  power.     It  was  known  that  he  was  revolving  some 
important  enterprise,  but  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  woufd  turn 
his  arms  against  the  Persians,  against  the  cities  of  Chalcidice  or 
against  the  states  of  southern  Greece.    After  the  battle  of  Leuctra 
the  last  seemed  the  most  probable.     He  had  amiounced  his  'inten- 
tion of  being  present  at  the  Pythian  festival,  which  was  to  take 
place  in  August  370  b.c,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army  •  on 
which  occasion  his  sacrifice  to  the  Delphian  god  was  to  consist 
of  the  enormous  quantity  of  1000  bulls,  and  10,000  sheep,  goats 
and  swiiie      But  it  was  unpleasant  tidings  for  Grecian  ears  to 
learn  that  he  intended  to  usurp  the  presidency  and  management 
ot  the  festival,  which  were  the  prerogatives  of  the  Amphictyonic 
Council      In  this  conjuncture  the  alarmed  Delphians  consulted 
the  god  as  to  what  they  should  do  in  case  Jason  approached 
their  treasury,  and  received  for  answer  that  he  would  himself 
take  care  of  it.  Shortly  afterwards  the  despot  was  assassinated  by 
seven  youths  as  he  sat  in  public  to  give  audience  to  all  comers. 
The  death  of  Jason  was  felt  as  a  relief  by  Greece,  and  especially 


174 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  Xu 


by  Thebes.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  two  brothers  Polyphron 
and  Polydorus ;  but  they  possessed  neither  his  abihty  nor  his 
power. 

^  7.  The  Athenians  stood  aloof  from  the  contending  parties. 
They  had  not  received  the  news  of  the  battle  of  licuctra  with 
any  pleasure,  for  they  now  dreaded  Thebes  more  tlian  Sparta. 
But  uistead  of  helping  the  latter,  they  endeavoured  to  prevent 
either  from  obtaining  the  supremacy  in  Greece,  and  for  this  ])ur- 
poBC  called  upon  the  other  states  to  form  a  new  alliance  uix>ii 
the  terms  of  the  peace  of  Antalcidas.  Most  of  the  Pelojionnesian 
states  joined  this  new  league ;  but  the  E  leans  declined,  on  the 
ground  that  they  would  thus  deprive  themselves  of  their  sove- 
reignty over  the  Triphylian  cities. 

Thus  even  the  Peloponnesian  cities  became  independent  of 
Sparta.  But  this  was  not  all.  Never  did  any  state  fall  with 
greater  rapidity.  She  not  only  lost  the  domniion  over  states 
which  she  had  exercised  for  centuries ;  but  two  new  political 
powers  sprung  up  in  the  peninsula,  which  threatened  her  own 
independence.  The  first  of  these  was  the  Arcadian  confedera- 
tion, estabhshed  a  few  months  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  ;  the 
second  was  the  new  Messenian  state,  founded  by  Epaminondas 
two  years  later. 

It  has  been  related  how  the  Lacedaemonians  had  some  years 
previously  broken  up  Mantinea  into  its  five  original  villages, 
and  thus  degraded  it  from  the  rank  of  a  city.     The  Mantineans' 
assisted  by  the  Arcadians  of  various  other  quarters,  now  availed 
themselves  of  the  weakness  of  Sparta  to  rebuild  their  town. 
Its  restoration  suggested  the  still  more  extensive  scheme  of  a 
union  of  all  the  Arcadian  cities.     Hitherto  the  Arcadians  had 
been  a  race  and  not  a  nation,  having  nothing  in  common  but 
their  name.     The  idea  of*miiting  them  into  a  federal  state  arose 
with  Lycomedes,  one  of  the  leading  men  of  the  restored  Man- 
tinea.     It  was  expected  that  the  Thebans  and  Argives  would 
lend  their  aid  to  the  project,  which  was  well  received  throughout 
the  greater  part  of  Arcadia,  though  opposed  by  Tegea  and  cer- 
tain other  cities  jealous  of  Mantinea.     The  Spartans  would  not 
tamely  allow  such  a  formidable  power  to  spring  up  at  their  very 
doors ;  and,  accordingly,  Agesilaus  marched  with  a  Lacedsemo- 
man  army  against  Mantinea  (b.c.  370).     But  the  Mantineans 
were  too  prudent  to  venture  on  an  engagement  till  reinforced  by 
the  Thebans,  to  whom  they  had  applied  for  assistance ;  and  as 
they  kept  within  their  walls,  Agesilaus,  after  ravaging  their  ter- 
ritory, marched  back  to  Sparta. 

^8.  Ever  since  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  Epaminondas  had  been 
watching  an  opportunity  for  interfering  in  the  afiairs  of  Pelopon- 


B.C.370.  EPAMINONDAS  INVADES  LACONIA.  m 

nesus.     But  his  views  were  not  confined  to  the  establishment  of 
an  Arcadian  union.     He  also  proposed  to  restore  the  exiled  Mes- 
senians  to  their  territory.     That  race  had  formerly  hved  under  a 
dynasty  of  their  own  kings  ;    but  for  the  last  three  centuries 
their  land  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Lacediemonians,  and 
they  had  been  fugitives  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.     The  re- 
storation of  these  exiles,  now  dispersed  in  various  Hellenic  co- 
lonies, to  their  former  rights,  would  plant  a  bitter  hostile  neigh- 
bour on  the  very  borders  of  Laconia.     Epaminondas  accordingly 
opened  communications  with  them,  and  numbers  of  them  flocked 
to  his  standard  during  his  march  into  Arcadia,  late  in  the  au- 
tumn of  370  B.C.     He  entered  that  country  shortly  after  Agesi- 
laus had  quitted  it,   and,   in   addition  to  the  Arcadians,  was 
immediately  joined  by  the  Argives  and  Eleans.     The  combined 
force,  including  the  Thebans,  is  estimated  at  70,000  men.    Epa- 
minondas, who  had  in  reality  the  chief  command,  thouo-h  asso- 
ciated with  the  other  Basotarchs,  brought  with  him  choice  bodies 
of  auxiliaries  from  Phocis,  Locris,  and  other  places,  and  especially 
the  excellent  cavalry  and  pchasts  of  Thessaly.     But  it  was  the 
Tiicban  bands  themselves  that  were  the  object  of  universal  ad- 
miration ;    which,  under  the  inspection  of  Epaminondas,  had 
been  brought  into  the  highest  state  of  discipline  and  efficiency 
The  Peloponnesian  allies,  elated  at  the  sight  of  so  large  and  so 
well  appointed  an  army,  pressed  Epaminondas  to  invade  Laconia 
Itself,  since  his  services  were  no  longer  required  in  Arcadia,  in 
consequence  of  the  retreat  of  Agesilaus.     Although  it  was  now 
mid-winter,  he  resolved,  after  some  hesitation,  to  comply  with 
their  request.     Dividing  his  army  into  four  parts,  he  crossed 
without  any  serious  opposition  the  mountains  separating  Ar- 
cadia from  Laconia,  and  reunited  his  forces  at  Sellasia.     From 
thence  he  marched  to  Amycla),  two  or  three  miles  below  Sparta, 
where  he  crossed  the  river  Eurotas,  and  then  advanced  cautiously 
towards  the  capital. 

Sparta,  which  was  wholly  unfortified,  was  now  filled  with  con- 
fusion  and  alarm.  The  women,  who  had  never  yet  seen  the  face 
of  an  enemy,  gave  vent  to  their  fears  in  wailing  and  lamentation. 
Moreover,  the  state  was  in  great  danger  from  her  own  intestine 
divisions.  Not  only  was  she  threatened  by  the  customary  dis- 
content of  the  Perioeci  and  Helots,  but  the  large  class  of  poor 
and  discontented  citizens  called  "  Inferiors,"  looked  with  anger 
on  the  wealth  and  political  power  of  the  "  Peers."*  But  the 
emergency  was  pressing,  and  called  for  decisive  measures.  The 
Ephors  ventured  on  the  step  of  ofTering  freedom  to  such  He- 

*  See  p.  438. 


fflSTORY  OP  GREECE. 


Chap,  XL 


lots  as  would  enlist  as  hoplites  for  the  defeucp  cf  the  city.  The 
call  was  responded  to  by  no  fewer  than  OOUU,  who  now  inspired 
fear  by  their  very  numbers;  and  the  alann  was  justified  and 
heightened  by  the  fact  that  a  considerable  body  ol  Perioici  ..iid 
Helots  had  actually  joined  the  Thebans. 

In  the  midst  of  these  pressing  dangers  Sparta  was  saved  by 
the  vigUance  and  energy  of  her  aged  king  Agesilaus.  He  re- 
pulsed the  cavalry  of  Epaminondas  as  they  advanced  towards  th« 
city ;  and  so  vigorous  were  his  measures  of  defence,  that  Epa. 
minondas  abandoned  all  further  attempt  upon  the  city,  and 
proceeded  southwards  as  far  as  Helos  and  Gythium  on  the  coast, 
the  latter  the  port  and  arsenal  of  Sparta.  Alter  laying  waste 
with  fire  and  sword  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas,  he  retraced  his 
steps  to  the  frontiers  of  Arcadia. 

k  9.  Epaminondas  now  proceeded  to  carry  out  tlie  two  objects 
for  which  his  march  had  been  undertaken ;  namely,  the  conso- 
lidation of  the  Arcadian  confederation,  and  the  establishment  of 
the  Messenians  as  an  independent  community.  In  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  fbnner  of  these  designs,  the  mutual  jealousy  of  the 
various  Arcadian  cities  rendered  it  necessary  that  a  new  one 
should  be  founded,  which  should  be  regarded  as  the  capital  of 
the  confederation.  Consequently,  a  new  city  was  built  on  the 
banks  of  the  Helisson,  called  Megalopolis,  and  peopled  by  the 
inhabitants  of  forty  distinct  Arcathan  townships.  Here  a  synod 
of  deputies  from  the  towns  composing  the  confederation,  called 
•*  The  Ten  Thousand,"*  was  to  meet  periodically  for  the  de- 
spatch of  business.  A  body  of  Arcadian  troops,  called 
Epariti,t  was  also  levied  for  the  purposes  of  the  league.  Epa- 
minondas next  founded  the  town  of  MessOnc.  Its  citadel  was 
placed  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Ithome,  which  had  three  cen- 
turies before  been  so  bravely  defended  by  the  Messenians  against 
the  Spartans ;  whilst  the  town  itself  was  seated  lower  down  upon 
the  western  slope  of  the  mountain,  but  connected  with  its  Acro- 
pohs  by  a  continuous  wall.  The  strength  of  its  Ibrt  ill  cat  ions 
was  long  afterwards  a  subject  of  admiration.  The  territoiy  at- 
tached to  the  new  city  extended  southwards  to  the  Messenian 
gulf,  and  northwards  to  the  borders  of  Arcadia,  comprising  some 
of  the  most  fertile  land  in  Peloponnesus. 

In  order  to  settle  the  allairs  of  Arcadia  and  Messenia.  Epami- 
nondas had  remained  in  Peloponnesus  four  months  ai'ier  the 
legal  period  of  his  command  had  expired  ;  for  which  ofience  he 
and  the  other  Boeotarchs  were  arraigned  on  his  return  to  Thebes. 
But  they  were  honourably  acquitted,  Epaminondas  having  ex- 


*  Mvpioi. 


f  'Kvtiiirrot, 


B.a  870.  FOUNDATION  OF  MEGALOPOLIS.  477 

pressed  his  willingness  to  die  if  the  Thebans  would  record  that 
he  was  put  to  death  because  he  had  humbled  Sparta,  and  taucrht 
his  countrymen  to  conquer  her  armies.  '^ 

flO.  So  low  had  Sparta  now  sunk,  that  she  was  fain  to  send 
envoys  to  beg  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians.     This  request 
ivas  acceded  to ;  and  shortly  afterwards  an  alliance  was  formed 
between  the  two  states,  in  which  Sparta  waived  all  her  claims  to 
superiority  and  headsliip.    It  was  agreed  that  the  command  both 
on  land  and  sea  should  alternate  every  live  days  between  Athens 
and  Sparta,  and  that  their  united  forces  sliould  occupy  Corinth 
and  guard  the  passes  of  the  Onean  mountains  across  the  isth- 
mus, so  as  to  ])reveiit  the  Thebans  from  again  invading  Pelopon- 
nesus.     Before  this  position  Epaminondas  appeared'' with  his 
army  in  the  spring  of  the  year  n.c.  3G9 ;  and  as  all  his  attempts 
to  draw  on  a  battle  proved  unavailing,  he  resolved  on  forciu"-  his 
way  through  the  hostile  lines.     Directing  his  march  just  before 
daybreak  against  the  position  oecu]iied  by  the  Lacedemonians, 
he  succeeded  in  surprising  and  completely  defeating  them.     He 
was  thus  enabled  to  form  a  junction  with  his  allies  in  Pelopon- 
nesus, whilst  the  Lacethemonians  and  Athenians  do  not  appear 
to  have  stirred  from  their  position.     Sicyon  now  deserted  Sparta 
and  joined  the  Theban  alliance  ;  but  the  little  town  of  Phlius 
remained  fliitht'ul  to  the  Laceda'nionians,  and  successfully  re- 
sisted all  the  attempts  made  to  capture  it.     The  Thebans  were 
also  defeated  in  an  attempt  upon  Corinth ;  and  the  spirits  of 
the  Spartan  allies  were  still  further  raised  by  the  arrival  at 
Lecha^um  of  a  Syracusan  squadron,  bringing  2000  mercenary 
Gauls  and  Iberians,  together  with  50  horsemen,  as  a  succour 
from  the   despot  Dionysius.     After  a  while,  however,  accord- 
ing to  the    usual  desultory  nature  of  Grecian  warfare,  both 
armies  returned  home  without  having  achieved  anythinir  of  im- 
portance. * 

Hi.  Meanwhile  the  Arcadians,  elate  with  their  newly  acquired 
power,  not  only  believed  themselves  capable  of  maintaining  their 
mdependence  without  fbreign  assistance,  but  thought  themselves 
eiititled  to  share  the  headship  with  Thebes,  as  Athens  did  with 
Sparta.  Lycomedes,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned  as  an 
able  and  energetic  citizen  of  Mantinea,  was  the  chief  promoter 
of  these  ambitious  views,  and  easily  flattered  the  national  vanity 
of  his  countrymen  by  appeals  to  their  acknowledged  courage  and 
hardihood.  They  responded  to  his  representations  by  calling 
upon  him  to  lead  them  into  active  service,  apjiointed  him  their 
commander,  and  chose  all  the  officers  whom  he  nominated.  The 
first  exploit  of  Lycomedes  was  to  rescue  the  Argive  troops  in 
Ei)idaurus,  where  they  Avere  in  great  danger  of  being  cut  ofi*  by  a 


ii 


418 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XL. 


body  of  Athenians  and  Corinthians  under  Chabnas.  He  then 
marched  into  the  south-western  portion  of  Messenia,  where  he 
penetrated  as  far  as  Asine,  defeated  the  Spartan  commander 
Geranor,  who  had  drawn  out  the  garrison  to  oppose  Iiim,  and 
destroyed  the  suburbs  of  the  town.  It  was  probably  by  this 
expedition  that  the  annihilation  of  the  Spartan  dominion  in  that 
quarter  was  completed.  The  hardihood  and  enterprise  displayed 
in  it  excited  everywhere  both  admiration  and  alarm;  but  at 
Thebes  it  also  occasioned  jealousy.  At  the  same  time  circum- 
stances arose  which  tended  to  disunite  the  Arcadians  and  E leans. 
The  former  objected  to  Elis  resuming  lier  sovereignty  over  the 
towns  of  Triphylia,  which  they  had  thought  to  regain  after  the 
decay  of  the  Spartan  supremacy. 

§  12.  During  the  year  368  b.c.  the  Thebans  undertook  no  ex- 
pedition into  Peloponnesus  ;  but  Pclopidas  conducted  a  Theban 
force  into  Thessaly  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  Larissa  and 
other  cities  against  the  designs  of  Alexander,  who,  by  the  murder 
of  his  two  brothers,  had  become  despot  of  Pheraj  and  Tagus  of 
Thessaly.  Alexander  was  compelled  to  solicit  peace ;  and  Pc- 
lopidas, after  establishing  a  defensive  league  amongst  the  Thes- 
salian  cities,  marched  into  Macedonia,  when  the  regent  Ptolemy 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans.  Amongst  the  hos- 
tages given  for  the  observance  of  this  treaty  was  the  youthlbl 
Phihp,  son  of  Amyntas,  afterwards  the  celebrated  king  of  Ma- 
cedon,  who  remained  for  some  years  at  Thebes. 

Shortly  afterwards  the  Lacedemonians,  under  the  command 
of  Archidamus,  supported  by  the  reinforcements  sent  byDiony- 
fiius,  succeeded  in  routing  the  Arcadians  with  great  slaughter, 
whilst  not  a  single  Lacedemonian  fell,  whence  the  victory  de- 
rived the  name  of  "  the  Tearless  Battle."  The  news  of  tliis  defeat 
of  the  Arcadians  was  by  no  means  unwelcome  at  Thebes,  as  it 
was  calculated  to  check  their  presumption,  and  to  show  them 
that  they  could  not  dispense  with  Theban  aid. 

H3.  Epaminondas  now  resolved  on  another  expedition  into 
Peloponnesus,  with  the  view  of  bringing  the  Acheans  into  the 
Theban  alliance.  Until  the  battle  of  Leuctra  the  cities  of  Achaia 
had  been  the  dependent  allies  of  Sparta ;  but  since  that  event 
they  had  remained  free  and  neutral.  On  the  approach  of  Epa- 
minondas they  immediately  submitted,  and  consented  to  be  en- 
rolled among  the  allies  of  Thebes.  That  commander,  with  his 
usual  moderation,  did  not  insist  upon  any  change  in  their  go- 
vernments. But  this  was  made  a  subject  of  accusation  against 
Mm  at  home.  The  Arcadians  charged  him  with  having  lel't  men 
in  power  in  the  Achajan  cities  who  would  join  Sparta  on  the  lirst 
opportunity.    These  accusations,  being  supported  by  the  enemiei 


B.C.  368. 


THE  TEARLESS  BATTLE. 


479 


of  Epaminondas,  prevailed  :  his  proceedings  in  Achaia  were  re- 
versed ;  democratic  governments  were  established  in  the  various 
Achaean  cities  ;  and  in  the  ensuing  year  Epaminondas  himself 
was  not  re-elected  as  Boeotarch.  But  the  consequence  was  that 
the  exiles  thus  driven  from  the  various  Achaean  cities,  watching 
their  opportunity,  succeeded  in  eflecting  counter-revolutions,  and 
afterwards  took  a  decided  part  with  Sparta. 

§  14.  The  Thebans  now  resolved  to  send  an  embassy  to  Persia. 
Ever  since  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  the  great  King  had  become 
the  recognised  mediator  between  the  states  of  Greece  ;  and  his 
fiat  seemed  indispensable  to  stamp  the  claims  of  that  city  which 
pretended  to  the  headship.     The  recent  achievements  of  Thebes 
might  entitle  her  to  aspire  to  that  position  ;  and  at  all  events 
the  alterations  which  she  had  produced  in  the  internal  state  of 
Greece,  by  the  establishment  of  Megalopolis  and  Messene,  seemed 
to  require  for  their  stability  the  sanction  of  a  Persian  rescript. 
For  this  purpose  Pelopidas  and  Ismenias  proceeded  to  the  court 
of  Susa  apparently  in  the  years  367-366  b.c.    They  were  accom- 
panied by  other  deputies  from  the  allies  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
the  Athenians  sent  Timagoras  and  Leon  to  counteract  their  in- 
fluence.    Pelopidas  may  probably  have  pleaded  the  former  ser- 
vices of  Thebes  towards  Persia  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of 
Greece  by  Xerxes,  as  well  as  in  having  opposed  the  expedition 
of  Agesilaus  into  Asia.    But  the  great  fact  which  influenced  the 
decision  of  the  Persian  king  would  doubtless  be  that  Thebes  was 
now  the  strongest  state  in  Greece ;  for  it  was  evidently  easier  to 
exercise  Persian  ascendency  there  by  her  means,  than  through  a 
weaker  power.   Pelopidas  had  therefore  only  to  ask  his  own  terms. 
A  rescript  was  issued  declaring  the  independence  of  Messene  and 
Amphipolis  ;  the  Athenians  were  directed  to  lay  up  their  ships 
of  war  in  ordinary  ;  Thebes  was  declared  the  head  of  Greece ; 
and  the  dispute  between  Elis  and  Arcadia  on  the  subject  of  the 
Triphyhan  cities  was  decided  in  favour  of  the  former  power  : 
probably  at  the  instance  of  Pelopidas,  and  on  account  of  the 
estrangement  now  subsisting  between  Arcadia  and  Thebes. 

The  Athenian  and  Arcadian  envoys  had  attempted  in  vain  to 
secure  better  terms  for  their  own  states.  Antiochus,  the  repre- 
sentative of  Arcadia,  on  his  return  to  Megalopolis,  vented  his 
displeasure  by  a  most  depreciatory  report  to  the  Ten  Thousand 
of  all  that  he  had  seen  during  his  journey.  There  were  armies, 
he  said,  of  cooks,  confectioners,  wine-bearers,  and  the  like,  but 
not  a  single  man  fit  to  fight  against  Greeks ;  and  even  the  vaunted 
golden  plane-tree  itself,  he  affirmed,  was  too  small  to  afibrd  shade 
ix)  a  single  grasshopper.  The  Thebans,  on  the  contrary,  made 
the  most  of  their  success.     Deputies  from  the  allied  cities  were 


\ 


480 


mfcJlUKi"  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XI* 


summoned  to  Thebes  to  hear  the  royal  rescript  read  ;  but  it  was 
coldly  received  by  all  present.  Lycomedes,  the  Arcadian  envoy, 
even  protested  against  the  headship  claimed  for  Thebes,  and 
asserted  that  the  aUied  synod  should  not  be  exclusively  convened 
in  that  city,  but  in  the  actual  scat  of  war.  After  some  angry 
language,  the  Arcadians  withdrew  from  the  assembly,  and  the 
other  deputies  seem  to  have  followed  their  example.  Nor  were 
the  Thebans  more  successful  in  an  attempt  to  get  the  rescript 
recognized  by  sending  it  round  to  the  various  cities  separately. 

k  Id.  It  was,  in  all  probability,  during  a  ini^sion  undertaken 
by  Pelopidas  and  Ismenias,  for  tlie  |)urpose  of  j)rocuring  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  rescript  in  Tlie^saly  and  tlie  nonheni 
parts  of  Greece,  that  they  were  seized  and  imprisoned  by  Alex- 
ander of  Phera).     That  tyrant  met  them  at  riiar^^alus  under  all 
the  appearances  of  jKuice,  but  took  occasion  of  their  being  witli- 
out  guards  to  seize  and  carry  tliem  off  to  Plierie.     JSucl"  value 
was  attacheil  to  the  person  of  Pelopidas  that  liis  imprisonment 
niduced  several  of  the  Thessalian  i)artizans  of  Thebes  to  submit 
to  Alexander.     Even  the  Athenians  did  not  disdain  to  avail 
themselves  of  this  treacherous  breach  of  pnhlic  Ihith,  and  sent 
Autocles  with  a  fleet  of  30  triremes  and  lOUO  lioi)Iites  to  tlic 
support  of  Alexander.     Meanwliile  the  justly  incen.^cd  Thebans 
had  despatched  an  army  of  8000  hopli'tcs  and  000  cavalry,  to 
recover  or  avenge  their  favourite  citizen.     Uni'ortnnately,  liow- 
ever,  they  were  no  longer  connnanded  by  Epaminondas'  who, 
as  we  have  related,  had  not  been  re-elected  to  the  oilice  of 
BoBotarch.     Their  present  commanders  were  utterly  incompe- 
tent.    They  were  beaten  and  ibrced  to  retreat,  and  tlie  army 
was  in  such  danger  from  the  active  pursuit  of  the  Thessalians 
and  Athenians,  that  its  destruction  seemed  inevitable.     Luckily, 
however,  Epammondas  was  serving  as  a  lioplite  in  tlie  ranks! 
By  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  troops  he  was  now  called  to  the 
command,  and  succeeded  in  conducting  the  army  safely  back  to 
Thebes.     Here  the  imsuccessful  Btetarchs  were  disgraced,  and 
Epammondas,  whose  reputation  now  shone  forth  more  brilliantly 
than  ever,  was  restored  to  the  command,  and  placed  at  the  head 
of  a  second  Theban  army  destined  to  attempt  the  release  of  Pe- 
lopidas.    Directed  by  his  superior  skill,  the  enterprise  proved 
successful.     Anxious,  however,  for  the  life  of  his  friend,  Epami- 
nondas avoided  reducing  Alexander  to  such  extremities  as  might 
induce  him  to  make  away  with  Pelopidas;  and  thus,  though  the 
main  object  of  the  expedition  was  attained,  it  was  not  accom- 
panied with  such  striking  and  decisive  results  as  to  counter- 
balance the  advantages  wliich  Alexander  had  derived  from  hia 
treachery 


B.C.  8Cr..   ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  ARCADIA  AND  ATHENS.    481 

i  16.  The  acquirement  of  Oropus  was,  however,  some  com- 
pensation to  the  Thebans  for  their  losses  on  the  other  side  of 
their  frontier.  The  possession  of  that  town,  which  lay  on 
the  borders  of  Athens  and  Thebes,  had  long  been  a  subject  of 
contention  between  the  two  states.  For  many  years  past  it  had 
been  in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians  ;  but  it  was  now  seized  by  a 
party  of  exiles  favourable  to  the  Theban  interest,  and  imme- 
diately occupied  by  a  Theban  garrison,  which  deprived  the  Athe- 
nians cf  all  hopes  of  retaking  it.  The  AtheniaiiF  liad  been  dis- 
pleased at  the  want  of  zeal  manifested  by  their  Peloponnesian 
allies  in  not  assisting  them  in  the  afiair  of  Oropus ;  and  Lyco- 
medes, who  was  disgusted  with  the  Theban  ascendency,  took 
advantage  of  this  feehng  to  negotiate  an  aUiance  between  Arcadia 
and  Athens.  He  procured  himself  to  be  appointed  ambassador 
to  that  city,  where  he  was  favourably  received,  and  prehminary 
arrangements  made  for  an  alliance ;  but  on  his  way  home  he 
was  assassinated  by  some  Arcadian  exiles  of  the  opposite  party. 
The  negotiations,  however,  proceeded.  CaUistratus  was  sent 
from  Athens  as  Ambassador  to  the  Arcadian  Ten  Thousand, 
whilst  Epaminondas  hastened  from  Thebes,  to  counteract,  if 
possible,  the  machinations  of  the  eloquent  Athenian.  But  though 
Epaminondas  here  displayed  his  ready  talent  in  debate,  he  was 
misuccessful.  The  Athenians  concluded  an  alliance  with  Ar- 
cadia, but  at  the  same  time  without  formally  breaking  with 
Thebes. 

H7.  This  connexion  rendered  it  desirable  for  Athens  to  secure 
an  uninterrupted  communication  with  Peloponnesus,  and  lor 
this  purpose  she  formed  the  treacherous  design  of  seizing  Co- 
rinth by  surprise.  She  was  not  only  at  peace  but  in  alliance 
with  that  city ;  and  her  auxiliaries  were  serving  in  the  Corinthian 
forts  and  outposts.  These,  however,  were  to  be  the  instruments 
of  her  tieachery.  Under  pretence  of  a  reinforcement  an  arma- 
ment under  the  command  of  Chares  was  despatched  to  Corinth. 
But  the  designs  of  Athens  had  reached  the  ears  of  the  Corinthians, 
who  refused  to  admit  Chares  into  their  port  of  Cenchreee ;  and 
at  the  same  time  dismissed  the  other  Athenians  in  their  service, 
yet  with  all  the  appearance  of  good  will.  Though  thus  saved 
lor  the  moment,  this  step  had  placed  the  Corinthians  in  a  state 
of  isolation ;  and  they  therefore  resolved  to  open  negotiations 
with  Thebes  for  a  general  peace.  Their  overtures  were  well  re- 
ceived by  the  Thebans.  A  meeting  of  the  allies  was  then  con- 
vened at  Sparta,  in  which  the  Corinthians  set  Ibrth  the  necessity 
of  their  case,  and  endeavoured  to  induce  the  rest  of  the  confe- 
derates to  follow  their  example  in  concluding  a  peace  with 
Thebes,  the  terms  of  which  were  to  be  the  independence  of  each 

Y 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XL. 


individual  city,  including  Messene ;  but  without  recognizing  the 
headship  of  Thebes,  or  entering  into  any  formal  alliance  with 
her.  On  this  basis  a  peace  was  accordingly  concluded  between 
Thebes,  Corinth,  Phlius,  Epidaurus,  and  perhaps  one  or  two 
other  cities ;  but  as  the  Thebans  made  the  independence  of 
Messene  an  indispensable  condition,  Sparta  resolutely  refused  to 
join  it,  and  the  larger  states  of  Greece,  Thebes,  Athens,  Sparta, 
Arcadia,  and  others  still  remained  at  war. 

§  18.  Athens  availed  herself  of  the  distracted  condition  of 
Greece  to  extend  her  maritime  empire.    She  had  no  longer  occa- 
sion to  dread  any  opposition  from  Sparta ;  and  she  accordingly 
sent  a  powerful  fleet  into  the  ^gean  under  the  command  of 
Timotheus,  who  succeeded  in  conquering  Samos,  and  in  ob- 
taining possession  of  Potida3a,  Pydna,  Methoue,  and  it  is  said 
even  of  Olynthus  itself     But  in  the  midst  of  his  success,  he  was 
menaced  by  the  unexpected  aiipearance  of  a  Theban  fleet.    Epa- 
minondas,  jealous  of  the  maritime  empire  of  Athens,  had  per- 
suaded his  countrymen  to  try  their  strength  on  a  new  element. 
Sparta,  he  said,  was  humbled;    it  was  not  she,  but  Athens, 
who  was  now  their  prominent  enemy ;  and  he  exhorted  them 
not  to  rest  content  till  they  had  transferred  to  the  Theban  Cad- 
mea  the  Propylaja  which  adorned  the  acropolis  of  Athens.     A 
fleet  of  100  triremes  was  constructed,  and  he  himself  appointed 
to  the  command  ;  whilst  envoys  were  sent  to  Rhodes,  Chios,  and 
Byzantium,  to  induce  them  to  break  with  Athens.     It  was  with 
this  fleet  that  Epaminondas  appeared  in  the  Hellespont  in  e.g. 
363.     He  seems,  however,  to  have  effected  little,— at  least  no- 
thmg  splendid  is  recorded— and  this  expedition  proved  both  the 
first  and  last  of  the  Thebans  by  sea. 

H9.  It  was  in  the  same  year  that  his  friend  Pclopidas  led  an 
expedition  into  Thessaly  against  Alexander  of  Phene.  Strong 
complaints  of  the  tyranny  of  that  despot  arrived  at  Thebes,  and 
Pelopidas,  who  probably  also  burned  to  avenge  his  private 
wrongs,  prevailed  upon  the  Thebans  to  send  him  into  Thessaly 
to  punish  the  tyrant.  The  forces  he  had  collected  were  far 
inferior  in  number  to  those  of  Alexander ;  and  when  informed  at 
Pharsalus,  that  the  tyrant  was  advancing  towards  him  with  a 
great  army,  he  remarked  that  it  was  so  much  the  better,  since 
there  would  be  more  for  him  to  conquer.  The  battle  was  fought 
on  the  haisof  Cynoscephalae ;  the  troops  of  Alexander  were  routed ; 
and  Pelopidas,  observing  his  hated  enemy  endeavouring  to  rally 
them,  was  seized  with  such  a  transport  of  rage  that,  regardless  of 
his  duties  as  a  general,  he  rushed  impetuously  forwards  and  chal- 
lenged him  to  a  single  combat.  Alexander  shrunk  back  within 
the  ranks  of  his  guards,  followed  impetuously  by  Pelopidas,  who 


B.C.  364. 


DEATH  OF  PELOPIDAS. 


488 


was  soon  slain,  fighting  with  desperate  bravery.  Although  the 
army  of  Alexander  was  defeated  with  severe  loss,  the  news  of 
the  death  of  Pelopidas  deprived  the  Thebans  and  their  Thessa- 
lian  alhes  of  all  the  joy  which  they  would  otherwise  have  felt 
at  their  victory.  The  Thebans,  however,  subsequently  avenged 
the  death  of  their  general  by  sending  a  fresh  force  of  7000  hop- 
lites  into  Thessaly ;  with  which  they  compelled  Alexander  to 
relinquish  all  his  dependencies  in  that  country,  to  confine  him- 
'self  to  the  actual  limits  of  Pheraj,  and  to  swear  allegiance  to 
Thebes.  The  Thebans  thus  acquired  greater  influence  than  they 
had  ever  before  enjoyed  in  Northern  Greece. 

§  20.  Meantime  a  war  had  been  carried  on  between  Elis  and  Ar- 
cadia.   It  has  been  already  remarked,  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
that  the  E leans  claimed  the  sovereignty  of  the  Triphylian  townsi 
in  which  they  were  backed  by  Sparta,  but  opposed  by  the  Arca- 
dians.    The  Eleans  also  laid  claim  to  a  tract  of  hilly  ground 
lying  north  of  the  Alpheus,  containing  Lasion  and  some  other 
towns  which  had  been  included  in  the  Arcadian  league.     They 
seized  Lasion  by  surprise,  but  were  driven  out  again  by  the 
Arcadians,  who  afterwards  took  formal  possession  of  the  sacred 
district  of  Olympia.    Other  acts  of  hostility  had  occurred  between 
the  Eleans  and  Arcadians,  and  the  former  had  called  in  the 
assistance   of  the  Lacedaemonians,   but  without    any  decisive 
result.     In  364  b.c.  the  Arcadians  were  still  in  possession  of 
Olympia ;   and  as  the  Olympic  festival  occurred  in  that  year, 
they  availed  themselves  of  their  situation  to  transfer  the  presi- 
dency of  the  games  from  the  Eleans  to  the  Pisatans,  who  had 
long  laid  claim  to  it.    It  was  anticipated  that  the  Eleans  would 
assert  their  rights  by  force;    and  the  Arcadians  prepared  to 
resist  any  attempt  of  that  kind,  not  only  by  a  large  army  of 
their  own,  but  also  by  summoning  their  allies.    The  festival  had 
already  commenced,  many  of  the  games  had  been  performed,  and 
the  wrestling  match  was  going  on,  when  bodies  of  the  Eleans, 
and  their  allies  the  Achajans,  were  observed  approaching  the 
sacred  ground.    The  Arcadians  immediately  rushed  to  arms,  and 
formed  on  the  bank  of  the  little  river  Cladeus,  to  prevent  their 
approach.     The  Eleans  advanced  with  the  utmost  boldness,  but 
were  Anally  repulsed  and  obliged  to  retire.     On  this  occasion 
the  temple  of  the  Olympian  deity  himself  was  converted  into  a 
fortress,  and  the  majestic  Jove  of  Pliidias  looked  down  with 
calm  dignity  upon  those  who  were  contending  for  the  honour  of 
celebrating  his  festival.    The  Eleans  subsequently  avenged  them- 
selves by  slrikmg  the  101th  Olympiad  out  of  the  list  of  the 
festivals. 

'^21.  Not  content  with  this  uisult  to  the  Eleans,  the  Arcadiaiw 


4' 

I 


4M 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XL. 


earned  their  insolence  to  the  extent  of  sacrilege,  by  despoiling 
the  nch  temples  of  Olympia.     But  this  act  rip^ied  theCedf 

Ifl'tr"  T  '"^  ZT  ^^'"^^y  ^P""^'^^  "P  ^^^^S  the  Area- 
dians  themselves.     The  assembly  of  Mantinea  passed  an  act  re- 

nouncmg  all  participation  in  the  sacred  spoil,  and  though  the 

Ten  Thousand  attempted  at  first  to  seize  the  leading  men  at 

Mantinea  as  traitors  to  the  Arcadian  league,  the  views  of  the 

Mantineans  respecting  the  employment  of  the  sacred  treasures 

were  m  evidently  just,  that  even  their  opponents  were  at  leUh 

shamed  into  them.     Accordingly,  a  peace  was  concluded  with 

the  Eleans,  who  were  restored  to  all  their  rights  with  regard  to 

Olympia.     8ince  the  Spartans  had  supported  the  Eleans,  the 

Mantineans  were  naturally  brought  into  close  connexion  with 

the  former ;  whilst  the  rest  of  the  Arcadians,  and  esix^cially  the 

Tegeans,  favoured  Thebes.     Tegea  thus  became  the  centre  of 

Theban  influence  m  Arcadia,  and  was  occupied  by  a  Theban 

hannost  and  a  gamson  of  300  Bceotians.    The  Thebans  viewed 

the  success  of  the  Mantineans  and  Spartan  party  with  suspie^n 

and  when  the  peace,  recently  concluded,  was  sWom  to  at  Te^a' 

they  seized  the  pnncipal  members  of  the  Spartan  party      The 

news  ol  this  treacherous  act  was  received  with  great  iiidi- 

nation  at  Mantinea.     Heralds  were  immediately  despatched  by 

Hereupon  the  Theban  hamiost  released  the  pri.«oners,  protestincr 
that  he  had  been  misled  by  a  false  report  of  the  approach  of 
a  fcpartan  force,  prepared  to  coK)perate  with  a  party  within  the 
walls  m  order  to  seize  Tegea.    The  Mantineans  and^heirpartv 

fo  tULT'  '"I  '"'^f  "^  "^^^  '^^'  ^P«^"?>''  ^-'  ^^«t  envoys 
to  Thebes,  demanding  the  punishment  of  the  harmost.     Epami- 

Hondas,  incensed  that  a  ptwe  had  been  concluded  without  the 
sanction  of  Thebes,  justified  the  hannost's  conduct,  and  bade  he 
envoys  cany  back  word  that  he  would  himself  soon  lead  an 
amiy  into  An^adia.  The  Mantineans  and  their  partisans  imme- 
diately  made  preparations  for  war,  and  sent  ambassadors  to 
request  the  assistance  ol  the  Lacedemonians 
J  22,  These  events  occurred  in  362  b.c,  and  in  the  summer  of 
TFlZr^!Z'Tu"'  undertook  his  fourth  and  last  inva^^n 
Z  ^dHuZ  Jl^  f'?'^^}^l^^^  Arcadia,  which  threatened 

for  h  r  !  J,"r''  ^^^^''''  '^  ^"^  ^P^^^>  ^«^«  the  motives 
tor  his  expedi  ion.  His  army  was  numerous,  and  included 
many  troops  from  Northern  Greece.  He  marched  without 
opposition   to  Tegea,   where  he   was  joined   by  such   of  the 

Tretri'"^  '  Ti'  ^l^P^'^"-^'^"^  ^  were  favourable  to  the 
Iheban  cause.     The  other  party  concentrated  tl^mselvcs  at 


B.C.  362. 


BATTLE  OF  MANTINEA. 


48S 


Mantinea,  whither  the  aged  Agesilaus  was  marching  with  a  Lace- 
daemonian force,  whilst  Athenian  succours  were  also  expected. 
Epaminondas,  whose  movements  were  characterized  by  decision 
and  rapidity,  resolved  to  surprise  Sparta  in  the  absence  of  Age- 
silaus by  a  sudden  man^h  upon  it.     Providentially,  however?  a 
swift  Cretan  ruuner  overtook  Agesilaus  in  time  to  warn  him  of 
the  danger.     He  got  back  to  Sparta  early  enough  to  anticipate 
tlie  attempt  of  Epaminondas;    and  though  that  commander 
actually  entered  the  city,  yet  he  found  the  streets  and  houses  so 
well  defended,  that  he  was  fain  to  retire.     The  alarm  caused  by 
this  diversion  had  however  occasioned  the  recall  of  the  Lacedae- 
monian army  destined  for  Mantinea,  and  Epaminondas  took 
advantage  of  that  circumstance  to  attempt  the  surjjrise  of  that 
place.     Fortunately  for  the  Mantineans,  the  Athenian  cavalry 
had  reached  their  city  an  hour  or  two  before  the  arrival  of 
Epaminondas,  and  though  hungry  and  tired  with  their  march, 
succeeeded  in  repulsing  the  Theban  and  Thessalian  horse.     Epa- 
minondas now  fell  back  upon  Tegea. 

$  23.  Thus  both  these  well  planned  manoBuvres  were  acci- 
dentally frustrated.     As  the  enemy  had  now  succeeded  in  con- 
centrating their  forces  at  Mantinea,  it  was  clear  that  a  general 
action  was  unavoidable.    The  plain  between  Tegea  and  Mantinea, 
though  2000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  is  shut  in  on  every 
side  by  lofty  mountains.     Li  length  it  is  about  ten  miles,  whilst 
its  breadth  varies  from  one  to  eight.     About  four  miles  south  of 
Mantinea  it  contracts  to  its  narrowest  dimensions,  and  here  the 
Lacedajmonians  and  Mantineans  took  up  their  position.     Epa- 
minondas, in  marching  northwards  from  Tegea,  inclined  to  the 
left,  so  as  to  skirt  the  base  of  Mount  Majiialus,  which  bounds  the 
plain  on  the  west.     On  arriving  in  sight  of  the  hostile  lines,  Epa- 
minondas ordered  his  troops  to  halt  and  ground  arms.     Hence 
the  LacedaBinonians  inferred  that  he  did  not  mean  to  offer  battle 
that  day ;  and  so  strong  was  this  persuasion,  that  they  left  their 
ranks,  whilst  some  of  the  hoi-semen  took  off  their  breastplates 
and  unbridled  their  horses.     But  meanwhile  Epaminondas  was 
making  his  dispositions  for  an  attack.     His  plan  very  much  re- 
sembled that  of  the  battle  of  Leuctra.     His  chief  reliance  was 
upon  the  Bceotian  troops,  whom  he  had  formed  into  a  column  of 
extraordinary  depth.     The  enemy  at  length  became  aware  of  his 
intentions  and  hurried  into  their  ranks ;  but  they  were  in  no 
condition  to  receive  the  onset  of  the  Theban  hoplites,   who 
bore  down  all  before  them.     The  Mantineans  and    Lacedee- 
monians  turned  and  fled,  and  the  rest  followed  their  example. 
The  day  was  won ;  but  Epaminondas,  who  fought  in  the  foremost 
ranks,  fell  pierced  with  a  mortal  wound.     His  fall  occasioned 


f 


*8w 


HBTORy  OF  GREECE. 


Cbap.  XL. 


Buch  consternation  among  his  troops,  that  althoi.;rh  the  enemy 
wer«  m  full  flight,  they  did  not  know  how  to  use  their  advanta^ 
and  remained  rooted  to  the  spot.  Hence  both  sides  sutee^ 
quently  claimed  the  victory  and  erected  trophies,  though  it  was 
t!^  ^^=""°"""^  ^'^o  ^^•^t  a  herald  to  request  the  bodies  of 

R.tTi"''^'^  r'  l^"^'^  """*''•'  ^"^^  ^'th  the  spear-head  still 
fixed  w  h's  Wt.  Having  satisfied  himself  that  his  shield  was 
safe,  and  that  the  victory  was  gained,  he  inquired  for  lolaidaa 
™»nJ^i^^"  •■  7'"""  J>«  "'tended  to  succeed  him  in  the  com- 
mand. Being  informed  that  both  were  slain  :  "  Then  "  he  nh. 
«erved  "you  mnst  make  peace."  After  this  he  ordered  the 
spear-head  to  be  withdrawn ;  when  the  gush  of  b"h Lh 
followed  soon  terminated  his  life.     Thus  died  this  truly  J^at 

W^'ll  h"^T7'"a*"'^  .""^  ^hose  title  to  that  epithet  has 
been  1^  disputed.     Antiquity  is  unanimous  in  his  praise   and 

^Z^''^  t-.'rl'^'V^  ^'"^''  subsequently  took  hifn  for 'their 
model.  With  him  the  commanding  influence  of  Thebes  began 
and  ended  H,s  last  advice  was  adopted,  and  peace  was  cm," 
duded  probably  before  the  Theban  aAny  quittedVdopZ.eru" 
Its  basis  was  a  recognition  of  the  status  ,jiZ-to  leave  eiervthin.; 
as  It  was,  to  acknowledge  the  Arcadian  constitution  and  the  in" 
dependence  ol  Messene.  Sparta  alone  refused  to  joh.  it  "n 
account  of  the  last  article,  but  she  was  not  supported  by  C 

§  24  Agesikns  had  lived  to  see  the  empire  of  Sparta  extin- 
f^^illl  ^r  "J."*!^  "^'''-  Thus  curious^  had  the  propW 
^L^^"^'  ""^'"^  •"""?.•*  ^r^"^  "'  ^he'evils  awaftinrre^ 
ZnZ  «'^««';gnty."     But  Agesilaus  had  not  yet  aban- 

doned all  hope;  arid  he  and  his  son  Archidamus  now  directol 

Svl^r'ri  "Tl n   *'"  ''"'  ■"  ^  "J""^^'  ''™"  -'-h  Sp-^n 
i^rw„    n  '^use.tated.     At  the  age  of  80  the  indo- 

M.  aches  king  of  Egypt,  in  his  revolt  against  Persia.    The  ace  and 
msignificant  appearance  of  the  veteran  warrior  made  him  how- 
ever, a  butt  for  Egyptian  ridicule,  and  he  was  not  intr    "d  wTh 
Jhe  supreme  command.     But  in  spite  of  this  afibnt  he  1"^ 
puued  the  Egyptian  army  on  an  expedition  into  Pho-nicia 
During  the  absence  of  Tachos,  Neetanebis  rose  against  him  a  .d 
^.ug  supported  by  AgesUaus.  obtained  the  thfone  of  W 
Neetanebis  rewarded  this  service  with  a  present  of  230  takrrts 
But  Agesilaus  did  not  live  to  carry  this  lAoney  home  to  Smrta 

bnri«n^^'    ^     ^y  ^"^  embalmed  in  wax.  and  splendidly 
buned  m  bparta.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  ArchidLus  lU 


Bust  of  Plato. 

CHAPTER,  XLI. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  SICILIAN  GREEKS  FROM  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE 
ATHENIAN  ARMAMENT  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  TIMOLEON. 

§  \  I^^'voliitions  at  Syracuse.  Dionysius  the  Elder  seizes  the  despotism. 
fe  2.  His  successes  §  3.  His  poetical  compositions.  Plato  visits  Sy- 
racuse. ^4.  Deatli  of  Dionysius.  His  character.  Story  of  Damocles. 
^5.  Accession  of  the  younger  Dionysius.  Second  visit  of  Plato.  Ban- 
ishment of  Dion.  Third  visit  of  Plato.  §  G.  Dion  expels  Dionysius 
and  becomes  master  of  Syracuse.  §  7.  Assassination  of  Dion.  ^  8  8 
Revolutions  at  Syracuse.  The  Syracusans  invoke  the  aid  of  Corilth. 
^9.  Character  of  Timoleon.  §  10.  His  successes.  Surrender  of  Dionv- 
81U8  and  conquest  of  Syracuse.  §  1 1.  Moderation  of  Timoleon.  He 
remodels  the  constitution.  §  12.  Defeats  the  Carthaginians  at  the 
Crimesus  §  13.  Deposes  the  Sicilian  despots.  §  U.  Retires  into  a 
private  station.     His  great  popularity  and  deathf 

4V' Jlf  ^^^'^^  ^^^^^  Sicilian  Greeks,  an  important  branch  of 
the  Hellenic  race,  deserve  a  passing  notice.     After  the  destruc- 
tion ot  the  Athenian  armament  in  B.C.  413,  the  constitution  of 
fcyracuse  was  rendered  still  more  dcmocratical  by  a  new  code  of 
laws,  which  Diodes,  one  of  the  principal  citizens,  took  the  chief 
part  in  drawing  up.     Shortly  afterwards,  in  B.C.  410,  Hermo- 
crates,  the  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party,  who  had  greatly 
distinguished  himself  during  the  Athenian  invasion,  was  ba- 
nished ;  and  Dioclcs  thus  obtained  for  a  time  the  undisputed 
direction  of  the  Syracusan  government.     But  two  years  after- 
wards Diodes  was  in  his  turn  banished  in  consequence  of  his 
want  of  success  in  the  war  against  the  Carthaginians.     Mean- 
time Hermocrates  had  returned  to  Sidly  and  collected  a  con- 
siderable  force  at  Sdinus,  from  whence  he  carried  on  hostilities 


488 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


Ohap.  XLl 


against  the  Carthaginians  and  their  allies  with  considerable 
success,  and  thus  secured  a  strong  party  at  Syracuse  in  his 
favour.    Relying  upon  this  circumstance,  he  endeavoured  to  efiect 
his  restoration  by  Ibrce,  but  was  slain  in  an  attempt  to  enter 
Syracuse  by  night,  b.c.  407.     This  state  of  things  oi>ened  Die 
way  for  a  still  more  daring  and  successful  aspirant.     This  was 
the  celebrated  Dionysius,  the  son  of  a  person  also  named  Her- 
mocrates.     Dionysius  was  of  humble  origin,  but  of  good  educa- 
tion, and  began  life  as  a  clerk  in  a  public  office.     He  had  taken 
p  active  part  m  the  enterprise  of  Hermocrates  just  mentioned, 
in  which  he  had  been  wounded  and  given  out  for  dead a  cir- 
cumstance  by  which  he  escaped  a  sentence  of  banishment 
After  the  death  of  Hermocrates,  the  domestic  discontents  of  the 
byracusans  were  still  further  fomented  by  another  invasion  of 
the  Carthaginians  m  40G  b.c,  during  which  they  took  and  plun- 
dered Agngentum.     Dionysius,  who  now  headed  the  party  of 
Herrnocrates,  taking  advantage  of  the  prevailing  discontent,  iii  an 
artlul  address  to  the  assembly  attributed  the  fall  of  Anri^rentum 
to  the  incompetence  of  the  Syracusan  generals,  and  Succeeded 
in  procunng  theur  deposition,  and  the  appointment  of  others  in 
their  stead  of  whom  he  himself  was  one.     His  advent  to  power 
was  immediately  followed  by  the  restoration  of  all  the  exiles  of 
his  party      His  next  step  was  to  get  rid  of  his  coUeacnies  by  ac- 
cusing them  of  treachery  and  corruption,  and  to  procure  his 
own  sole  appomtment  with  unlimited   and   irresponsible   au- 
thority.    The  remaining  steps  towards  a  despotism  were  easv 
Under  pretence  that  Ws  life  had  been  attempted,  he  obtained  a 
body-guard  of  1000  men  for  his  protection  ;  by  whose  means  he 
made  himself  master  of  Syracuse,  and  openly  seized  upon  the 
supreme  pwer,  b.c.  405.                                                 ^ 

^  2    Dionysius  first  directed  his  arras  against  Naxos,  Catana, 
and  Leontim,  which  successively  fell  into  his  power  either  bv 
force  or  tr^chery  ;  but  it  was  not  till  b.c.  397  that  lie  considered 
mmseli  sufficiently  strong  to  declare  war  against  Cartha^re     This 
war  was  conducted  with  varying  success.     In  395-^1  Syracuse 
Itself  seemed  on  the  point  of  falUng  into  the  hands  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians.    The  Carthagmian  fleet,  after  obtaining  a  great  naval 
Toa^  ^*  ^^*^"^'  «^^«d  into  the  harbour  of  Syracuse  upwards 
01  200  strong.     At  the  same  time  their  army  established  itself  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  and  Imilcon,  the  Carthaginian 
general,  took  up  his  head-quarters  in  the  temple  of  the  Olympian 
Jove,  withm  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  walls,  and  even  occu- 
pied  and  plundered  the  suburb  of  Achradina.     The  situation  of 
Dionysius  now  seemed  desperate.     It  is  even  said  that  he  was 
on  the  point  of  giving  up  all  for  lost  and  making  his  escape ;  from 


B.C.  393. 


DIONYSIUS  THE  ELDER. 


489 


which  he  was  deterred  by  one  of  his  friends  observing,  "  that  so- 
vereign power  was  an  honourable  winding-sheet."  A  pestilence 
which  shortly  afterwards  broke  out  in  the  Carthaginian  camp 
proved  the  salvation  of  Syracuse.  The  Carthaginians  fell  by 
thousands,  whilst  the  Syracusans  themselves  remained  unharmed 
Dionysius  made  a  successful  attack  both  by  sea  and  land  on  their 
weakened  forces ;  and  Imilcon  was  glad  to  secure  a  disoraceful 
retreat  by  purchasing  the  connivance  of  Dionysius  for  the  sum 
of  300  talents. 

After  this  period  the  career  of  Dionysius  was  marked  by  great" 
though  not  altogether  unvarying  success.     In  393  the  Cartha- 
ginians under  Magon  once  more  threatened  Syracuse,  but  were 
agam  defeated,   and  compeUed  to  sue  for  peace.      Dionysius 
willingly  concluded  a  treaty  with  them,  since  he  was  anxious  to 
pursue  his  schemes  of  conquest  in  the  interior  of  Sicily,  and  in 
Magna  (xraBcia.     By  the  year  384  he  had  reduced  the  greater 
part  of  the  former,   and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  latter 
country      He  had  now  arrived  at  his  highest  pitch  of  power, 
and  had  raised  Syracuse  to  be  one  of  the  chief  Grecian  states, 
second  in  influence,  if  indeed  second,  to  Sparta  alone.     Undei; 
his  sway  Syracuse  was  strengthened  and  embelhshed  with  new 
lortihcations,  docks,  arsenals,  and  other  public  buUdincrg    and 
became  superior  even  to  Athens  in  extent  and  population!  '  Dio- 
nysius took  every  opportunity  of  extending  his  relations  with 
foreign  powers,   and  strengthening  himself  by  alliances.     He 
cultivated  the  friendship  of  the  LacedsBmonians  ;  and  annons  the 
last  acts  of  his  reign  was  the  sending  of  an  auxiliary  force  in  two 

ortreThebaL^  ^"^  '""^^"^  ^^^"^  ^^^'"'^  *^^  increasing  power 
§  3.  Dionysius  was  a  warm  patron  of  literature,  and  was  anx- 
ious to  gain  distinction  by  his  literaiy  compositions.  In  the  midst 
ot  his  pohtica  and  military  cares  he  devoted  himself  assiduously 
to  poetry,  and  not  only  caused  his  poems  to  be  publicly  recited 
at  the  Olympic  games,  but  repeatedly  contended  for  the  prize  of 
tragedy  at  Athens.  Here  he  several  times  obtained  the  second 
and  third  prizes;  and,  finally,  just  before  his  death,  bore  away 
the  first  prize  at  the  LenaBan  festival,  with  a  play  called  the 
itansom  of  Hector." 

In  accordance  with  the  same  spirit  we  find  him  seeking  the 
society  of  men  distinguished  in  literature  and  philosophy 
Plato  who  visited  Sicily  about  the  year  389  from  a  curiosity  to 
see  Mount  ^tna,  was  introduced  to  Dionysius  by  Dion  The 
high  moral  tone  of  Plato's  conversation  did  not  however  prove 
so  attractive  to  Dionysius  as  it  had  done  to  Dfon  ;  and  the  phi- 
losopher was  not  only  dismissed  with  aversion  and  dislike,  but 


490 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


I 


Chap.XU. 


even  it  seems  through  the  machinations  of  Dionvsius  seized 
bound,  and  sold  for  a  slave  in  the  island  of  ^ginf  He^' 
aZ^''  "^P*""*""^  ^y  Anniceris  of  CyrC-n6,  .^d  sent  back  to 

i  4.  Dionysius  died  in  B.C.  367,   after  a  reign  of  38  years 
Love  of  power  was  his  ruling  passion  :   the  dkie  of  literary 
W  his  .^nd.     In  his  manner  of  life  he  was  moderate  an^ 

Ti^T.1  V  T  "^  ''"^Ser  to  pity,  and  never  suffered 
»t  to  check  hira  m  the  pursuit  of  his  ends.  Although  by  no 
means  deficient  m  personal  courage,  the  suspicious  temper  of 

SdTr.rf"*^  ^T  '^^  ""f"™""  P"'y  of  uneasiness  in  the 
midst  of  all  his  greatness,  and  drove  him  to  take  precautions 

Sa  L""  Th^  of  his  life  even  against  his  nearest  Ss  a3 
relatives.  The  miseries  of  absolute,  but  unlegalized  and  unp<H 
puliu  power,  cannot  be  more  strongly  illustrated  than  by  the 

m^T\T7?!'\'  ''"P"'  °f  ^y^"'"^  -«>  his  flatterer^ Da' 
mocte.     The  latter  having  extolled  the  power  and  maiestv  the 

abundant  p<«sessions  and  magnificent  palaces  which  rendered  his 

what  his  happiness  really  was,  and  then  ordered  him  to  be  placi 
«  a  golden  couch,  decked  with  coverings  of  the  richest  and 
most  magnificent  embroidery.     The  sideboanls  groaned  under 

wSn  WmThistld  was  crow^eSS'' "''  =''™'=<'^''^^S 
with  unguen™ ';  the  smeirof  S^XuSlSl^ht'i^S 
ment,  and  the  table  was  coverod  with  the  most  exquisite  vfrn^d^ 
Damocles  now  thought  himself  supremely  happy;  but  in  the 
inidst  of  his  enjoyments  he  happen^  to  Lt  hi^^yes  toward! 
the  ceilmg,  and  beheld  a  naked  scimitar  suspended  over  his  head 

ilLr!  Hk'"'-  /*  *•?''  'i^''*  ^^  satisfaction  vanished  in  an 
instant,  and  he  entreated  to  be  released  from  the  enjoyment  of 
pleasures  which  could  only  be  tasted  at  the  risk  of  life  *  Such 
^^on       *^""*'^  practical  illustration  of  his  own  envied  con- 

o»l!^'  ^""^y^"^  ^^?  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  commonly 
cail^  the  younger  Dionysms,  who  was  about  25  years  of  age  at 
the  tune  of  his  father's  death.  The  elder  Dionysius  had  married 
two  ^ves  at  the  same  time.     One  of  these  was  i  Locrian  wom^ 

^„^,  ^"T'W^^"  ?^^^''  Aristomach6,  was  a  Syracusan.  the 
daughter  of  Hipparmus,  one  of  the  most  active  partisans  of 

•   "Destrictus  cnsis  ciii  super  impia 
Cervicc-  peudet,  noii  Siciila:  dapc3 
Dulcem  elaborabunt  saporem ; 
Non  avium  citharroque  cantus 
Somnum  reducenf— Hob.  Co™.  iiL  l.  17. 


■' 


B.C.  387. 


dionyshjs  the  younger. 


491 


Dionysius,  and  sister  to  Dion,  whom  we  have  already  had  occa- 
sion to  mention  as  the  friend  of  Plato.     The  marriage  with  Doris 
proved  immediately  fruitful,  and  by  her  he  had  three  children, 
of  whom  the  eldest,  Dionysius,  was  his  successor.     But  Aristo- 
mache  was  long  childless,  much  to  the  chagrin  of  Dionysius,  who, 
attributing  the  circumstance  to  the  spells  and  incantations  of 
the  mother  of  Doris,  caused  the  latter  to  be  put  to  death.     At 
length  Aristomache  also  bore  him  children,  two  sons  and  two 
daughters.     Dionysius  having  died  without  appointing  any  suc- 
cessor, Dion  at  first  attempted  to  secure  the  inheritance  lor  his 
youthful  nephews,  but  found  himself  obliged  to  relinquish  all 
such  claims  in  favour  of  the  son  of  Doris.     The  inexperience  of 
the  young  Dionysius,  however,  inchned  him  to  listen  to  the 
counsels  of  Dion,  who  had  always  enjoyed  the  respect  and  con- 
fidence of  his  father,  and  who  now  became  the  confidential  ad- 
viser of  the  son.     Plato's  lofty  and  ideal  conceptions  of  civil 
government  had  sunk  deep  into  the  mind  of  Dion,  and  the 
influence  which  he  now  enjoyed  over  the  youthful  sovereign 
made  him  long  to  seize  the  opportunity  for  realizing  them  in 
practice.    To  expel  the  Carthaginians  from  Sicily,  to  civilize  and 
Hellenize   the   semi-barbarous  Siceliot  tribes,   and  to  convert 
Syracuse  from  a  despotism  into  a  constitutional  monarchy  go- 
verned by  equal  laws, — these  were  the  projects  which  floated  in 
the  imagination  of  Dion,  and  which  he  endeavoured  to  instil  into 
Dionysius.     With  this  view  he  pursuaded  Dionysius  to  invite 
Plato  again  to  Syracuse,  nothing  doubting  that  his  eloquence 
and  conversational  powers  would  work  an  immense  efiect  upon 
the  youthful  monarch.    But  Plato  was  now  growing  old,  and  had 
already  experienced  the  danger  of  attempting  to  instruct  despots 
in  the  sublime,  but  somewhat  visionary  theories  of  perfect  go- 
vernment.    Nevertheless,  after  something  of  a  struggle,  he  sacri- 
ficed his  scruples  and  apprehensions  to  the  pressing  instances  of 
his  friend  Dion,  and  the  warm  invitation  of  young  Dionysius 
himself    The  philosopher  was  received  with  the  greatest  honour. 
His  illustrious  pupil  immediately  began  to  take  lessons  in  geo- 
metry ;  superfluous  dishes  disappeared  from  the  royal  table  ;  and 
Dionysius  even  betrayed  some  symptoms  of  a  wish  to  mitigate 
the  former  rigours  of  the  despotism.     But  now  his  old  courtiers 
took  the  alarm ;  nor  does  Plato  himself  appear  to  have  used 
with  skill  the  opportunity  for  a  practical  application  of  his  doc- 
trines which  chance  had  thrown  in  his  way.     It  was  whispered 
to  Dionysius  that  the  whole  was  a  deep  laid  scheme  on  the  part 
of  Dion  for  the  puqjose  of  effecting  a  revolution  and  placing  his 
own  nephews  on  the  throne.     These  accusations  had  the  desired 
eflect  on  the  mind  of  Dionysius  ;  and  an  intercepted  letter  from 


402 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Cttip.  XLL 


Dira  to  the  Carthaginian  generals,  in  which  he  invited  them  tn 

pretext  for  getting  r.d  ol  him.  lu  the  course  of  a  conversluo^ 
he  e„t.ccd  Ihon  down  to  the  very  brink  of  the  harborw  en 
suddenly  producing  the  intercepted  letter,  and  chaiir'h,^  to 
lus  face  with  trea«>„,  he  forced  him  to  enter  a  vesTelfha  ™  !° 
m  readiness  to  convey  him  to  Italy.  The  situation  of  Plato  wL 
now  very  cnUcal  Many  advised  Dionysius  to  put  hkn  to  dea^h 
but  the  despot  refused  to  listen  to  these  suggesfoC  He  eve.f in' 
vited  Pkto  to  hispalace,  and  treated  him  wifh  the  ^reattt  ~t  • 

Xv  wwat*""!'"""  '"^y "-« lessCn  rS: 

sophy  which  he  had  now  been  taught  to  regard  with  suJici™, 
as  d^gned  only  to  deprive  him  oT  his  pol-r.  P lato  7as  a 
length  suffered  to  escape  from  the  kind  of  honouraWc  cantTvitv 
m  which  he  was  held ;  but  at  the  pressing  invitation  o'Cv 
S.US  he  agam  reluctantly  returned  \o  Syracuse  in  the  hope  S" 
prevailmg  upon  the  tyrant  to  recall  Dion  from  banishmej  In 
this  however,  he  proved  unsuccessful ;  nay,  Diony'iusTvennrn 

mSer  °   F^tT  "'  ''"'^'"'^  ''^'''-*  '^  S  g^L"  Z 

Z7^\JaT      "  """""'r?'  ^^'''^  »'"»•  ^ho  was  now 

S  Kih^nt'T  '"  "•"  ^"^^  "'■  ''''^''"e'  ^ere  stopped 
and  at  length  all  his  large  property  was  confiscated  and  sold  and 

s?^ ''Tkto  l^hlw  t' •'''"•'"^  *'"  P*^-'""  f"-''^  0'  Dion;! 
aus.     i-Jato  beheld  this  injustice  towards  his  friend  with  irrief 

Md  mortification,  but  without  the  power  of  preventimi-  W  -^n^ 
IrrorriSer  '-  ^^--^^  lengSiXSje-n^^ 

O^l^^^t-SVp^  a  Ift-I^eiidtoif  s 

S  o„,.t?tf:  f^    T     "^  ^l°t  ""•*  ^^  "*»  half  sister,  to 
marry  one  of  his  finends,  named  Timocratcs.     He  also  acted  in 

Ae  most  brutal  mamier  towards  Dion's  youthful  son       Tims 

wounded   m  the  tenderest  points,   Dion  resolved  T  revenr 

at  K^d^'^tV?  '''''  '"^"'^"''  »"*  -ly  ''*  Ath'n'TJt 
ai  oparta  and  m  the  Peloponnesus,  and  especiallv  amoncr  f),™„ 

vrho  were  attached  to  Plato  and  his  teacCrrendTrTmar  v 

d^  to  serve  him ;    whilst  the  natural  L  e  o  ■  1  S 

^  of  the  Syracusan  population  to  recover  their  liberty  as  wel 

as  the  contempt  mto  which  DioiWus   had  fallen    from  ht 

dnmken  and  dissipated  habits,  promised  success  raiyTnte 

pme  against  him,  though  undertaken    vith  ever  TLal    a 


B.C.  356. 


DION  CONQUERS  SYRACUSE. 


498 


After  two  or  three  years  spent  in  preparations,  Dion,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  357  B.C.,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Sicily  with  only  800  men. 
The  enterprise  was  favoured  hy  an  imprudent  step  on  the  part 
ol  Dionysms.  who  had  recently  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  80  vessels 
©n  an  expedition  to  the  coasts  of  Italy.    By  a  rapid  night-march 
Dion  appeared  unexpectedly  before  Syracuse ;  at  dawn  his  troops 
were  beheld  from  the  walls  in  the  act  of  crossing  the  little  river 
Anapus,  first  crowning  their  heads  with  garlands,  and  sacrificing 
to  the  rising  sun.     Their  advance  resembled  rather  the  solemn 
procession  of  a  festival  than  the  march  of  an  hostile  army.    The 
inhabitants,  filled  with  joy  and  enthusiasm,  crowded  through 
the  gates  to  welcome  Dion  as  their  deliverer,  who  proclaimed  by 
sound  of  trumpet  that  he  was  come  for  the  purpose  of  putthio- 
down  the  despotism  of  Dionysius,  and  of  liberating  not  only  the 
byracusans,  but  all  the  Sicihan  Greeks. 

Dion  easily  rendered  himself  master  of  the  whole  of  Syracuse 
with  the  exception  of  Ortygia,  which  was  still  held  by  the  parti- 
sans ol  Dionysius.    Such  was  the  state  in  which  that  tyrant  lound 
ins  capital  on  his  return  from  his  Italian  expedition.    Dionysius 
at  lirst  attempted  to  recover  possession  of  the  city  by  force  but 
having  been  defeated  in  a  sea-fight,  he  determined  to  quit  Svra- 
cuse,  and  sailed  away  to  Locri  in  Italy,  leaving  his  son  Apollo- 
crates  in  charge  of  the  citadel  (b.c.  356).     After  his  departure 
dissensions  broke  out  among  the  besiegers,  and  Dion  was  deposed 
Irom  the  command ;  but  the  disasters  of  the  Syracusans,  aris- 
ing  irom  the  incapacity  of  their  new  leadei-s,  soon  led  to  his 
recall  and  to  his  appointment  as  sole  general  with  uncontrolled 
authority     Not  long  after,  ApoUocrates  was  compelled  by  famine 
to  surrender  the  citadel. 

^  7.  Dion  was  now  master  of  Syracuse,  and  in  a  condition  to 
carry  out  all  those  exalted  notions  of  political  life  which  he 
had  sought  to  instil  into  the  mind  of  Dionysius.     He  seems  to 
have  contemplated  some  political  changes,  probably  the  esta- 
bhshment  ol  a  kind  of  hmited  and  constitutional  monarchy, 
alter  the  fashion  of  Sparta,  combined  perhaps  with  the  ohgarchi- 
cal  institutions  of  Corinth.     But  this  scheme  of  a  constitution 
existed  only  in  his  imagination  :  his  immediate  and  practical 
acts  were  tyranmcal,  and  were  rendered  still  more  unpopular  by 
hia  overbeanng  manners.    The  Syracusans  looked  for  republican 
institutions--lor  the  dismantling  of  the  fortifications  of  Ortygia 
the  stronghold  of  despotism^and   for  the  destruction  of  the 
splendid  mausoleum,  which  had  been  erected  there  to  the  me- 
mory  of  the  elder  Dionysius,  by  way  of  pledge  that  the  despotism 
was  really  extinct  and  overthrown.   But  Dion  did  nothing  of  all 
this.     JMay,  he  even  caused  Heraclides,  who  had  proposed  the 


f 


494 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XLl, 


N 


destruction  of  Ort}^gia,  to  be  privately  assassinated.  This  act 
increased  to  the  highest  pitch  the  unpopularity  under  which 
he  already  laboured.  One  of  his  bosom  friends — the  Athenian 
Callippus — seized  the  opportunity  to  mount  to  power  by  his 
murder,  and,  having  gained  over  some  of  his  guards,  caused 
him  to  be  assassinated  in  his  own  house.  This  event  took  place 
in  353,  about  three  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Dionysian 
dynasty. 

§  8.  Callippus  contrived  to  retain  the  sovereign  power  about 
a  twelvemonth.  He  was  ultimately  driven  out  by  Hipparinus, 
the  nephew  of  Dion  (son  of  the  elder  Dionysius  by  Aristomache),' 
who  reigned  but  two  years.  Nysseus,  another  of  Dion's  nephews,' 
subsequently  obtained  the  supreme  authority,  and  was  in  pos- 
session of  it  when  Dionysius  presented  himself  before  Syra- 
cuse with  a  fleet,  and  became  master  of  the  city  by  treachery, 
about  B.C.  346.  Dionysius,  however,  was  not  able  to  re-establish 
himself  firmly  in  his  former  power.  Most  of  the  other  cities  of 
Sicily  had  shaken  off  the  yoke  of  Syracuse,  and  were  governed 
by  petty  despots :  one  of  these,  Hicetas,  M-ho  had  established 
himself  at  Leontini,  afforded  a  rallying-point  to  the  disafiected 
Syracusans,  with  whom  he  joined  in  making  war  on  Syracuse. 
Meantime,  the  Carthaginians  prepared  to  take  advantage  of  the 
distracted  condition  of  Sicily.  In  the  extremity  of  their  suffer- 
ings, several  of  the  Syracusan  exiles  appealed  for  aid  to  Corinth, 
their  mother-city.  The  application  was  granted,  and  Timoleon 
was  appointed  to  command  an  expedition  destined  for  the  relief 
of  Syracuse. 

§  9.  Timoleon  was  one  of  those  models  of  uncompromising 
patnotism  which  we  sometimes  meet  with  in  the  history  of 
Greece,  and  still  more  frequently  in  that  of  Rome,  but  which, 
under  some  of  its  phases,  we,  in  modem  times,  are  at  a  loss 
whether  to  approve  or  to  condemn.  When  a  man's  country  was 
comprised  in  a  small  state  or  a  single  city,  the  feehng  of  patriot- 
ism grew  stronger  in  proportion  as  it  was  more  condensed  ;  and 
to  this  circumstance,  as  well  as  to  the  humanising  eflects  of 
Christianity,  may  perhaps  be  chiefly  attributed  the  diflerence 
between  ancient  and  modem  views  respecting  the  duty  of  a 
patriot.  Timoleon  was  distinguished  for  gentleness  as  well  as  for 
courage,  but  towards  traitors  and  despots  his  hatred  was  intense. 
He  had  once  saved  the  life  of  his  elder  brother  Timophanes  in 
battle  at  the  imminent  peril  of  his  own ;  but  when  Timophanes 
availing  himself  of  his  situation  as  commander  of  the  garrison 
in  the  Acrocorinthus,  endeavoured  to  enslave  his  country,  Timo- 
leon did  not  hesitate  to  consent  to  his  death.  Twice  before 
had  Timoleon  pleaded  with  his  brother,  beseeching  him  not  to 


B.a  344. 


TIMOLEOX  INVADES  SICILY. 


^, 


495 


destroy  the  liberties  of  his  country  ;  but  when  Timophanes 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  these  appeals,  Timoleon  connived  at  the 
action  of  his  friends  who  put  him  to  death,  whilst  he  himself 
bathed  m  a  flood  of  tears,  stood  a  little  way  aloof  The  action 
was  not  without  its  censurers  even  among  the  Corinthians  them- 
selves :    but  these  were  chiefly  the   adherents  of  the  despotic 

Pf  ^y'  "^^^^^  ^^^  S''^''^  *^^y  of  ^he  citizens  regarded  the  conduct 
ot  1  imoleon  with  love  and  admiration.  In  the  mind  of  Timoleon 
however,  their  approving  verdict  was  far  more  than  outweicrhed 
by  the  reproaches  and  execrations  of  his  mother.  The  stin^  of 
blood-guiltmess  and  the  maternal  curse  sunk  so  deep  into  his 
soul  that  he  endeavoured  to  starve  himself  to  death,  and  he  was 
only  diverted  from  his  purpose  by  the  active  interference  of  his 
Iriends.  But  for  many  years  nothing  could  prevail  upon  him  to 
return  to  public  lilb.  He  buried  himself  in  the  country  far  from 
the  haunts  ot  men,  dragging  out  the  life  of  a  self  condemned 
cnminal  and  exile,  till  a  chance  voice  in  the  Corinthian  as- 
sembly nominated  him  as  the  leader  of  the  expedition  against 
Dionysius.  ° 

^  10.  Housed  by  the  nature  of  the  cause,  and  the  exhortations 
ot  his  Inends,  Timoleon  resolved  to  accept  the  post  thus  oftered 
to  him.  The  prospect  however  was  discouraging.  Before  he 
sailed,  a  message  arrived  from  Sicily  to  countermand  the  expe- 
dition, Hicetas  and  the  anti-Dionysian  party  having  entered  into 
secret  negotiations  with  the  Carthaginians,  who  reiused  to  allow 
any  Corinthians  to  land  in  Sicily.  But  the  responses  of  the 
Delphic  oracle  and  the  omens  of  the  gods  were  propitious  ; 
especially  the  circumstance  that  in  the  temple  of  Delphi  itself  a 
wreath  of  victory  fell  from  one  of  the  statues  upon  the  head  of 
Timoleon. 

The  fleet  of  Timoleon  consisted  of  only  ten  triremes,  but  by 
an  adroit  stratagem  he  contrived  to  elude  the  Carthaginian  fleet 
ot  twenty  sail,  and  arrived  safely  at  Tauromenium  in  Sicily 
where  he  was  heartily  welcomed  by  the  inhabitants.     Hicetas 
ineanwhile,  had  made  gi-eat  progress  in  the  war  against  Diony- 
sius.    He  had  defeated  him  in  battle,  and  had  made  himself 
master  of  the  whole  of  Syracuse  with  the  exception  of  Ortygia 
111  which  he  kept  the  despot  closely  besieged.     Hicetas,  learninr^ 
that  Timoleon  was  advancing  to   occupy  Adranum,  hastened 
thither  to  anticipate  hmi,  but  was  defeated  with  heaw  loss 
Timoleon  now  marched  upon  Syracuse.    Dionysius,  who  appears 
to  have  abandoned  ail  hope  of  ultimate  success,  judged  it  better 
to  treat  with  Timoleon  than  with  Hicetas,  and  accordingly  sur- 
rendered the  citadel  into  the  hands  of  the  Corinthian^leader 
on  condition  of  being  allowed  to  depart  in  safety  to  Corinth,' 


«96' 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Cbap.  XLI. 


B.C.  343.    Dionysius  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life  at  Corinth. 

h^Zt  i1  ""f  ^,^'"'  ^'"P^^y^  '"""'  ^«°>"»nl«  "{  his  former 
luxury  by  the  fastidious  taste  which  he  showed  in  the  choicrof 

bs  viands,  unguents  dress,  and  furniture;  whilst  his  literal  in- 
chnations  manifested  themselves  in  teaching  the  pubSi^ 
and  actors,  and  m  opening  a  school  for  boys  ^  * 

Hicetas  still  had  possession  of  Achradina  ;*  and,  since  he  saw 

to?l  ^^l  ^t^"  Carthaginian  force  for  the  reduction  of 
Urt)gia.  The  harbour  of  Syracuse  was  occupied  by  150  Car- 
thagiman  s  ups,  whilst  an  army  of  60,000  Carthaeinians  wa, 

fc^JhrSr'^^ °^4<=^-  But-hiieSraiz 

magon  the  tarthagiman  general  marched  with  a  great  nart  of 
i"SJ:T.  ""  ""''"'  1""^  *"""  "f  C"'-"'-  whence^  gS; 
™SrIX"''?^"*  n*"  P^r""^'  Neon,  the  Corinthk^ 

r^r  dSe^Sfbwft"^."^"""'''^!''  Wrt-'ity.  made 
i.^I'  °^^^^^  the  blockading  force  on  all  sides,  and  even  ob- 

^i'XTS.f  "^^  •'"•'"'•'  of  Achradina.     This  unex;^^.^ 

SeSL^?hf^te^ra£^5S^^^^^^ 
p^on  of  that  paTorSylnt^S^afsXliir^r 
w-    J  7"^,«'?We  to  resist  the  attack  of  Timoleon   3  wis 
obhged  to  abandon  the  city  and  return  to  Leontiir 

crowned  wi'JhZ'i!^'  apparently  hopeless  enterprise  of  Timoleon 
crowned  with  entire  success  m  an  uicredibly  short  space  of  time 
It  now  lemamed  for  him  to  achieve  a  still  greater  victo" 

ort^57Xa'!r-r'' ""'  "'^  ">»«*"  of%t::'Z'7{ 

dSmTn  V.U  r""'  '"i^  '"^""=^*  <■"  <^tablishi„g  a 

despotism  m  his  own  favour ;  but  his  firet  public  act  was  to 
destroy  those  mipregnable  fortifications  which  would  ha^'? 
dered  such  a  usurpation  feasible.  All  the  ^Vracu^aM  w2' 
mvited  to  assist  in  demohshing  the  waUs  of  Orty™„d  Z 
monument  of  the  elder  Dionysius,  the  record  onLeir  ?brmer 

oTr  ^\Vi  W'  ^        n'^y  •?  ^"•'"^  *°  "  ^tate  of  liberty  and 
order      \Aith  this  view  all  exdes  were  invited  to  return  •  whil.t 

*  See  plan  of  Syracuse,  p.  337. 


B.C.  343 


TIMOLEOIf  AT  SYRACUSE 


■> 


497 


leading  Corinthian  citizens  were  accordingly  despatched  to  assist 
Timoleon  and  the  Syracusans  in  recasting  their  constitution, 
which  was  remodelled  on  the  basis  of  the  laws  of  Diodes* 
To  remedy  the  poverty  into  which  Syracuse  had  been  plunged 
by  its  misfortunes,  new  colonists  were  invited  to  enrol  them- 
selves; and  thus  a  body  of  10,000  citizens,  including  the  Syra- 
cusan  exiles,  was  collected  at  Corinth  and  transported  to  Syracuse. 
But  larger  bodies  of  Greeks  soon  poured  in  from  Italy,  so  that 
altogether  the  immigrants  are  reckoned  at  G0,000. 

H2.  Meantime,  Timoleon  was  not  idle.     He  attacked  Hicetas 
in  Leontini,  and  compelled  him  to  capitulate.     But  the  submis- 
sion of  Hicetas  was  a  mere  feint  in  order  to  gain  time  for  calhng 
in  the  Carthaginians ;  who  highly  indignant  at  the  precipitate 
retreat  of  Magon,  were  aiLxious  to  wipe  out  tlie  disgrace  by 
some  signal  act  of  vengeance.     An  army  of  70,000  men  was 
accordingly  disembarked  at  Lilybaeum.     To  meet  this  formidable 
force  Timoleon  could  raise  only  about  12,000  men ;  and  on  his 
march  against  the  enemy  this  small  force  was  still  further  re- 
duced by  the  defection  of  about  1000  of  his  mercenaries.     With 
the  remainder  Timoleon  marched  westwards  into  the  Cartha- 
ginian province.     As  he  was  approaching  the  Crimesus,  or  Cri- 
missus,  a  small  river  which  flows  into  the  Hypsa  on  the  south- 
western coast  of  Sicily,  he  was  saluted  by  one  of  those  omens 
which  so  frequently  either  raised  the  courage  of  the  Greeks  or 
sunk  them  into  despondency.     The  army  was  met  by  several 
mules  bearing  loads  of  parsley,  the  usual  ornament  of  tombs. 
Perceiving  the  alarm  of  liis  soldiers,  Timoleon,  with  great  pre- 
sence of  mind,  gave  the  omen  another  and  a  favourable  direction. 
Crowns  of  parsley  were  also  employed  to  reward  the  victors  in 
the  Isthmian  games;   and  Timoleon,  seizing  a  handful  and 
making  a  wreath  for  liis  own  head,  exclaimed,  "  Behold  our 
Conntluan  symbol  of  victory ;  its  unexpected  appearance  here 
aflords  an  unequivocal  omen  of  success."     These  timely  words 
reanimated  his  men,  who  now  followed  him  with  alacrity.     In 
the  battle  which  ensued  Timoleon  appeared  to  have  been  a^rain 
lavoured  by  the  gods.     In  the  hottest  of  the  fight  a  terrific  stwm 
ot  hail,  rain,  and  thunder,  and  lightning  beat  right  in  the  faces  of 
the  Carthaginians,  and  by  the  confusion  which  it  created  enabled 
the  G  reeks  to  put  them  to  the  rout.     The  same  cause  occasioned 
the  death  of  thousands  in  their  retreat,  for  the  river  Crimesus, 
swollen  by  the  sudden  rain,  carried  away  a  great  part  of  those 
who  attempted  to  rccross  it.     Ten  thousand  Carthaginians  are 
said  to  have  perished  in  the  battle,  while  15,000  more  were 

*  See  p.  487. 


498 


HISTORY  OP  GREECR 


Chap.  XLL 


made  pnsonere.  The  remainder  fled  without  stopping  to  Lilv- 
teum,  whence  they  immediately  embarked  for  Carthage  not 
without  a  dread  that  the  anger  of  the  gods  would  still  piirsuo 
tnem  at  sea. 

§  13.  The  victory  of  the  Crimesus  brought  Timoleon  such 
an  accession  of  power  and  influence,  that  he  now  resolved  to 

irom  Ncily.  The  Carthagmians  sent  another  expedition  to 
assist  these  despots,  but  they  were  unable  to  effect  anvthinff 
and  were  glad  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Timoleon  in  b.c.  338.' 
li^l  A  '^'''  '^  ^  *^^"t"^»ed  with  the  Carthaginians.  Timoleon 
obU^ned  possession  of  the  town  of  Leontini,  as  well  as  of  the 
person  ol  Hicetas,  whom  he  caused  to  be  put  to  death  Ma- 
inercus,  despot  of  Catana,  was  next  deposed  and  executed  by 
order  ot  the  public  assembly  at  Syracuse,  and  the  other  despote 
m  bicily  soon  shared  his  fate.  ^ 

*  14.  Having  thus  efi-ected  the  liberation  of  the  island,  Timo- 
leon immediately  laid  down  his  power.  All  the  reward  he  received 
for  his  great  services  was  a  house  in  Syracuse,  and  some  landed 
property  m  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  He  now  sent  for  his 
lamily  Irom  Cormth,  and  became  a  Syracusan  citizen.  He  con- 
turned,  however,  to  retain,  though  in  a  private  station,  the 
greatest  influence  m  the  state.  During  the  latter  part  of  his 
We,  though  he  was  totally  deprived  of  sight,  yet  when  important 
affairs  were  discussed  in  the  assembly,  it  was  customary  to  ^nd  for 
limolcon,  who  was  drawn  in  a  car  into  the  middle  of  the  theatre 
^^f .       ^""^^  u"*^  affectionate  greetings  of  the  assembled 

nounced  was  usually  ratified  by  the  vote  of  the  assembly ;  Ind 
he  then  left  the  theatre  amidst  the  same  cheers  which  had 
g^eted  his  amval  A  truly  gratifying  position  !  and  one  which 
must  have  conferred  on  Timoleon  more  real  happiness  than  the 
po^^ssion  of   the  most  absolute   power  could   ever  have  be- 

f«rf«  „  V^!^  ^  xPP^  """^  honoured  condition  he  breathed  his 
Mst  m  B.c  o36,  a  few  years  after  the  battle  of  Crimesus.  He 
was  splendidly  interred  at  the  public  cost,  whilst  the  tears  of  the 
whole  feyracusau  pipulation  ibffowcd  him  to  the  grave 


View  of  Delphi  and  Mount  Parnassus. 

BOOK  VI. 

THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

B.C.  359—146. 


CHAPTER  XLIL 

FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  nilLIP  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR. 

§1.  State  of  Greece.  §2.  Description  of  Macedonia.  8  3.  Kin^s  of 
Macedon.  §  4.  Oiaracter  of  Philip.  §  5.  He  subdues  the  P^onians 
and  Illy  nans.  §6.  His  military;  discipline.  §7.  Capture  of  Ainphi- 
pohs,  and  foundation  of  Philippi.  §  8.  The  Social  War  8  9  Com 
nieiicement  of  the  Sacred  War.  The  Phocians  seize  Delphi  8  lo  Sue" 
cesses  of  the  Phocians.  §  1 1.  Philip  interferes  in  the  war.  Conquers 
Ihessalv.  §12.  Phihp  in  Thrace.  Demosthenes.  §  13.  TheOlvnthian 
\t\'  I  ^'*-  Pilr ''•''^^^^  ^'f  Phoeion.  Fall  of  Olynthus.  8  15.  Progress 
of  the  Saered  War.  Embassy  to  Philip.  §  1 6:  Conquest  of  Phocis  by 
1  hihp.     Sentence  of  the  Aniphictyonic  Council  on  the  Phocians. 

f  1.  The  internal  dissensions  of  Greece,  which  have  formed  the 
Bul^jcct  of  the  two  preceding  books,  are  now  about  to  produce 
their  natural  fruits ;  and  in  the  present  book  we  shall  have  to 


»»8 


I 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLL 


made  prisoners.  The  remainder  fled  without  stopping  to  Lilv- 
bapum,  whence  they  immediately  embarked  for  Carthajre  not 
without  a  dread  that  the  anger  of  the  gods  would  still  pursue 
tnem  at  sea.  •* 

H3.  The  victory  of  the  Crimesus  brought  Timoleon  such 
an  accession  of  power  and  influence,  that  he  now  resolved  to 

«^  ,u    ^'  1  Carthaginians  sent  another  expedition  to 

ass  St  these  despots,  but  they  were  unable  to  efTect  anvthinff 
and  were  glad  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Timoleon  in  n.c.  338.' 
nhH  n  ^  "*"  '""^  continued  with  the  Carthaginians,  Timoleon 
obtained  possession  of  the  town  of  Leoiitini,  as  well  as  of  the 
person  of  Hicetas  whom  he  caused  to  be  put  to  death.  Ma- 
mercus  despot  of  Catana,  was  next  deposed  and  executed  by 

.^,  slnl  P"^  "  T^'"}^^  ""^  ^J^'""^"^'  """1  tl"^  »t'«^'  despot; 
m  JMicily  soon  shared  his  late. 

}  14.  Haying  thus  cflfccted  the  liberation  of  the  island.  Timo- 
leon immediately  laid  down  his  power.    All  the  reward  he  received 

^Lt^n^i^\^'^"""^^''^''  ^"T^  ^y^"''"^"'  "°''  «""Ha„ded 
ft3v  1  -  n«'?h  Whood  of  the  city.  He  now  sent  for  his 
lamily  bom  toniith,  and  became  a  Syracusai.  citizen.  He  con- 
tnmed  however,  to  retain,  though  in  a  j.rivate  station,  the 
greatest  i.iflueiiee  lu  the  state.     During  tl.i-  latter  part  of  his 

ai  airs  .» eie  discussed  in  the  assembly,  it  was  cuslomarv  to  Lid  for 
lunoicon,  who  was  drawn  in  a  car  into  the  mi.ldie  ol  "the  Hieatre 
amid  the  shouts  and  alitctionatc  greetings  of  the  a.=sembled 
caizeiis  Wien  the  tumult  of  liis%eception  had  subsidrhe 
lis tened  patiently  to  the  debate.  The  opinion  which  he  pro- 
nounced was  usual  y  ratified  by  the  vote  of  the  assembly  ;  ind 
he  then  lelt  the  theatre  amidst  the  same  cheers  which  had 
pec  ed  his  arrival.  A  tn.ly  gratifying  j^sition  !  and  one  which 
must  have  cx>nlerred  on  Timoleon  more  real  happiness  than  the 
possession  oi   the  most   absolute   power  could   ever  have  be- 

ul^'  o.lr  ^I'l'y  "'"^  honoured  condition  he  breathed  his 
last  in  lic.  o30,  a  lew  years  after  the  battle  of  Crimesus.  He 
^as  spfo„d.dlyi„terre.l  at  the  public  cost,  whilst  the  tears  of  tlie 
whole  isyraeusau  jn.pulation  followed  him  to  the  grave 


t, 


, 


View  of  Deliihi  and  Mount  Parnassus. 

BOOK  VI. 

THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPKEMACY. 

B.C.  359— IIG. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAPv. 

1.  State  of  Greece.     §  2.  Description  of  Macedonia.     8  3.  Kinirs  of 
I^Iacodon.     §  4.  Clianu-ter  of  Philip.     4?  5.  He  subdues  the  Pfoonians 


and  Illyrians 
polis,  aiK 
nienceint' 


:  anb.  b  6.  ll.smilitar^^  discipline.  §7.  Capture  of  Aniphi- 
d  foundation  ol  Philippi.  g  8.  The  Social  War.  8  9  Coni- 
'nt  of  the  Sacred  War.    Tlie  Phocians  seize  Delphi     i$  10  Sue 


cessesofthePhocians.     §11.  Philip  interferes  in  ih;;va;:'    C^nqSera 
Jliessaly.    ^  12.  Philip  ml  hraee.   Demosthenes.   S  13.  TheOlvnthian 


A\ 


ar. 


^irrM         *  '    fin      •         T,  V,  V §13.  TheOlynthian 

f  ii     I  'if  ••^^'^^^  ^f  I'hoeion.    Fall  of  Olynthus.     g  15.  Progress 

of  the  Saeroc  War.    Enibassy  to  Philip.    §  i  o.  Conquest  of  Phocis  by 
1  hihp.     Sentence  of  the  Aniphietyonic  Council  on  the  Phocians. 

f  1.  The  iiitenial  dissensions  of  Greece,  which  have  formed  the 
Bul^ject  of  the  iM'o  preceding  books,  are  now  about  to  produce 
their  natural  fruits ;  and  in  the  present  book  we  shall  have  to 


iOO' 


I 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XLII. 


lelate  the  downfall  of  her  independence  and  her  subjuffation  bv  a 
foreign  power.     We  have  first  of  all  seen  Sparta  exercising  a  irt 
of  empire  of  opinion  over  the  other  Grecian  states,  and  looked 
up  to  by  them  with  willing  obedience  as  their  traditional  and 
chosen   leader.     After  the  Persian  wars  Athens  contests  the 
&r  .K    u'  '^»*^:,J^«»«&h  the  confederacy  of  Delos,  becomes 
TZI  K     i      «i^<^'ceccin  material  power,  if  not  reco«r,used 
as  such   by  the  public   opmion   of  the   nation.     But   Sparta 
ana  most  of  the  other  Grecian  states,  from  jealousv  of  the 
Athenian  supremacy,  league  together  for  the  purpose  of  crush- 
ing Athens.     After  a  long  struggle,  Athens  falls  into  the  power 
ol  her  enemies  ;  and  Sparta  becomes  the  ruler  of  Greece      The 
power  which  she  has  thus  acquired,  she  exercises  with  harsh, 
ness,  cruelty,  and  corruption ;  her  own  allies  desert  her  •  and 
in  httle  more  than  thirty  years  after  the  battle  of  yEgospitami 
she  IS  m  her  turn  not  only  deprived  of  the  supremacy,  but  even 
stripped  of  a  considerable  portion  of  her  own  ancient  territory 
'^  i!^.  ^m^'"''""^  *^^  ^"^^^  ^"^  influence  of  Thebes.     For  a  httle 
While  Thebes  becomes  the  predominant  state ;   but  she  owes 
her  position  solely  to  the  abilities  and  genius  of  Epaniinondas,  ' 
and  after  his  death  sinks  down  to  her  former  level.     The  state 
ot  exhaustion  into  which  Greece  had   been  thrown  bv  these 
protracted  intestine  dissensions  is  already  shown  by  her  havinor 
condescended  to  throw  herself  at  the  feet  of  Persia,  and  to  make 
her  hereditary  enemy  the  arbiter  of  her  quarrels.     Athens  alone 
during  the  comparative  state  of  tranquiUity  afforded'her  throu-h 
the  mutual  disputes  ol  her  neighbours,  has  succeeded  in  re-afn- 
mg  some  portion  of  her  former  strength,  and  becomes  thelea^dincr 
power  m  tlie  struggle  which  now  threatens  to  overwhelm  the 
whole  of  Greece.     This  new  danger  comes  from  an  obscure 
northern  state,  hitherto  overlooked  and  despised,  and  considered 
hzatbn^  ^^'barous,  and  without  the  pale  of  Grecian  civi- 

i  2.  Macedonia— for  that  is  the  country  of  which  we  are 
speaking— had  vanous  limits  at  difierent  times.  Properly  how- 
^""^1  u  "^^  t  ^fg^^ded  as  separated  from  Thessaly  on  the 
south  by  the  Cambunian  mountains ;  from  lUyria  on  the  west 
by  the  great  inountain  chain  caUed  Scardus  and  Bernus,  and 
which,  under  the  name  of  Pindus,  also  separates  Thessaly  from 
Epirus ;  from  MoBsia  on  the  north  by  the  mountains  called  Orbe- 
lus  and  Scomius ;  and  from  Thrace  on  the  east  by  the  river 
btrymon  It  is  dramed  by  three  rivers  of  considerable  size,  the 
Axius  the  Lydias,  and  the  Haliacmon ;  each  of  which  has  its 
separate  valley,  formed  by  two  mountain  ranges  running  south- 
eastwards  from  the  mountains  that  divide  lUyria  and  Macedonia. 


. 


., 


B.a  859. 


HISTORY  OF  MACEDONIA. 


501 


All  these  nvers  discharge  themselves  into  the  Thermaic  ffulf 
The  origin  of  the  people  who  inhabited  this  tract  of  country  has 
been  much  disputed.  The  Greeks  themselves  looked  upon  them 
as  barbarians,  that  is,  as  not  of  Hellenic  origin.  They  were  pro- 
bably  an  lUpian  people,  and  the  similarity  of  the  manners  and 
customs,  as  well  as  ol'  the  languages,  so  far  as  they  are  known 
o  the  early  Macedonians  and  Illyi.ans,  seems  to  estabhsh  the 
Identity  ol  the  races. 

$  3.  But  though  the  Macedonians  were  not  Greeks  their  so- 
vereigns claimed  to  be  descended  from  an  HeUenic  race,  namely 
that  of  Temenus  of  Argos ;  and  it  is  said  that  Alexander  l' 
proved  his  Argive  descent  previously  to  contending  at  the  Olympic 
games.     Perdiccas  is  commonly  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the 
monarchy  ;  of  the  history  of  which,  however,  httle  is  known  till 
the  reign  of  Amyntas  L,  his  fifth  successor,  who  was  contem- 
porary  with  the  Pisistratida)  at  Athens.     Under  Amyntas  who 
submitted  to  the  satrap  Megabyzus,  Macedonia  became  subject 
to  1  ersia,  and  remained  so  till  after  the  battle  of  Plateea      The 
r.lf  li^'V^*'  succeeding  sovereigns  do^^n  to  Philip  11.  present 
ittlc  tiiat  is  remarkable,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Arche- 
laus  (B.C.  4 13).     This  monarch  efiected  much  for  Macedonia  by 
^proving  the  condition  of  the  army,  by  erecting  fortresses  to 
check  the  incursions  of  his  barbarous  neighbours,  by  construct- 
ing  roads  and  by  endeavouring  to  difliise  among  his  subjects  a 
taste  for  literature  and  art.     He  transferred  his  residence  from 
.^ga3  to  Pella,  which  thus  became  the  capital,  and  he  employed 
Zeuxis  to  adorn  his  palace  there  with  paintings.     He  entertained 
many  literary  men  at  his  court ;  such  as  Agathon  and  Euripides 
the  latter  of  whom  ended  his  days  at  Pella.     Archelaus  mL  as- 
sassmated  m  B.C.  399,  and  the  crown  devolved  upon  Amyntas  II 
a  representative  of  the  ancient  line.     Amyntas  left  three  sons*' 
Alexander  II.,  who  was  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Alorites  •  Per- 
diccas III.,  who  recovered  his  brother's  throne  by  slaying  Pto- 
lemy, and  who  fell  in  battle  against  the  Illyrians  ;  and  lastly  the 
celebrated  Philip,  of  whom  we  have  now  to  speak. 

i  4.  It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  youthful  Philin 
was  one  of  the  hostages  delivered  to  the  Thebans  as  security  for 
the  peace  efiected  by  Pelopidas.  ^  His  residence  at  Thebes  ffave 
him  some  tincture  of  Grecian  philosophy  and  literature  It 
seems  probable  that  he  made  the  personal  acquaintance  of  Plato  • 
and  he  undoubtedly  acquired  that  command  over  the  Greek  lan- 
^age  which  put  him  on  a  level  with  the  best  orators  of  the  day 
but  the  most  imix)rtant  lesson  which  he  learned  at  Thebes  was 
the  art  of  war,  with  all  the  improved  tactics  introduced  by  Epa- 
mmondas.     A*  the  time  of  Philip's  residence,  moreover,  TheLs 


*J^  i  f 


X 


■  \ 


1' 


tf^icj 


3  t  *J 


6m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIl 


was  the  centre  of  political  interest,  and  he  must  accordingly  have 
had  opportunities  to  become  intimately  acquainted  with  tlie 
views  and  policy  of  the  various  (Jrecian  powers.     The  genius 
and  character  of  Philip  were  well  calculated  to  derive  advantage 
from  these  opportunities.     He  had  great  natural  acuteness  and 
sagacity,  so  as  to  perceive  at  a  glance  the  men  to  be  employed, 
and  the  opportunities  to  be  improved.     His  boundless  ambition 
was  seconded  by  an  iron  will,  which  no  danger  could  daunt  and 
no  repulse  dishearten ;  and  when  he  had  once  formed  a  project 
he  pursued  it  with  untiring  and  resistless  energy.     His  hand- 
some  person,    spontaneous   eloquence,    and    apparently   frank 
deportment,  were  of  great  assistance  to  him  in  the  prosecution 
of  his  schemes ;  whilst  mider  these  seducing  qualities  lurked  no 
inconvenient  moraUty  to  stand  between  his  desires  and  their 
gratification.     Corruption  was  his  instrument  as  frequently  as 
force ;  and  it  was  one  of  his  favourite  boasts  that  he  had  taken 
more  towns  with  silver  than  with  iron  *     Yet  when  force  was 
necessary  no  man  could  wield  it  better ;  for  with  the  skill  of  a 
general  he  united  a  robustness  of  constitution  which  enabled 
him  to  bear  all  the  hardships  of  a  campaign  as  well  as  the 
meanest  soldier. 

§  5.  Such  was  the  man  who  at  the  age  of  23  assumed  the  go- 
vernment of  Macedonia  (b.c.  359).     It  had  probably  been  in- 
trusted to  him  when  his  brother  Perdiccas  set  out  on  the  expe- 
dition against  the  lUyrians  in  which  he  fell ;  and  after  that  event 
h3  became  the  guardian  of  his  brother's  infant  son.  This  minority 
induced  two  pretenders  to  claim  the  crown  :  Pausanias,  who  was 
supported  by  the  king  of  Thrace ;  and  Argjeus,  whose  claims 
were  backed  by  the  Athenians  with  a  force  of  3000  hoplites, 
because  he  had  engageTIo  put  them  in  iK)ssession  of  Amphi- 
jJoHs.     But  by  his  promises  and  address  Philip  contrived   to 
propitiate  both  the  king  of  Thrace  and  the  Athenians ;  to  the 
]  latter  of  whom  he  made  the  same  oilers  as  Argieus  had  done. 
The  two  pretenders  being  thus  deprived  of  their  supporters, 
were  easily  got  rid  of,  and  Philip  was  left  at  hberty  to  turn  his 
arms  against  the  Paeonians  and  Illyrians,  who  were  threatening 
Macedonia  with  invasion.     The  former  people  were  easily  sul^ 
dued,  and  Philip  then  marched  against  the  lll>Tians  with  a  force 
of  10,000  men.     He  was  met  by  Bardylis,  the  aged  chief  of 
Illyria,  with  an  army  of  about  the  same  strength.     This  was  the 
first  important  engagement  fought  by  Philip.     He  displayed  in 
It  the  military  skill  which  he  had  acquired  in  the  school  of  Epa- 

*  "diffidit  iirbiuui 

Portas  vir  Macedo  et  subruit  junuilos 
Rcg«i8  inuacribus."— IIoiL  Curttu  iii.  16.  la 


3.a  869. 


ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP. 


305 


-. 


mmondas,  and,  like  that  conmiander,  gained  the  victory  by  con- 
centratmg  his  forces  on  one  point  of  the  enemy's  line.     Nearly 
two-thirds  of  the  Illyrian  army  were  destroyed  ;  and  they  were 
consequently  compelled  to  submit  unconditionally,  and  to  place 
m  the  hands  of  Philip  the  principal  mountain  passes  between 
the  two  countries.     It  was  after  these  victories  that  Phihp  seems 
to  have  deposed  his  nephew,  and  to  have  assumed  the  crown  of 
Macedon.    This  revolution,  however,  was  unattended  with  harsh- 
ness or  cruelty.     Philip  continued  to  bring  up  his  nephew  at 
court,  and  ultimately  gave  him  one  of  his  daughters  in  marriage. 
$  6.   It  was  natural  that  success  acquired  with  so  much  e^o 
should  prompt  a  youthful  and  ambitious  monarch  to  further 
undertakings.     In  anticipation  of  future  conquests  he  devoted 
the  greatest  attention  to  the  training  and  discipline  of  his  anny 
It  was  in  his  Illyrian  wars  that  he  is  said  to  have  introduced  the 
lar-famed  Macedonian  phalanx.     But  perhaps  the  greatest  of  his 
military  innovations  was  the  establishment  of  a  standin«^  army 
V\  e  have  already  noticed  certain  bodies  of  this  description  at 
Argos  and  Thebes.     Philip,  however,  seems  to  have  retained  on 
loot  the  10,000  men  which  he  had  employed  against  the  Illy- 
rians ;  and  this  standing  force  was  gradually  enlarged  to  double 
the  number.     Among  the  soldiers  discipline  was  preserved  by 
the  severest  punishments.     Thus  we  hear  of  a  youth  of  noble 
birth  being  scourged  for  leaving  the  ranks  to  get  a  draucrht  of 
wine  at  a  tavern ;  and  of  another  who,  though  a  favourite  at 
court,  was  put  to  death  for  a  similar  offence,  aggravated  by  a 
breach  of*  positive  orders. 

§  7.  Philip's  views  were  now  turned  towards  the  eastern  fron- 
tiers of  his  dominions,  where  his  interests  clashed  with  those  of 
the  Athenians.     A  few  years  before  the  Athenians  had  made 
various  unavailing  attempts  to  obtain  possession  of  Amphipohs, 
onee  the  jewel  of  their  empire,  but  which  they  had  never  reco- 
vered since  Its  capture  by  Brasidas  in  the  eighth  year  of  the  Pc- 
loponnesian  war.     Its  situation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Strymon 
rendered  it  also  valuable  to  Macedonia,  not  only  as  a  commercial 
port,  but  as  opening  a  passage  into  Thrace.     The  Olynthians « 
were  likewise  anxious  to  enrol  Amphipohs  as  a  member  of  their  ' 
contederacy  and  accordingly  proposed  to  the  Athenians  to  form  • 
an  alliance  for  the  purjwse  of  defending  Amphipohs  against  their  I 
mutual  enemy.     An  alhance  between  these  two  powerful  states  i 
would  have  proved  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  Philip's  views  ; 
and  It  was  therefore  absolutely  necessary  to  prevent  this  coali- 
tion.    Here  we  have  the  first  instance  of  Philip's  skill  and  du- 
plicity in  negotiation.     By  secretly  promising  the  Athenians 
that  lie  would  put  Amphiiiolis  into  their  hands,  U"  they  would 


604 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLH, 


give  him  possession  of  Pydna,  he  induced  them  to  reject  the 

overtures  of  the  Olynthians ;  and  hy  ceding  to  the  latter  the 

town  of  Anthemus,  he  hought  off  their  opposition.     He  now  laid 

siege  to  Amphipoiis,  which,  being  thus  left  unaided,  fell  into  his 

1  hands  (b.c.  358).     He  then  forthwith  marched  against  Pydna, 

which  surrendered  to  him ;  hut  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not 

j  the  Athenians  who  had  put  him  in  possession  of  this  town,  he 

(  refused  to  give  up  Amphipoiis  to  them. 

Philip  had  now  just  reason  to  dread  the  enmity  of  the  Athenians, 
and  accordingly  it  was  his  policy  to  court  the  favour  of  tho 
Olynthians,  and  to  prevent  them  from  renewing  their  negotia- 
tiona  with  the  Athenians.  In  order  to  separate  them  more 
eflectually.  he  assisted  the  Olynthians  in  recovering  Potidsea, 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  their  confederacy,  but  was  now 
in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians.  On  the  capture  of  the  town  he 
handed  it  over  to  the  Olynthians ;  but  at  tlie  same  time  he 
treated  the  Athenian  garrison  with  kindness,  and  allowed  them 
to  return  home  in  safety.  Plutarch  relates  that  the  capture  of 
Potidaea  was  accompanied  with  three  other  Ibrtunate  events  in 
the  hfe  of  Philip ;  namely,  the  prize  gained  by  his  chariot  at  the 
Olympic  games,  a  victory  of  his  general  Pannenio  over  the 
lUyrians,  and  the  birth  of  his  son  Alexander.  These  events 
hapijened  in  b.c.  356. 

Philip  now  crossed  the  Strymon,  on  the  left  bank  of  which 
lay  Pangieus,  a  range  of  mountains  abounding  in  gold  mines 
Pangajus  property  belonged  to  the  Thracians,  but  had  some- 
*f^f  if"  ^'^  ^^^  possession  of  the  Athenians,  and  sometimes 
oi  the  Thasians ;  and  at  this  time  was  held  by  the  latter  people. 
Phihp  conquered  the  district,  and  founded  there  a  new  town 
called  Plulippi,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Thasian  town  of 
Cremdes.  By  unproved  methods  of  working  the  mines  he  made 
them  yield  an  aiuiual  revenue  of  1000  talents,  neariy  250,000/ 
But  It  was  cliicfly  as  a  military  post  that  Philijipi  was  valu- 
able to  him,  and  as  a  meaus  of  pushing  his  conquests  farther 
eastwards;  for  which,  however  he  was  not  at  present  pro- 
pared.  ^ 

J  8.  Meanwhile,  Athens  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  her  allies 
which  has  been  called  the  Social  War;  and  which  was,  perhaps 
ttie  reason  why  she  was  obliged  to  look  quietly  on  whilst 
Philip  was  thus  aggrandizing  himself  at  her  expense.  This  war 
broke  out  m  b.c.  357.  The  chief  causes  of  it  seem  to  have  been 
the  contributions  levied  upon  the  allies  by  the  Athenian  gene- 
rals, and  the  re-establishment  of  the  system  of  cleruchies,'  which 
the  Athemans  had  formally  renounced  when  they  were  beginnin*r 
to  reconstruct  their  empire.     However  this  may  be,  a  coalition 


B.C.  85Y. 


THE  SACRED  WAR. 


60a 


was  formed  against  Athens,  of  which  either  Byzantium  or  Rhodes 
was  the  head,  and  which  was  soon  joined  by  Chios,  Cos,  and 
other  places.     The  insurgents  were  also  assisted  by  the  Carian 
prince,  Mausolus.     The  first  step  taken  by  the  Athenians  in 
order  to  quell  this  insurrection  was  to  attack  Chios  with  60  tri- 
remes, under  Chares  and  Chabrias.     The  expedition  proved  un- 
successful.    Chabrias  was  slain  whilst  gallantly  leading  the  way 
into  the  harbour  of  Chios,  and  the  armament  was  aUogether  de- 
feated.    We  next  find  Timotheus  and  Iphicratrs  employed  in 
this  war  in  conjunction  with  Chares :  but  the  cetails  recorded 
of  it  are  obscure,  and  sometimes  contradictory.     Chares  got  rid 
of  his  two  colleagues  on  a  charge  of  failing  to  support  him  in  a 
battle.     On  this  indictment  they  were  subsequently  tried,  when 
Iphicrates  was  acquitted ;  but  Timotheus  was  condemned,  and 
retired  to  Chalcis,  where  he  soon  afterwards  died.     Athens  thus 
lost  her  best  commanders;  and  Chares,  having  obtained  the  sole 
command,  entered  the  service  of  the  satrap  Artabazus,  who  had 
revolted  against  Artaxerxes,  and  was  rewarded  with  a  large  sum 
which  enabled  him  to  pay  his  men.     He  did  not  succeed,  how- 
ever, in  reducing  the  refractory  allies  to  obedience ;  and  when 
Artaxerxes  threatened  to  support  them  with  a  fleet  of  300  ships, 
the  Athenians  were  obliged  to  consent  to  a  disadvantageous 
peace,  which  secured  the  independence  of  the  more  important 
allies  (B.C.  355).     The  Athenians  only  succeeded  in  retaining 
some  of  the  smaller  towns  and  islands,  and  their  revenue  from  t 
them  was  reduced  to  the  moderate  sum  of  45  talents. 

$  9.  The  Social  War  tended  still  further  to  exhaust  the  Grecian 
states,  and  thus  pave  the  way  for  Philip's  progress  to  the  su- 
premacy.   Another  war,  which  had  been  raging  during  the  same 
time,  produced  the  same  result  even  to  a  greater  extent.     This  ' 
was  the  Sacred  War,  which  broke  out  between  Thebes  and 
l!liocis  in  the  same  year  as  the  Social  War  (b.c.  357).     An  ill- 
feeling  had  long  subsisted  between  those  two  countries.     It  was 
with  reluctance  that  the  Phocians  had  joined  the  Theban  al^ 
hance.     In  the  last  campaign  of  Epaminondas  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus,  they  positively  refused  their  assistance ;    and  afiter  tho 
death  of  that  leader  they  seem  to  have  committed  some  actual 
hostihties  agamst  Bceotia.    The  Thebans  now  availed  themselves 
of  the  influence  which  they  possessed  in  the  Amphictyonic  coun- 
cil to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Phocians,  and  accordingly  induced 
this  body  to  impose  a  heavy  fine  upon  the  Phocians,  because 
they  had  cultivated  a  portion  of  the  Cirrhsean  plain,  which,  after 
the  first  sacred  war,  had  been  consecrated  to  the  Delphian  god,* 
and  was  to  he  waste  for  ever.     The  Phocians  pleaded  that  the 

*  JSoe  p|>:6U,  51. 
Z 


mm 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIL 


B.C.  352. 


payment  of  the  fine  would  ruin  them ;  but  instead  of  listening 
to  their  remonstrances,  the  Amphictyons  doubled  the  amount, 
and  threatened,  in  case  of  their  continued  refusal,  to  reduce 
them  to  the  condition  of  serfs.     Thus  driven  to  desperation,  the 
Phocians  resolved  to  complete  the  sacrilege  with  which  they  had 
been  branded,  by  seizing  the  very  temple  of  Delphi  itself,  to  the 
possession  of  which  they  asserted  an  ancient  right,  founded  on  a 
verse  m  Homer,  in  which  the  "  rocky  Pytho"  was  reckoned 
among  the  Phocian  towns  *     If  they  succeeded  in  seizing  the 
temple,  not  only  would  aU  its  treasures  be  at  their  command, 
but  they  would  even  be  able  to  dictate  the  responses  of  the 
oracle.     The  leader  and  counsellor  of  this  enterprise  was  Philo- 
melus,  who,  with  a  force  of  no  more  than  2000  men,  surprised 
and  took  Delphi.     The  Locrians  of  Amphissa,  who  came  to  the 
rescue  of  the  temple,  were  defeated  by  him  with  great  loss. 
Being  now  master  of  the  temple.  Philomelus  destroyed  the  re- 
cords containing  the  sentence  of  the  Amphictyons,  and  appealed 
to  all  (xreece  against  its  injustice.     At  first,  however,  he  care- 
luUy  abstamed  Irom  touching  the  sacred  treasure  ;  but  he  levied 
large  sums  on  the  private  property  of  the  Delphians.     He  then 
lortifaed  the  temple  afresh  ;  and,  having  hired  more  mercenaries 
which  sweUed  his  force  to  5000  men,  invaded  the  Locrian  terri- 
toiy.     After  some  petty  skirmishes,  the  Locrians  were  finally 
defeated  m  a  pitched  battle ;   whereupon  they  applied  to  the 
Ihebans  for  assistance. 

*  10.  Meanwhile,  Philomelus,  being  master  of  the  oracle,  ex- 
torted a  decree  from  the  priestess  sanctioning  all  that  he  had 
done ;  and  sent  envoys  to  the  principal  Grecian  cities,  including 
r  n  .  l^*^  ^*"'^'*'^*®  ^'^  conduct,  and  to  declare  that  the  treasures 
ol  Delphi  were  untouched.    The  envoys  succeeded  in  obtaining  the 
a  Jiance  of  Sparta  and  Athens,  but  from  Thebes  they  were  repulsed 
with  threats.     There,  however,  the  apphcation  of  the  Locrians 
met  with  a  ready  acquiescence ;  and  messages  were  sent  by  the 
Ihebans  to  stir  up  the  Thessalians  and  all  the  northern  tribes 
which  belonged  to  the  Amphictyonic  Council.     The  Phocians 
now  saw  themselves  threatened  by  a  powerful  combination, 
whilst  irom  Athens,  weakened  by  the  social  war,  and  from  Sparta, 
hampered  by  Megalopohs  and  Messene,  they  could  expect  but 
httle  aid.     In  this  emergency  Philomelus  threw  off  the  scruples 
which  he  had  hitherto  assumed,  and  announced  that  the  sacred 
treasures  should  be  converted  into  a  fund  for  the  payment  of 
mercenaries      Crowds  of  adventurers  now  flocked  on  all  sides  to 
his  standard,  and  he  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  10,000 
men.     With  these  he  again  invaded  Locris,  and  defeated  th» 

•  Iliad,  ii  bll. 


INTERFERENCE  OF  PHILIP. 


607 


" 


■" 


Thebans  and  Thessalians.  Subsequently,  however,  the  Thebans 
obtained  large  reinforcements,  and  having  become  manifestly  the 
strongest,  put  to  death  all  Phocian  prisoners,  as  being  guilty  of 
sacrilege.  The  war  thus  assumed  the  most  barbarous  character, 
and  the  Phocians,  by  way  of  self  preservation,  were  obliged  to 
retaliate.  The  details  of  the  struggle  arc  not  accurately  known, 
but  it  appears  that  a  great  battle  was  at  length  fought,  in  which 
the  Phocians  were  defeated  and  Philomelus  killed.  The  victory, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  sufficiently  decisive  to  , 
enable  the  Thebans  to  obtain  possession  of  Delphi,  and  they  sub-  ' 
sequently  returned  home. 

Onomarchus,  who  succeeded  his  brother  Philomelus  in  the 
command,  carried  on  the  war  with  vigour  and  success.  He  re- 
duced both  the  western  and  eastern  Locrians,  as  well  as  the  little 
state  of  Doris.  He  then  invaded  BcBotia,  captured  Orchome- 
nus,  and  laid  siege  to  Chajronea ;  which,  however,  the  Thebans 
compelled  him  to  raise,  and  drove  him  back  with  some  loss  into 
Phocis. 

HI.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  Sacred  War  when  Philip  first 
began  to  interfere  in  it.  It  was  only,  however,  through  his  pre. 
vious  conquests  in  Thessaly  that  he  was  enabled  to  do  so.  Even 
before  he  could  enter  that  country  he  had  to  reduce  the  town  of 
Methone,  which  lay  between  him  and  the  Thessalian  frontier ; 
and  it  was  at  the  siege  of  this  place  that  he  lost  his  eye  by  an 
arrow.  After  the  capture  of  Methone,  his  road  lay  open  into 
Thessaly ;  and  at  the  invitation  of  the  AleuadaB  of  Larissa,  who 
were  disgusted  with  the  tyranny  exercised  by  the  successors  of 
Alexander  of  Phera),  he  undertook  an  expedition  against  that 
state.  Alexander  himself  had  been  despatched  tlurough  the 
machinations  of  his  wife  Thebe,  who  caused  him  to  be  murdered 
by  her  three  half-brothers.  These  subsequently  ascended  the 
throne,  and  exercised  a  tyranny  as  harsh  as  that  of  their  pre- 
decessor. Pherse,  it  seems,  had  shown  some  disposition  to  assist 
the  Phocians;  and  when  Onomarchus  heard  that  Philip  was 
marching  against  it,  he  sent  his  brother,  Phayllus,  with  a  force 
of  7000  men  to  its  assistance.  Philip  defeated  Phayllus,  but 
was  subsequently  routed  and  compelled  to  retreat  by  Onomar- 
chus in  person.  The  latter  then  turned  his  arms  against  Coro- 
nea,  which  he  reduced  ;  but  the  news  that  Philip  had  re-entered 
Thessaly  at  the  head  of  20,000  men,  soon  compelled  him  again 
to  march  thither.  Philip  now  assumed  the  character  of  a  cham- 
pion of  the  Delphic  god,  and  made  his  soldiers  wear  wreaths  of 
laurel,  plucked  in  the  groves  of  Tempe.  Onomarchus  was  at  the 
head  of  about  an  equal  number  of  men ;  but  in  the  encounter 
which  ensued,  apparently  near  the  gulf  of  Pagasaj,  he  was  slain, 


S06 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE, 


Cdap.  YT.tt, 


and  his  anny  totally  defeated  (b.c.  352).  This  victory  mado 
Plnhp  master  of  Thessaly.  He  now  directed  his  3  sTth! 
wards  with  the  view  of  subduing  the  Phocians?  but  u^ 
reaching  Thermopyto,  he  found  the  pass  guarded  by  a  strC 

*  12.  After  his  return  from  Thessaly,  Philip's  views  were  .)i 
rected  towards  Tluace  and  the  Chem,nese  ;  b^u   hi  fct  caric^' 
h.s  arms  so  far  aUo  the  interior  of  the  counto.  that  U  e  ITh,; 
mans  cou  d  learn  nothing  of  his  movements.^  It  was  at  thL 

opponent  of  Philip,  and  delivered  the  first  of  those  celebrated 
oratiom  which  from  their  subject  have  been  called  the  PWlip. 
pics.  [  Smcc  the  establishment  of  democracy  at  Athens  a  cer- 
SifS  °f  "!!^»y  -  P"l"-  «P<^aking  was'indispeusable  to  a 

o7ato^      ^r^,  f '  '"^''^t'^tesmen  and  warriors,  as  m-cU  as 

w^^  in  thl    '^^     ^'"^"^  v"""^'^  "'  *•"=  ""  of  rhetoric,  as 

W  E^lnlnl  .  l"^"  T'  *^"  ™1'"^'^'»  ""^^'  introduced 
by  Jipaminondas,  had  now  almost  completely  separated  the  pro- 
fessions of  the  orator  and  the  soldier.     PhocLX  contend 

ThJr  lT\.  T      '',"','''  *'"'  Athenians  had  become  ihstidious 
They  delighted  in  displays  of  oratorical  skill ;    and  it  was  this 
period  which  produced  those  speakers  who  have  been  cllTed  by 

flmouf  oTtrr,;'  *'"'  tl''*'  "■■''"'"■"     C«'»-thcnes.  the  m,;^ 
lamous  of  hem  all,  was  bom  m  b.c.  382-361 .     Having  lost  his 

2dX,»r  iT' ^  '^f/'f--".  his  guardians  abused  t^ei  trus 
Thtt?^  .  T  "'  '^^  ^'''  P"-^  °f  '"^  Pa"^"'"!  inheritance 
to^rt •""'  ^""^"^"■W-yod  one  of  the  causes  which  tended 
to  make  him  an  orat.r.  Uemosthei.es,  as  he  advanced  towa  ds 
manhood,  pereeiyed  with  indignation  the  conduct  orhinuar 
dians.  ior  which  he  resolved  to  make  them  answerable  when  the 
proper  opportumty  should  arrive,  by  accusing  them  hfm^^f 
belore   he  dicastery.     The  weakness  of  his  boddy  frame  Whrch 

d^oto  hfZlf'J^h  rr^  '''''"  ^--iu-.  cau^d'hTm  ti 
devote  himself  with  aU  the  more  ardour  to  intellectual  pursuits 

He  placed  hmiself  under  the  tuition  of  Is»ns,  who  thence,  ioyld 
a  high  reputation  as  an  advocate ;  and  when  he  had  aSd 
Z^^'T'  '^'^  °'"l^'"'  ^'^  P'^^-l  his  cause  against  Sar 

a^mblv'-  hlttrrr,?'"'""^"^  '"^  *°  ^P^'^k  iii\lie  public 
fi^  .t.  L       '"^h«' attempt  proved  a  failure,  ami  he  retired 

tT™!  7  "'""*'*  ^'  ^'^'^"^  ''"'I  '""^hter  of  the  citizens. 
The  n^  judicious  and  candid  among  his  auditors  perceived 


B.C.  352. 


DEMOSTHENES.    FIRST  PHILIPPIC. 


509 


however,  marks  of  genius  in  his  speech,  and  rightly  attributed 
]iis  faihirc  to  timidity  and  want  of  due  preparation.     Eunomus, 
an  aged  citizen  who  met  him  wandering  about  the  Piraeus  in  a 
state  of  dejection  at  his  ill  success,  bade  him  take  courage  and 
persevere-     "  Your  manner  of  speaking,"  said  he,  "  very  much 
resembles  that  of  Pericles ;  you  ikil  only  through  want  of  con- 
fidence.    You  are  too  much  disheartened  by  the  tumult  of  a 
popular  assembly,  and  you  do  not  take  any  pains  even  to  acquire 
that  strength  of  body  which  is  requisite  lor  the  bema."     Struck 
and  encouraged  by  these  remarks,  Demosthenes  withdrew  awhile 
from  public  life,  and  devoted  himself  perseveringly  to  remedy 
his  detects.     They  were  such  as  might  be  lessened,  if  not  re- 
moved, by  practice,   and  consisted   chiefly  of  a  weak  voice, 
imperfect  articulation,  and  ungraceful  and  inappropriate  action. 
He  derived  much  assistance  from  Satyrus,  the  actor,  who  exer- 
cised him  in  reciting  passages  from  Sophocles  and  Euripides. 
He  studied  the  best  rhetorical  treatises  and  orations,  and  is  said 
to  have  copied  the  work  of  Thucydidcs  with  his  own  hand  no 
fewer  than  eight  times.     He  shut  himself  up  for  two  or  three 
months  together  in  a  subterranean  chamber  in  order  to  practise 
composition  and  declamation.     It  may  also  be  well  supposed 
that  he  devoted  no  inconsiderable  part  of  liis  attention  to  the 
laws  of  Athens  and  the  politics  of  Greece.    His  perseverance  was 
crowned  with  success ;  and  he  who  on  the  first  attempt  had 
descended  from  the  bema  amid  the  ridicule  of  the  crowd,  became 
at  last  the  most  perfect  orator  the  world  has  ever  seen.J 

H3.  Demosthenes  had  established  himself  as  a  public  speaker 
before  the  period  which  we  have  now  reached ;  but  it  is  chiefly 
in  connexion  with  Philip  that  we  are  to  view  him  as  a  statesman 
as  well  as  an  orator.  Philip  had  shown  his  ambition  by  the  con- 
quest of  Thessaly,  and  by  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  Sacred 
War ;  and  Demosthenes  now  began  to  regard  him  as  the  eaemy 
of  the  liberties  of  Athens  and  of  Greece.  In  his  first  "  Philippic" 
Demosthenes  tried  to  rouse  his  country-men  to  energetic  meas- 
ures against  this  formidable  enemy ;  but  his  warnings  and  exhor- 
tations produced  little  efiect,  for  the  Athenians  were  no  longer 
distinguished  by  the  same  spirit  of  enterprise  which  had  cha- 
racterized them  in  the  days  of  their  supremacy.  It  is  true  they 
were  roused  to  momentary  action  towards  the  end  of  B.C.  352 
by  the  news  that  Philip  was  besieging  the  fortress  of  Heraeum  on 
the  Propontis ;  but  the  armament  which  they  voted,  upon  receiv- 
ing the  news,  did  not  sail  till  the  autumn  of  b.c.  351,  and  then 
on  a  reduced  scale  under  the  command  of  Charidemus.  For  the 
next  two  years  no  important  step  was  taken  to  curb  the  growing 
power  of  Philip ;  and  it  was  the  danger  of  Olynthus,  which  first 


610 


HISTORY  OF  GREECEl 


Chaf.  XLXt 


B.C.  S47. 


PHILIP  TAKES  OLYNTHUS. 


511 


'OC 


■>-l1t<l.. 


induced  the  Athenians  to  prosecute  the  war  with  a  little  more 
energy. 

Ill  350  B.C.,  Philip  having  captured  a  town  in  Chalcidice  OKn- 
thus  began  to  tremble  lor  her  own  salbtv,  and  sent  envoys  to 
Athens  to  crave  assistance.  Olyiithus  was  still  at  the  head  of 
thirty-two  Greek  towns,  and  the  confederacy  was  a  sort  of  coun 
terpoisc  to  the  power  of  Philip.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
Demosthenes  delivert'd  his  three  Olynthaic  orations,  in  which 
h§^  warmly  advocated  an  alliance  with  Olynthus. 

*  14.  Bemofithenes  was  opposed  by  a  strong  party,  with  wliicli 
Phocion  commonly  acted.  L  Phocion  is  one  of  the  most  sinrrular 
and  original  characters  in  Grecian  histor>%     Naturally  simple 
upright,  and  benevolent,  his  manners  were  nevertheless  often 
rendered  repulsive  by  a  tinge  of  misanthropy  and  cynicism.    He 
viewed  the  multitude  and  their  affairs  with  a  scorn  which  he 
was  at  no  pams  to  disguise ;  receiving  their  anger  with  indiifer- 
ence  and  their  praises  with  contempt.     When  a  response  from 
Delphi  annoimced  to  the  Athenians  that  though  they  were 
themselves  unanimous,  there  was  one  man  who  dissented  from 
them,  Phocion  stepped  ibrw  ards,  and  said :  "  Do  not  trouble 
yourselves  to  seek  for  this  refractory  citizen ;— I  am  he,  and  I 
like  nothing  that  you  do."     On  another  occasion,  when  one  of 
his  speeches  was  received  with  general  applause,  he  turned  round 
to  his  iriends,  and  inquired,  "  Have  I  said  anything  bad  ?"    Pho- 
cion s  whole  art  of  oratory  consisted  in  condensing  his  speeches 
into  the  smallest  possible  compass,  without  any  attention  to  the 
imoothness  of  his  periods,  or  the  grace  of  his  language      Yet 
their  terse  and  homely  vigour  was  olten  heightened  by  a  sort  of 
dry  humour,  which  produced  more  eHk-t  than  the  most  studied 
eMorts  of   oratory.     "What,   at  your  meditations,   Phocion^" 
inquired  a  Inend,  who  perceived  him  wrapt  up  in  thought— 
"  I^\  }^^  replied,  "  I  am  considering  whether  I  can  shorten 
what  I  have  to  say  to  the  Athenians."    His  known  probity  also 
gave  him  weight  with  the  assembly.    He  was  the  only  statesman 
ot  whom  Demosthenes  stood  in  awe ;  who  was  accustomed  to 
say   when    Phocion    rose,    "Here    comes    the    primer   of  my 
penods     '  But  Phocion's  desi>onding  views,  and  his  mistrust  of 
the  Athenian  people,  made  him  an  ill)  statesman  at  a  period 
which  demanded  the  most   active  patriotism.     He  doubtless 
injured  his  country  by  contributing  to  check  the  more  enlarged 
and  patnotic  views  of  Demosthenes ;  and  though  his  own  con- 
duct was  pure  and  disinterested,  he  unintentionally  threw  his 
weight  on  the  side  of  those  who,  like  Demades  and  others,  were 
actuated  by  the  basest  motives.;  This  division  of  opinion  ren- 
tlered  the  operations  of  the  Athenians  for  the  aid  of  the  Olyn- 


/  . 


thians  languid  and  desultory.  Town  after  town  of  the  confe- 
deracy fell  before  Philip ;  and  in  B.C.  348,  or  early  in  347,  he  laid 
siege  to  Olynthus  itself  The  city  was  vigorously  defended ;  but 
Philip  at  length  gained  admission  through  the  treachery  of  Las- 
theiies  and  Euthycrates,  two  of  the  leading  men,  when  he 
razed  it  to  the  ground  and  sold  the  inhabitants  into  slavery. 
The  whole  of  the  Chalcidian  peninsula  thus  became  a  Macedo- 
nian province.  Philip  celebrated  his  triumph  at  Dium,  a  town 
on  the  borders  of  Thessaly ;  where,  on  the  occasion  of  a  festival 
to  the  Muses,  instituted  by  Archelaus,  he  amused  the  people 
with  banquets,  games,  and  theatrical  entertainments. 

H5.  The  prospects  of  Athens  now  became  alarming.     Her 
possessions  in  the  Chersonese  were  threatened,  as  well  as  the 
freedom  of  the  Greek  towns  upon  the  Hellespont.    At  this  junc- 
ture Demosthenes  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  Athenians  to 
organize  a  confederacy  among  the  (jrecian  states  for  the  purpose 
of  arresting  a  power  which  seemed  to  threaten  the  hberty  of 
all ;  and  in  this  he  was  seconded  by  some  of  those  politicians 
who  usually  opposed  him.   But  though  steps  were  taken  towards 
this  object,  the  attempt  entirely  failed.     The  attention  of  the 
Athenians   was    next   directed  towards   a  reconciliation  with 
Thebes,    The  progress  of  the  sacred  war,  to  which  we  must  now 
briefly  revert,  seemed  favourable  to  such  a  project.     After  the 
death  of  Onoraarchus,  his  brother  Phayllus  had  assumed  the 
command  of  the  Phocians  ;  and  as  the  sacred  treasure  was  still 
unexhausted  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  large  reinlbrcements  of 
troops.     The  Spartans  sent  1000  men ;  the  Achseans  2000  ;  the 
Athenians  5000  foot  and  400  horse  under  Nausicles.    With  these 
tbrces  Phayllus  undertook  a  successful  invasion  of  BoBotia ;  and 
afterwards  attacked  the  Epicnemidian  Locrians,  and  took  all 
their  towns  except  Naryae.    But  in  the  course  of  the  year  Phayllus 
died,  and  was  succeeded  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  by  Mnaseas, 
guardian  of  Phalaecus,  the  youthful  son  of  Onomarchus.  Mnaseas, 
however,  was  soon  slain,  and  Phalaecus  himself  then  assumed  the 
command.    Under  him  the  war  was  continued  between  the  Pho- 
cians and  Thebans,  but  without  any  decisive  success  on  either  side. 
The  treasures  of  Delphi  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  on  the  other 
hand  the  war  was  becoming  every  year  more  and  more  burthen- 
some  to  the  Thebans.     It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  Athe- 
nians, as  before  hinted,  were  contemplating  a  peace  with  Thebes ; 
nor  did  it  seem  improbable  that  one  might  be  concluded  not 
only  between  those  two  cities,  but  among  the  Grecian  states  ' 
generally.     It  seems  to  have  been  this  aspect  of  affairs  that 
induced  Philip  to  make  several  indirect  overtures  to  the  Athe- 
nians in  the  sununer  of  B.C.  347.     In  spite  of  subsidies  from 


512 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLII. 


II 


Delphi  the  war  had  been  very  onerous  to  them,  and  they  received 
these  advances  with  joy,  yet  not  without  suspicion,  as  they  were 
quite  unable  to  divine  Philip's  motives  for  making  them      On 
the  motion  of  Philocrates,  however,  it  was  decreed  that  ten  am- 
bassadors  should  be  despatched  to  Philip's  court.     Philocrates 
himself  was  at  the  head  of  them,  and  amoncr  the  rest  were  the 
nvai  orators  Demosthenes  and  yEscliines,  and  the  actor  Aristo- 
demus.   We  have,  however,  no  particulars  on  which  we  can  rely 
respectmg  this  embassy.     All  that  we  can  gather  respecting  it  is 
liora  the  personal  recriminations  of  Demosthenes  and  ^schines 
and  we  can  only  infer  on  the  whole  that  it  was  a  miserable 
lailure.     Philip  seems  to  have  bribed  some  of  the  ambassadors, 
and  to  have  cajoled  the  rest  by  his  hospitable  banquets  and  his 
winning  and  condescending  manners.    Nothing  decisive  was  done 
respecting  Amphipolis  or  the  Phocians ;  and  as  far  as  we  can 
learn  the  whole  fruits  of  the  embassy  were  some  vague  promises 
on  the  part  of  Philip  to  respect  the  Athenian  possessions   in 
Ihrace.    boon  after  the  return  of  Philocrates  and  his  colleagues, 
Antipater  Parmemo,  and  Eurj-lochus,  three  of  Philip's  most  dis- 
tinguished generals  and  statesmen,  came  on  a  mission  to  Athens 
where  they  were  entertained  by  Demosthenes.     The  basis  of  a 
treaty  oi  peace  and  alliance  seems  now  to  have  been  arranged,  in 
Which  Piiilip  dictated  his  own  terms.     Another  embassy  con- 
sisting probably  of  the  ibrmer  ten,  was  appointed  to  procure  the 
ratification  of  this  treaty  by  Philip ;  and  on  the  news  that  he 
was  invading  the  dominions  of  Cersobleptes,  they  were  directed 
to  hasten  their  departure,  and  to  seek  that  monarch  in  whatever 
quarter  he  might  be.     With  this  view  they  proceeded  to  the 
port  of  Oreus  in  EuboBa;  but  instead  of  following  the  advice  of 
Demosthenes,   and  embarking  for  the  Hellespont,  which  thev 
might  have  reached  in  two  or  three  days,  they  wasted  some  time 
at  that  place,  and  then  proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route  to  Pella  • 
hence  they  did  not  reach  that  city  till  upwards  of  three  weeks 
alter  quitting  Athens.     Here  they  met  ambassadors  from  other 
states  concerned  in  the  progress  of  the  sacred  war,  as  Thebes 
Phocis,  feparta,  and  Thessaly ;  but  Philip  was  still  in  Thrace,  and 
tliey  had  to  wait  a  month  fbr  his  return.    Even  when  he  arrived 
at  Pella,  he  delayed  the  final  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  per- 
Buaded  the  ambassadors  to  accompany  him  on  his  march  to 
1  hersB  m  Thessaly,  under  pretence  that  he  desired  their  media- 
tion between  the  Pharsahans  and  Halus ;  though  liis  real  motive 
undoubtedly  was  to  gain  time  for  invading  Phocis.    He  at  lenc^th 
swore  to  the  treaty  in  Phera) ;  but  the  Phocians  were  expre^y 
excluded  from  it.  ^       ^ 

h  16.  Scarcely  had  the  Athenian  ambassadors  returned  homo 


B.a  34i,. 


END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR. 


513 


\ 


" 


when  Philip  began  his  march  towards  ThermopylsB.  Demosthenes, 
on  his  return,  protested  against  the  acts  of  his  colleagues,  and 
his  representations  had  such  an  effect,  that  the  ambassadors 
were  not  honoured  with  the  usual  vote  of  thanks.     The  main  ! 
charge  which  he  brought  against  his  colleagues,  and  against' 
jaEschines  in  particular,  was  that  of  having  deluded  the  people  \ 
with  false  hopes  respecting  Philip's  views  towards  Athens.     But ! 
the  opposite  party  had  possession  of  the  popular  ear.     Not  only  \ 
was  nothing  done  for  the  Phocians,  but  a  decree  was  even  passed 
to  coavey  the  thanks  of  Athens  to  Philip,  and  to  declare  that 
unless  Delphi  was  deUvered  up  by  the  Phocians  to  the  Amphic- 
tyons,  the  Athenians  would  help  to  enforce  that  step.     The  am- 
bassadors were  again  directed  to  carry  this  decree  to  Philip  ;  but 
Demosthenes  was  so  disgusted  with  it  that  he  refused  to  go,  and 
^schines  also  declined  on  the  plea  of  ill-health. 

The  Phocians  now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  Philip.     As  soon  as  the 
king  had  passed  the  straits  of  Thermopylae,  Phalajcus  secured 
his  own  safety  by  concluding  a  treaty  with  Philip,  by  which  he 
was  permitted  to  retire  into  the  Peloponnesus  with  8000  mer- 
cenaries.    When  Philip  entered  Phocis  all  its  towns  surrendered 
unconditionally  at  his  approach.      Philip  then  occupied  Delphi, 
where  he  assembled   the    Amphictyons  to  pronounce  sentence 
upon  those  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  sacrilege  committed 
there.     The  council  decreed  that  all  the  cities  of  Phocis,  except 
Aba3,  should  be  destroyed,  and  their  inhabitants  scattered  into 
villages  containing  not  more  than  fifty  houses  each  ;  and  that 
they  should  replace  by  yearly  payments   the  treasures  of  the 
temple  estimated  at  the  enormous   sum  of  10,000  talents,  or 
nearly  two  millions  and  a  half  sterling.     Sparta  was  deprived 
of  her  share  in  the  Amphictyonic  privileges ;  the  two  votes  in 
the  Council  possessed  by  the  Phocians  were  transferred  to  the 
kings  of  Macedonia  ;  and  Philip  was  to  share  with  the  Thebans 
and  Thessalians  the  honour  of  presiding  at  the  Pythian  games. 
These  were  no  slight  privileges  gained  by  Philip.     A  seat  in  the 
Amphictyonic   council   recognized  him  at  once  as  a  Grecian 
power,  and  would  afford  him  occasion  to  interfere  in  the  affairs 
of  Greece.     Thebes  recovered  the  places  which  she  had  lost  in 
BoBotia.     Such  was  the  termination  of  the  Sacred  War  Tb  c 
346J.  ^ 

2* 


B.C.  344. 


SECOND  PHILIPPIC. 


515 


The  Plain  of  Cheronea. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  PHH^IP. 

§  1.  Results  of  the  Sacred  War.  §  2.  Macedonian  embassy  to  Athens. 
Seaynd  Fkilippic.  §  3.  Philip's  expedition  into  Thrace.  8  4  Third 
Philippic.  Progress  of  Philip.  Siege  of  Perinthus.  §  5.  Phocion's 
success  in  Eiibcea.  §  6.  Declaration  of  war  between  Athens  and 
Maeedon.  Phocion  compels  Philip  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese.  8  Y 
Charge  of  sacrilege  against  the  Amphissians.  §  8.  Philip  appointed 
general  by  the  Amphictyons  to  conduct  the  war  against  Amphissa. 
§  9.  He  seizes  Elatea.  League  between  Athens  and  Thebes.  8  10. 
Battle  of  Chjeronea.  §  11.  Philip's  extravagant  joy  for  his  victory. 
^  12.  Congress  at  Corinth.  Philip's  progress  through  the  Peloponne- 
MM.  §  13.  Phihp's  Domestic  quarrels.  §  14.  Preparations  for  the 
Persian  expedition.     §  16.  Assassination  of  Philip. 

h  1.  The  result  of  the  Sacred  War  rendered  Maeedon  the  lead- 
ing state  in  Greece.  Philip  at  once  acquired  by  it  military  glory, 
a  reputation  for  piety,  and  an  accession  of  power.  His  ambitious 
designs  were  now  too  plain  to  be  mistaken.  The  eyes  of  the 
blindest  among  the  Athenians  were  at  last  opened  ;  the  pro- 
moters of  the  peace  which  had  been  concluded  with  Philip 
mcurred  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the  people ;  whilst  on  the 
other  hand  Demosthenes  rose  higher  than  ever  in  public  favour. 
They  showed  their  resentment  against  Philip  by  omitting  to 
send  their  usual  deputation  to  the  Pythian  games  at  which  the 
Macedonian  monarch  presided. 


■ 


It  was  either  this  omission,  or  the  unwillingness  of  the  Athe- 
nians to  acknowledge  Philip  as  a  member  of  the  Amphictyonic 
league,  that  induced  him  to  send  an  embassy  to  Athens  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  a  point  which  neither  his  dignity  nor  his 
interest  would  permit  to  lie  in  abeyance.  It  was  generally  felt 
that  the  question  was  one  of  peace  or  war.  Yet  the  Athenians 
were  so  enraged  against  Philip  that  those  who  were  for  main- 
taining peace  with  him  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing  in  the  as- 
sembly. On  this  occasion  we  have  the  remarkable  spectacle  of 
JEschines  and  Demosthenes  speaking  on  the  same  side,  though 
from  widely  different  motives.  The  former  adhered  to  his  usual 
corrupt  policy  in  favour  of  Philip  ;  whilst  Demosthenes,  in  sup- 
porting him,  was  actuated  only  by  views  of  the  most  sagacious 
and  disinterested  policy.  These  he  detailed  ahd  enforced  in  his  ' 
Oration  On  the  Peaces  in  which  he  persuaded  the  Athenians  not 
to  expose  themselves  at  that  time  to  the  risk  of  a  war  with  Philip, 
supported,  as  he  would  be,  by  the  greater  part  of  Greece. 

k  2.  Philip  had  now  succeeded  to  the  position  lately  occupied 
by  Thebes,  and  in  virtue  of  it  prepared  to  exercise  the  same  in- 
fluence which  that  state  had  previously  enjoyed  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. He  declared  himself  the  protector  ot"  the  Messenians,  and 
the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Megalopolitans  and  Argives.  Demos-- 
thenes  was  sent  into  Peloponnesus  to  endeavour  to  counteract 
Philip's  proceedings  in  the  peninsula  ;  but  his  mission  led  to  no 
result.  During  his  stay  there,  he  had  openly  accused  Philip  of 
perfidy  ;  and  that  monarch  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  ac- 
companied by  envoys  from  Argos  and  Messene,  to  complain  of  so 
grievous  an  accusation.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  second  I 
Philippic  of  Demosthenes  was  delivered,  which  was  chiefly  ^ 
directed  against  the  orators  who  supported  Philip  (b.c.  344).  In 
the  following  year  a  prosecution  was  instituted  against  ^schines 
and  Philocrates  for  "  malversation  in  their  embassy "  to  the 
Macedonian  court.  The  latter,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  evaded 
the  trial  by  flight ;  and  -SIschines,  who  defended  himself  with 
great  skill,  was  acquitted  by  only  thirty  votes.* 

^  3.  Meanwhile,  in  b.c.   344,  Philip   overran   and  ravaged 
Illyria ;  and  subsequently  employed  himself  in  regulating  the  \ 
affairs  of  Thessaly,  where  he  occupied  Pherae  with  a  permanent  J 
Macedonian  garrison.    He  was  likewise  busied  with  preparations/ 
<br  the  still  vaster  projects  which  he  contemplated,  and  which 
embraced  an  attack  upon  the  Athenian  colonies,  as  well  as  upon 
the  Persian  empire.     For  this  purpose  he  had  organized  a  con- 
siderable naval  force  as  well  as  an  army  ;  and  in  the  spring  of 

*  See  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ^schines  tteqI  iragaTTQea^Selac. 


B.C.  344. 


SECOND  PHILIPPIC. 


515 


The  Plain  of  Cheronea. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  SACRED  WAR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  PHILIP. 

§  1.  Results  of  the  Sacml  War.  §  2.  Macedonian  embassy  to  Athena. 
Second  Pkilippic,  §  3.  Pliilip's  expedition  intoTlirace. "  §  4.  Third 
Philippic,  Progress  of  Philip.  Siege  of  Perinthus.  §  5.  Phocion's 
success  in  Eubtea,  §  6.  Declaration  of  war  between  Athens  and 
Macedon.  Phocion  compels  Philip  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese.  8  1 
Charge  of  sacrilege  against  the  Araphissians.  §  8.  Philip  appointed 
general  by  the  Amphictyons  to  conduct  the  war  against  Amphissa. 
§  9.  He  seizes  Elatea.  League  between  Athens  and  Thebes.  8  10. 
Battle  of  Chieronea.  §  11.  Philip's  extravagant  joy  for  his  victory. 
§  1 2.  Congress  at  Cori  nth.  Philip's  progress  through  the  Peloponne- 
sus. §  13.  Philip's  Domestic  quarrels.  §  14.  Preparations  for  the 
Persian  expedition.     §  15.  Assassination  of  Philip. 

f  1.  The  result  of  the  Sacred  War  rendered  Macedon  the  lead- 
ing state  in  Greece.  Philip  at  once  acquired  by  it  military  glory, 
a  reputation  for  piety,  and  an  accession  of  power.  His  ambitious 
designs  were  now  too  plain  to  be  mistaken.  The  eyes  of  the 
bhndest  among  the  Athenians  were  at  last  opened  ;  the  pro- 
moters of  the  peace  which  had  been  concluded  with  Philip 
mcurred  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the  people ;  whilst  on  the 
other  hand  Demosthenes  rose  higher  than  ever  in  public  favour. 
They  showed  their  resentment  against  Philip  by  omitting  to 
send  their  usual  deputation  to  the  Pythian  games  at  which  tlie 
Macedonian  monarch  presided. 


<* 


t 


" 


It  was  either  this  omission,  or  the  unwillingness  of  the  Athe- 
nians to  acknowledge  Philip  as  a  member  of  the  Amphictyonic 
league,  that  induced  him  to  send  an  embassy  to  Athens  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  a  point  which  neither  his  dignity  nor  his 
interest  would  permit  to  lie  in  abeyance.  It  was  generally  felt 
that  the  question  was  one  of  peace  or  war.  Yet  the  Athenians 
were  so  enraged  against  Philip  that  those  who  were  for  main- 
taining peace  with  him  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing  in  the  as- 
sembly. On  this  occasion  we  have  the  remarkable  spectacle  of 
iEschines  and  Demosthenes  speaking  on  the  same  side,  though 
from  widely  different  motives.  The  former  adhered  to  his  usual 
corrupt  policy  in  favour  of  Philip  ;  whilst  Demosthenes,  in  sup- 
porting him,  was  actuated  only  by  views  of  the  most  sagacious 
and  disinterested  policy.  These  he  detailed  and  enforced  in  his 
Oration  0?i  the  Peace,  in  which  he  persuaded  the  Athenians  not 
to  expose  themselves  at  that  time  to  the  risk  of  a  war  with  Philip, 
supported,  as  he  would  be,  by  the  greater  part  of  Greece. 

^  2.  Philip  had  now  succeeded  to  the  position  lately  occupied 
by  Thebes,  and  in  virtue  of  it  prepared  to  exercise  the  same  in-| 
Huence  which  that  state  had  previously  enjoyed  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. He  declared  himself  the  protector  oi"  the  Messenians,  and 
the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Megalopolitans  and  Argives.  Demos- 
thenes was  sent  into  Peloponnesus  to  endeavour  to  counteract 
Philip's  proceedings  in  the  peninsula  ;  but  his  mission  led  to  no 
result.  During  his  stay  there,  he  had  openly  accused  Philip  of 
perfidy  ;  and  that  monarch  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  ac- 
companied by  envoys  from  Argos  and  Messene,  to  complain  of  so 
grievous  an  accusation.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  second  ' 
Philippic  of  Demosthenes  was  delivered,  which  was  chiefly 
directed  against  the  orators  who  supported  Philip  (b.c.  344).  In 
the  following  year  a  prosecution  was  instituted  against  ^schines 
and  Philocrates  for  "  malversation  in  their  embassy "  to  the 
Macedonian  court.  The  latter,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  evaded 
the  trial  by  flight ;  and  JEschines,  who  defended  himself  with 
great  skill,  was  acquitted  by  only  thirty  votes.* 

^  3.  Meanwhile,  in  b.c.  344,  Philip  overran  and  ravaged 
Illyria  ;  and  subsequently  employed  himself  in  regulating  the 
aflairs  of  Thessaly,  where  he  occupied  Pherse  with  a  permanent 
Macedonian  garrison.  He  was  likewise  busied  with  preparations/ 
ibr  the  still  vaster  projects  which  he  contemplated,  and  which 
embraced  an  attack  upon  the  Athenian  colonies,  as  well  as  upon 
the  Persian  empire.  For  this  purpose  he  had  organized  a  con- 
siderable naval  force  as  well  as  an  army  ;  and  in  the  spring  of 

*  See  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ^schines  izeqI  iraQanQeaSeiac. 


51C 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLIU 


' 


342  B.C.  he  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Thrace.  His  pro- 
gress soon  appeared  to  menace  the  Chersonese  and  the  Athenian 
possessions  in  that  quarter  ;  and  at  length  the  Athenian  troops 
under  Biopithes  came  into  actual  collision  with  the  Macedonians 
whilst  the  iormer  were  engaged  in  defending  their  alHes  from  tlici 
encroachments  of  the  Cardians,  who  were  under  the  protection 
ot  1  hihp.  Diopithes  likewise  invaded  that  part  of  Tlirace  which 
had  submitted  to  Philip,  and.  besides  committing  several  acts  of 
-/lolence.  seized  a  Macedonian  envoy,  who  had  come  to  treat  for 
the  release  of  some  prisoners,  and  refused  to  dismiss  him  without 
a  considerable  ransom. 

M.  Philip  despatched  a  letter  of  complaint  and  remonstrance 
to  the  Athenians  on  the  subject  of  these  attacks,  which  gave 
occasion  to  the  speech  of  Demosthenes  On  tJie  Chersmicse  (n.c 
341),  m  which  he  directed  the  attention  of  the  people  from  the 
more  immediate  subject  of  the  character  and  proceeding's  of  Dio. 
pithes  to  the  more  general  question  of  the  best  means  "of  resist- 
^Wi  /•      P'     ^^*^  oration  was   soon   followed   by   the    Third 
Ihdippic,  a  still  more  vigorous  call  to  action.     Our  accounts  of 
Phihp  s  movements  at  this  time   are   scanty   and   uncertam 
Diopithes  was  retained  in  the  command  of  the  Athenian  troops  • 
and  Phihp  must  liave  continued  gradually  to  push  his  conquests 
since  m  this  year  (341)  we  find  him  begimiing  to  attack  the 
Greek  cities  north  of  the  Hellespont.      He  first  besieged  and 
captured  Selymbria  on  the  Propontis.  and  then  turned  his  arms 
agamst  Perinthus.     The  latter  city  was  not  only  stronrr  by  na- 
tujre,  being  seated  on  a  lofty  promontory  surrounded  on  two 
sides  by  the  sea,  but  also  well  fortified.     It  was  built  on  a  series 
ot  terraces  rising  one  above  another  ;  so  that  when  Philip   bv 
means  ot  the  improved  artillery  which  he  employed  on  tliis  oc- 
casion  had  succeeded  in  battering  down  the  outer  wall,  he  Ibuiid 
iiira^eli  m  iront  of  a  fresh  rampart,  formed  by  houses  staiidinrr 
on  higher  ground,  and  coimected  together  by  a  wall  carried 
'  across  the  streets.      In  this  siege  Phihp  was  assisted   by  his 
j  Meet,  which  had  previously  intercepted  and  captured  twenty 
Athenian  vessels  laden  with  corn.    But  all  liis  efibrts  to  capture 
Fennthus  proved  unavailing,  as  both  the  Byzantines  ancl  the 
rersians— :he  latter  probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  Athenians 
-^ontumally  found  means  to  supply  it  with  arms  and  provi- 
jaons.     I'mding  his  progress  thus  checked,  Philip  left  half  of 
his  army  to  prosecute  the  siege,  and  with  the  remainder  pro- 
ceeded to  the  attack  of  Byzantium  itself,  which  he  hoped  to 
nnd  unprepared. 

^  5.  Meanwhile,  the  arms  of  Athens,  under  the  conduct  of 
rhocion.  had  been  successful  in  Eubopa.  whither  Demosthenes 


■ 


f 


B.C.  341. 


PHOCION'S  SUCCESS  IN  EUBCEA. 


617 


had  roused  his  countrymen  to  send  an  expedition  in  the  autumn 
ot  341  B.C.,  for  the  purpose  of  counteracting  the  influence  of 
Macedon  in  that   quarter,   and  thus  erecting  another  barrier 
against  the  encroachments  of  Philip.     Oreus  and  Eretria,  two  of 
the  principal  cities  in  the  island,  were  in  the  hands  of  despots 
supported  by  Philip  ;  but  Callias  of  Chalcis  having  formed  a  plan 
to  reduce  all  Euboea  under  his  own  dominion,  Demosthenes 
^ized  the  opportunity  to  unite  the  Athenian  arms  with  his  ;  and 
Phocion,  with  the  assistance  of  Callias,  expelled  the  despots 
Chtarchus  and  Philistides  from  Eretria  and  Oreus.      For  his 
advice  on  this  occasion  the  Athenians  honoured  Demosthen-s  i 
with  a  golden  crown.    The  same  CaUias,  or  perhaps  an  Athenian/ 
commander  of  that  name,  also  did  good  service  at  this  time  by 
a  naval  expedition  into  the  gulf  of  Pagasaj,  when  he  took  the 
towns  on  the  coast,  and  made  prize  of  a  considerable  quantity  of 
Macedonian  merchantmen. 

$  6.  Although  Athens  and  Macedon  were  still  nominally  at 
peace,  it  is  evident  that  the  state  of  things  just  described  was 
incompatible  with  its  further  maintenance.     Philip  addressed  a 
long  letter,  or  rather  manifesto,  to  the  Athenians  (which  has 
come  down  to  us)   in   which  he  complained  of  the  acts  by 
which  they  had  violated  the  existing  treaty,  recapitulated  the 
legitimate  grounds  which  he  had  for  hostility,  and  concluded 
with  a  sort  of  declaration  of  war.     Demosthenes  was  not  behind 
hand  in  accepting  this  challenge.     He  excited  his  countrymen  to 
pass  a  decree  for  war,  to  take  down  the  column  on  which  the  j 
treaty  had  been  inscribed,  and  to  equip  a  fleet  for  the  imme- 
diate relief  of  Byzantium,  then  besieged  by  Philip.     The  expe- 
dition was  intrusted  to  Chares,  in  whose  hands  it  proved  a 
miserable  failure;    though  he  perfectly  succeeded  in  makin^r 
both   himself   and  the   Athenian  name  odious  and  suspected 
among  the  alhes,  by  his  oppressions  and  by  the  large  sums 
which   he   extorted   under   the   name  of  be?ievole?ices.      The 
orators  of  the  Macedonian  party  took   occasion  from  the  ill 
success   of  Chares   to  disgust  the  Athenians   with   the    war 
who  began   to   repent   of  having    sent    any  succours   to  By- 
zantium.     But  Phocion,  who  did  not  act  with  these  orators 
on  this  occasion,  stood  up  and  told  the  people—"  That  thev 
'should  not  be  angry  at  the  distrust  of  their  allies,  but  rather  at 
their  own  generals,  who  were  altogether  unworthy  of  confidence. 
It  18  they,  said  he,  who  cause  you  to  be  suspected  by  the  verv- 
people  who  cannot  be  saved  without  your  help."    The  Athenians 
were  so  struck  with  these  representations,  that  they  immediately 
superseded  Chares,  and  appointed  Phocion  in  his  place.    Phocion 
sailed  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  triremes;  and  his  high 


f 


618 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLUI 


reputation  for  probity  and  honour  caused  him  to  be  imme- 
diately admitted  with  his  Ibrees  within  the  walls  of  Byzantium. 
Philip  was  now  forced  to  raise  the  siege  not  only  of  that  town, 
but  of  Perinthus  also,  and  finally  to  evacuate  the  Chersonesus 
altogether.  For  these  acceptable  services  the  grateful  Byzan- 
tians  erected  a  colossal  statue  in  honour  of  Athens. 

After  his  repulse  from  the  Chersonesus,  Philip  marched  to  the 
aid  of  Atheas,  king  of  the  Scythians,  who  had  invoked  his  assist- 
ance against  the  tribes  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  Before  he 
arrived,  however,  the  danger  had  ceased,  and  Atheas  dismissed 
him  with  an  insulting  message.  Hereupon  Philip  crossed  the 
Danube,  defeated  the  Scythians,  and  returned  with  an  immense 
booty.  But  as  he  was  passing  through  the  country  of  the  Tri- 
balli  they  demanded  a  share  of  the  spoil ;  and  upon  being 
refused,  gave  battle  to  the  Macedonians,  in  which  Philip  was  so 
severely  wounded  that  he  was  reported  to  be  dead.  Probably 
Philip's  chief  object  in  undertaking  this  exi>edition  was  to  witl;- 
draw  the  attention  of  the  Greeks  from  his  ambitious  projects, 
and  to  delude  them  into  the  belief  that  other  afi'airs  were  now 
engaging  his  attention.  But  meanwhile  his  partizans  were  not 
idle,  and  events  soon  occurred  which  again  summoned  him  into 
the  heart  of  Greece. 

f  7.  In  the  spring  of  339  B.C.  ^schines  was  appointed  with 
three  others  to  represent  Athens  in  the  Amphictyonic  Council. 
In  this  assembly  the  deputies  of  the  Locrians  of  Amphissa, 
stimulated,  it  is  said,  by  the  Thebans,  charged  the  Athenians 
with  sacrilege  for  having,  in  commemoration  of  their  victory 
over  the  Persians  and  Thebans,  dedicated  some  golden  shields  in 
a  chapel  at  Delphi  before  it  had  been  regularly  consecrated. 
The  Locrians  themselves,  however,  were,  it  seems,  amenable  to 
a  similar  charge,  for  having  cultivated  and  used  for  their  own 
benefit  the  very  land  which  had  been  the  subject  of  the  Sacred 
War  against  the  Phocians  ;  and  ^Eschines,  irritated  by  the  lan- 
guage of  the  deputies  from  Amphissa,  denounced  them  as  guilty 
of  sacrilege.  A  proclamation  was  in  consequence  issued  requir- 
ing all  the  Delphians,  as  well  as  the  members  of  the  Amphic- 
tyonic Council,  to  assemble  and  vindicate  the  honour  of  the 
god ;  and  on  the  following  day  they  marched  down  to  Cirrha 
with  spades  and  pickaxes,  and  destroyed  some  buildings  which 
the  Amphissians  liad  erected  there.  But  as  they  returned,  the 
Amphissians  lay  in  wait  for  them,  and  they  narrowly  escaped 
with  their  lives.  Hereupon,  the  Amphictyons  issued  a  decree, 
naming  a  certain  day  on  which  the  Council  was  to  assemble 
at  Thermopylae,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  Amphissians  to 
justice. 


B.C.  338.  PHILIP  GENERAL  OF  THE  AMPHICTYONS. 


519 


^  8.  ^schines  was  strongly  suspected  of  having  adopted  the 
conduct  which  he  pursued  on  this  occasion  in  order  to  play 
into  the  hands  of  Philip.  Demosthenes  procured  a  decree,  pre- 
venting any  Athenians  from  attending  the  council  at  Thermo- 
pylae ;  and  the  Thebans,  who  were  friendly  to  the  Amphissians, 
also  absented  themselves.  But,  with  these  exceptions,  the 
meeting  was  attended  by  deputies  from  the  other  Grecian 
states  ;  war  was  declared  against  the  Amphissians ;  and  Cotty- 
phus  was  appointed  to  lead  an  army  against  them.  Demosthenes 
asserts  that  this  expedition  failed ;  but  according  to  other 
accounts  it  was  successful,  and  a  fine  was  laid  upon  the  Am- 
phissians, which,  however,  they  refused  to  pay.  Accordingly,  at 
the  next  ordinary  meeting  of  the  Amphictyons,  either  in  the 
autumn  of  339  or  spring  of  338,  Philip,  who  had  now  returned 
from  Thrace,  was  elected  their  general  lor  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing out  the  decree  against  Amphissa. 

§  9.  Early  in  338  Philip  marched  southwards ;  but  instead  of 
proceeding  in  the  direction  of  Amphissa,  he  sudJeidy  seized 
Elatea,  the  chief  town  in  the  eastern  part  of  Phocis,  and  began 
to  restore  its  fortifications ;    thus  showing  clearly  enough  that 
his  real  design  was  against  Bceotia  and  Attica.     Intelligence  of 
this  event  reached  Athens  at  night,  and  caused  extraordinary 
alarm.     The  market  was  cleared  of  the  retail  dealers,  who  com- 
monly occupied  it ;  their  wicker  booths  were  burned ;  and  the 
whole  city  prepared  as  if  for  an  immediate  siege.    At  daybreak, 
on  the  following  morning,  the  Five  Hundred  met  in  the  senate 
house,  and  the  people  assembled  in  the  Pnyx,  where  the  news  was 
formally  repeated.    The  herald  then  gave  the  usual  invitation  to 
speak,  but  nobody  was  inclined  to  come  forwards.     At  length  ^ 
Demosthenes  ascended  the  bema,  and  calmed  the  fears  of  the  f 
people  by  pointing  out  that  Phihp  was  evidently  not  acting  in 
concert  with  the  Thebans,  as   appeared  from  the  fact  of  his 
having  thought  it  necessary  to  secure  Elatea.     He  then  pressed 
upon  the  assembly  the  necessity  for  making  the  most  vigorous 
preparations  for  defence,  and  especially  recommended  them  to 
send  an  embasssy  to  Thebes,  in  order  to  persuade  the  Thebans 
to  unite  with  them  against  the  common  enemy.     This  advice  i 
was  adopted,   and  ten  envoys  were  appointed  to  proceed  to 
Thebes,  amongst  whom  was  Demosthenes  himself     A  counter- 
embassy  had  already  arrived  in  that  city  from  Macedonia  and 
Thessaly,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  Athenian 
envoys  at  length  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Thebans  to  shut 
their  gates  against  Philip.    Athens  had  made  vigorous  prepara- 
tions, and  had  10,000  mercenaries  in  her  service.    Philip,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  at  the  head  of  30,000  men ;  but  after  the  con 


SIO 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIIL 


B.C.  338. 


elusion  of  the  alliance  between  Thebes  and  Athens  he  did  not 
deem  It  prudent  to  march  directly  against  the  latter  city,  and 
therefore  proceeded  toward  Amphissa,  as  if  in  prosecution  of 
the  avowed  object  of  the  war.  He  sent  a  manifesto  to  his 
allies  m  Peloponnesus  requiring  their  assistance  in  what  he  re- 
presented as  a  purely  religious  object ;  but  his  application  was 
coldly  received. 

f  10.  The  details  of  the  war  that  followed  are  exceedingly  ob- 
^u"^u  ?^^^^P  appears  to  have  again  opened  negotiations  with 
the  Thebans,  which  failed ;    and  we  then  find  the  combined 
Theban  and  Athenian  armies  marching  out  to  meet  the  Mace- 
donians.    The  former  gained  some  advantage  in  two  engacre- 
raents ;  but  the  decisive  battle  was  fought  on  the  7th  of  Au^°st 
m  the  plain  of  Chaeronea  in  Boeotia,  near  the  frontier  of  Phocis' 
In  the  Macedonian  army  was  Philip's  son,  the  youthful  Alex- 
ander, who  was  mtrusted  with  the  command  of  one  of  the  wings  • 
and  It  was  a  charge  made  by  him  on  the  Theban  sacred  band! 
that  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.     The  sacred  band  was  cut 
to  pieces,  without  flinching  from  the  ground  which  it  occupied 
and   the   remainder  of  the   combined   army  was   completely 
routed.     Demosthenes,  who  was  serving  as  a  foot-soldier  in  the 
Athenian  ranks,  has  been  absurdly  reproached  with  cowardice 
because  he  participated  in   the  general  flight.  ~  An   interest- 
ing memorial  of  this  battle  still  remains.     The  Thebans,  who 
fell  m  the  engagement,  were  buried  on  the  spot,  and  their 
sepulchre  was  surmounted  by  a  lion  in  stone,  as  an  emblem 
ol  their  courageous  spirit.     This  lion  was  still  seen  by  Pau- 
sanias,  when  he  visited  Chajronea  in  the  second  century  of 
the  Christian  era.     It  afterwards  disappeared,  though  the  site 
oi  the  sepulchre  continued  to  be  marked  by  a  large  mound 
of  earth ;   but  a  few  years  ago  this  tumulus  was  excavated, 
and  a  colossal  lion  discovered,  deeply  embedded  in  its  in- 
tenorj 

The  battle  of  Chajronea  crushed  the  liberties  of  Greece,  and 
made  it  in  reaUty  a  province  of  the  Macedonian  monarchy.' 

To  Athens  herself  the  blow  was  almost  as  fatal  as  that  of 
iEgospotami.  Such  was  the  consternation  it  created  in  that 
city  that  many  of  the  wealthier  citizens  prepared  for  immediate 
night ;  and  it  was  found  necessary  to  arrest  emigration  by  a 
decree  which  made  it  a  capital  ofience.  Demosthenes  roused 
his  fellow-citizens  by  his  energy  and  eloquence  to  adopt  the 
most  vigorous  measures  for  defending  the  city,  and  contributed 
thr^  talents  out  of  his  own  private  fortune  towards  the  repair 
of  the  walls.  He  was  appointed  to  pronounce  the  funeral  ora- 
tion over  those  slain  at  Chaeronea ;  a  proof  that  the  Athenians 


BATTLE  OF  CILERONEA 


621 


did  not  consider  him  guilty  of  any  dereliction  of  duty  in  that  en- 
gagement ;  but  Lysicles,  the  Athenian  general,  was  brought  to 
trial,  and  condemned  to  death. 

Hi.  The  exultation  of  Philip  at  his  victory  knew  no  bounds. 
He  celebrated  his  triumph  with  drunken  orgies ;  and  reehng  from 
the  banquet  to  the  field  of  battle,  he  danced  over  the  dead,  at 
the  same  time  singing  and  beating  time  to  the  opening  words  of 
the  decree  of  Demosthenes,  which  happened  to  have  the  rhythm 
of  a  comic  Iambic  verse.*     It  is  said  that  the  orator  Demades 
put  an  end  to  this  ridiculous  and  unroyal  exhibition  by  remind- 
ing Philip,  "  That  though  fortune  had  placed  him  in  the  position 
of  Agamemnon,  he  preferred   playing  the  part  of  Thersites." 
But  when  Philip  had  returned  to  his  sober  senses,  the  manner 
in  which  he  used  his  victory  excited  universal  surprise.    He  dis- 
missed the  Athenian  prisoners   not  only  without  ransom,  but 
witli  all  their  baggage,  and  some  of  them  he  even  provided' with 
new  apparel.    Ht3  then  voluntarily  oilered  a  peace  on  terms  more 
advantageous  than  the  Athenians  themselves  would  have  ven- 
tured to  propose.     They  were,  indeed,  required  to  relinquish  a 
part  of  their  foreign  dependencies  ;    but  they  were  in  some  de- 
gree compensated  lor  this  by  being  put  in  possession  of  Oropus, 
of  which  the  Thebans  were  now  deprived.    Philip,  indeed,  seems 
to  have  regarded  Athens  with  a  sort  of  love  and  respect,  as  the 
centre  of  art  and  refinement,  for  his  treatment  of  the  Thebans 
was  very  difierent,  and  marked  by  great  harshness  and  severity. 
They  were  compelled  to  recall  their  exiles,  in  whose  hands  the 
government  was  placed,  whilst  a  Macedonian  garrison  was  esta- 
blished  in  the   Cadmea.     They   were  also  deprived  of  their 
sovereignty  over  the  Boeotian  towns,  and  Plataja  and  Orcho- 
menus  were  restored,  and  again  filled  with  a  population  hostile 
to  Thebes. 

§  12.  But  the  mildness  of  PhiHp's  conduct  towards  Athens, 
though  It  bore  the  appearance  of  magnanimity,  and  aflbrded 
matter  for  triumph  to  the  orators  of  the  peace  party,  was,  after 
all,  perhaps  in  no  small  degree  the  result  of  pohcy.  It  was 
by  no  means  certain  that,  if  Philip  laid  siege  to  Athens,  he 
would  be  able  to  take  the  city ;  at  all  events,  the  siege  would 
be  a  protracted  one ;  the  exasperated  Thebans  lay  in  his  rear; 
and  the  attempt  would  certainly  delay  the  more  briUiant  enter- 
prise which  he  had  long  meditated  against  Persia.  For  this  lat- 
ter purpose  he  now  convened  a  congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at 
Corinth,  though  its  ostensible  object  was  the  settlement  of  the 
affairs  of  Greece.     Sparta  was  the  only  state  unrepresented  in 

*  Arj/ioir&ivTic  AvMoadevovg  TIataviev(;  rdS'  elTrev. 


522 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIII 


this  assembly.  War  was  declared  against  Persia,  Philip  was 
appointed  generalissimo  of  the  expedition,  and  each  state  was 
assessed  in  a  certain  contingent  of  men  or  ships.  But  before  he 
returned  to  the  north  of  Greece,  he  determined  to  ch;.Ltise 
Sparta  for  her  ill-disguised  hostility.  His  march  through  Pelo- 
ponnesus, and  back  by  the  western  coast,  though  he  here  and 
there  met  with  resistance,  resembled  rather  a  royal  progress 
than  an  expedition  into  a  hostile  coimtry.  The  western  states 
north  of  the  isthmus  now  submitted  to  his  authority,  and  a  Ma- 
cedonian garrison  was  placed  in  Ambracia.  Byzantium  also 
executed  a  treaty  with  Philip,  which  was  virtually  an  act  of 
subjection.  Having  thus  estabhshed  his  authority  throughout 
Greece,  he  returned  to  Macedonia  in  the  autumn  of  b.c.  338,  in 
order  to  prepare  for  his  Persian  expedition. 

§  13.  But  the  fortune  of  Philip,  which  had  triumphed  over  all 
his  foreign  enemies,  was  destined  to  be  arrested  by  the  feuds 
which  arose  in  the  bosom  of  his  own  family.  Soon  after  his 
return  to  Macedonia,  and  probably  in  the  spring  of  337,  he  cele- 
brated his  nuptials  with  Cleopatra,  the  beautiful  niece  of  Attalus, 
one  of  his  generals.  He  had  already  several  wives,  for  he  had 
adopted  the  eastern  custom  of  polygamy ;  but  it  was  Olympias, 
daughter  of  Neoptolemus,  king  of  Epirus,  by  whom  Philip  had 
become  the  father  of  Alexander,  who  regarded  herself  as  his 
legitimate  queen ;  a  violent  and  imperious  woman,  who  prided 
herself  on  the  ancient  nobility  of  her  family,  which  traced  its 
descent  from  Pyrrhus,  son  of  Achilles.  The  banquet  which  fol- 
lowed the  wedding  was  marked  by  an  extraordinary  scene. 
When  the  cup  had  freely  circulated,  and  wine  had  begun  to 
unlock  the  hearts  of  the  guests,  Attalus  uncautiously  disclosed 
the  ambitious  views  with  which  his  daughter's  marriage  had 
inspired  hini,  by  calling  upon  the  company  to  invoke  the  gods  to 
bless  the  union  they  were  celebrating  with  a  legitimate  heir  to 
the  throne.  Fired  at  this  expression,  which  seemed  to  convey  a 
reflection  on  his  birth,  the  young  prince  Alexander  hurled  his 
goblet  at  Attalus,  exclaiming,  "  Am  I  then  called  a  bastard  ?" 
Philip  at  these  words  started  from  his  couch,  and  seizing  his 
Bword,  rushed  towards  Alexander,  whom  he  would  probably  have 
slain,  had  not  his  foot  slipped  and  caused  him  to  fall.  Alexander 
rose  and  left  the  banqueting-hall ;  but  as  he  withdrew  levelled  a 
taunt  at  his  prostrate  parent.  "  Behold  the  man,"  he  exclaimed. 
"  who  was  about  to  pass  from  Europe  to  Asia,  but  who  has  been 
overthrown  in  going  from  one  couch  to  another  I" 

Alexander  and  his  mother  Olympias  now  hastened  to  quit 
Macedonia.  The  latter  found  refuge  at  the  court  of  her  brother 
Alexander,  king  cf  Epirus,  whilst  the  former  took  up  his  abotlo 


B.C.  33«. 


ASSASSINATION  OF  PHILIP. 


528 


in  lUyria.     The  fugitives  appear  to  have  stirred  up  both  these 
countries  to  wage  war  against  Philip,  who  however  at  length 
contrived  to  eflect  a  show  of  reconciliation.     Through  the  me- 
diation of  a  friend,  he  induced  Alexander  to  return  to  Pella ;  and 
he  averted  the  hostility  of  his  brother-in-law,  the  king  of  Epirus, 
by  ollering  him  the  hand  of  his  daughter,  Cleopatra.     Olympias 
was  now  compelled  to  return  to  Philip's  court ;  but  both  she 
and  Alexander  harboured  an  implacable  resentment  against  him. 
§14.  These  domestic  disturbances  delayed  Philip's  expedition 
during  the  year  337  ;  but  in  the  following  spring  he  appears  to 
have  sent  some  forces  into  Asia,  under  the  command  of  Attalus, 
Parmenio,  and  Amyntas.     These  were  designed  to  engage  the 
Greek  cities  of  Asia  in  the  expedition,  and  to  support  the  dis- 
afiected  subjects  of  Persia.      But  before  quitting  Macedonia, 
Philip  determined  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  his  dominions  by 
celebrating  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  Alexander  of 
Epirus.     It  was  solemnized  at  ^Egae,  the  ancient  capital  of  Mace- 
donia, with  much  pomp,  includuig  banquets,  and  musical  and 
theatrical  entertainments.     Most  of  the  Greciiiu  towns  sent  their 
deputies  to  the  festival,   bringing  crowns  of  gold   ana  other 
presents  to  the  king.     But  a  terrible  catastrophe  was  impend- 
ing, vi^hich  several  omens  are  said  to  have  predicted.    The  oracle 
ol'  Delplii,  when  consulted  by  Philip,  as  head  of  the  Amphic- 
tyons,  respecting  the  issue  of  his  eastern  expedition,  responded 
with  its  usual  happy  ambiguity — "  The  bull  is  crowned,  every- 
thing is  ready,  and  the  sacrificer  is  at  hand."     And  the  player 
Neoptolemus,  who  had  been  engaged  to  recite  some  verses  during 
the  nuptial  banquet,  chose  an  ode  which  spoke  of  power,  pride, 
and  luxury,  and  of  the  rapid  and  stealthy  approach  of  death, 
which  terminates  in  a  moment  the  most  ambitious  expectations! 
§  15.  The  day  after  the  nuptials  was  dedicated  to  theatrical 
entertainments.     The  festival  was  opened  with  a  procession  of 
the  images  of  the  twelve  Olympian  deities,  with  Avhich  was  asso- 
ciated that  of  Philp  himself     The  monarch  took  part  in  the 
procession,  dressed  in  white  robes,  and  crowned  with  a  chaplet. 
A  little  behind  him  walked  his  son  and  his  new  son-in-law, 
whilst  his  body-guards  followed  at  some  distance,  in  order  that 
the  person  of  the  sovereign  might  be  seen  by  all  his  subjects. 
Whilst  thus   proceeding  through  the  city,  a   youth   suddenly 
rushed  out  of  the  crowd,  and  drawing  a  long  sword  which  he 
had  concealed  under  his  clothes,  plunged  it  into  Philip's  side, 
who  fell  dead  upon  the  spot.     The  assassin  was  pursued  by  some 
of  the  royal  guards,  and  having  stumbled  in  his  flight,  was  de- 
spatched before  he  could  reach  the  place  where  horses  had  been 
provided  for  his  escape.     His  name  was  Pausanias.     He  was  a 


I 


02i 


fflSTOBY  OF  GREECE. 


CHAP.  XLIIL 


I 


youth  of  nobie  birth,  and  we  are  told  that  his  motive  for  takiinr 
Philip's  life  was  that  the  king  had  refused  to  punish  an  outrage 
which  Attains  had  comimtted  against  him.  Both  Olympias  and 
her  son  Alexander  were  suspected  of  being  concerned  in  the 
murder.  Olympias  is  said  to  have  prepared  the  horses  for  the 
escape  of  the  assassin  ;  and  it  is  certani  that  she  manifested  an 
extravagant  satisfaction  at  Philip's  death.  The  suspicion  that 
Olympias  was  privy  to  her  husband's  assassination  is  consider- 
ably strengthened  by  the  nnprobability  that  Pausanias,  without 
^incitement  from  some  other  quarter,  should  have  avenged  him- 
self on  Philip  rather  than  on  Attalus,  the  actual  perpetrator  of 
the  injury  which  he  had  received.  With  regard  to  Alexander, 
however,  there  is  no  evidence  worth  a  moment's  attention  to 
inculpate  him;  and  though  an  eminent  historian*  has  not 
scrupled  to  condenm  him  as  a  parricide,  yet  we  should  hesitate 
to  brand  him,  on  such  slender  suspicions,  with  a  crime  which 
seems  foreign  to  his  character. 

Thus  fell  Philip  of  Macedon  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  his 
reign  and  forty-seventh  of  his  age  (b.c.  336).  When  we  reflect 
upon  his  achievements,  and  how,  partly  by  pohcy  and  partly  by 
arras,  he  converted  his  originally  poor  and  distracted  kingdom 
into  the  mistress  of  Greece,  we  must  acknowledge  him  to  have 
been  an  extraordinary,  if  not  a  great  man,  in  the  better  sense  of 
that  term.  His  views  and  his  ambition  were  certainly  as  large 
as  those  of  his  son  Alexander,  but  he  was  prevented  by  a  pre- 
mature death  from  carrying  them  out ;  nor  would  Alexander 
himself  have  been  able  to  perform  his  great  achievements  had 
not  Philip  handed  down  to  him  all  the  means  and  instruments 
which  they  required. 


»  at; 


Niebuhr. 


Bust  of  Demosthenes. 


Battle  of  Issus.    From  a  Mosaic  at  Pompeii. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

ALEXANDER    THE    GREAT. 

1.  Education  of  Alexander.     §  2.  Rejoicings  at  Athens  for  Philip'3 
death.     Movements  in  Greece.     §3.  Alexander  overawes  the  malcon- 
tents, and  is  appointed  generalissimo  for  the  Persian  war.     §  4  Alex- 
ander subdues   the  Triballians,.  Geta;,   Illyrians,   and  Taulantians. 
§  5.  Revolt  and  destruction  of  Thebes.     §  6.  Alexander  prepares  to 
invade  Persia.     Nature  of  that  empire.     §  7.  Alexander  crosses  the 
Ilellespont     §  8.  Battle  of  the  Granicus.     §  9.  Alexander  overruns 
Asia  Minor.     The  Gordian  knot.     §  10.  March  through  Cilicia.    Bat- 
tle of  Issus,     Victory.     §  11.  Conquest  of  Phoenicia.     Siege  of  Tyre. 
§  1 2.  Alexander  marches  into  Egypt.     Foundation  of  Alexandria. 
Oracle  of  Amnion.     §13.  Battle  of  Arbela.     §  14.  Alexander  takes 
possession  of  Babylon,  Susa,  and  Persepolis.    "^g  15.  March  to  Ecba- 
tana,  and  pureuit  of  Darius.     Death  of  Darius.     §16.  March  through 
Ilyrcania,  Asia,  and  Drangiana.      Conspiracy  of  Philotas.      §  lY. 
Alexander  crosses  the  Oxus.     Death  of  Bessus.     Reduction  of  Sog- 
diana.     Alexander  marries  Roxana.     §  18.  Murder  of  Clitus.     §19. 
Plot  of  the  pages.     Alexander  invades  the  Penjab,  and  defeats  Poms. 
Marches  as  far  as  the  Hyphasis.     §  20.  Descent  of  the  Hydaspes  and 
Indus.     §21.  March  through  Gedrosia.     Voyage  of  Nearchus.     §22. 
Arrival  at  Susa.     Intermarriages  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.     Mutiny 
of  the  army.     §  23.  Death  of  Hepha^stion.     Alexander  takes  up  hia 
residence  at  Babylon.     His  death.     §  24.  Character. 

^  1.  Notwithstanding  the  suspicions  of  Olj^npias  and  Alex- 
ander, it  does  not  appear  that  Philip  had  ever  really  entertained 
the  desip:n  of  depriving  Alexander  of  the  throne.  At  the  time 
of  his  father's  death  he  was  in  his  twentieth  year,  having  been 
born  in  n.c.  350.     At  a  veiy  tender  age  he  displayed  a  spirit 


6m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIV. 


I 


i 


which  endeared  him  to  his  father.     His  early  education  was  en- 
trusted to  Leonidas,  a  kinsman  of  his  mother,  a  man  of  severe 
and  parsimonious  character,   who  trained  him  with  Spartan 
smiplicity  and  hardihood ;  whilst  Lysimachus,  a  sort  of  under- 
governoc,  early  inspired  the  young  prince  with  ambitious  notions 
by  teachmg  him  to  love  and  emulate  the  heroes  of  the  Iliad* 
According  to  the  traditions  of  his  family,  the  blood  of  Achilles 
actually  ran  in  the  veins  of  Alexander  ;  and  Lysimachus  nour- 
ished the  feehng  which  that  circumstance  was  calculated  to 
awaken  by  giving  him  the  name  of  that  hero,  whilst  he  called 
PhOip  Peleus,  and  liimself  PhcBnix.     But  the  most  strikintr  fea- 
ture m  Alexander's  education  was,  that  he  had  AristotFe  fbr 
his  teacher,  and  that  thus  the  greatest  conqueror  of  the  mate- 
rial world  received  the  instructions  of  him  who  has  exercised 
the  most  extensive  empire  over  the  human  intellect.     It  was 
probably  at  about  the  age  of  thirteen  that  he  first  received  the 
lessons  of  Aristotle,  and  they  can  hardly  have  continued  more 
than  three  years,  for  Alexander  soon  left  the  schools  for  the 
employments  of  active  hfe.     At  the  age  of  sixteen  we  find  him 
regent  of  Macedonia  during  Phihp's  absence ;  and  at  eighteen 
we  have  seen  him  filhng  a  prominent  military  post  at  the'battle 
of  Chaeronea. 

^  2.  On  succeeding  to  the  throne,  Alexander  announced  his  in- 
tention of  prosecuting  his  father's  expedition  uito  Asia ;  but  it 
was  first  necessary  fbr  him  to  settle  the  affairs  of  Greece,  where 
the  news  of  Philip's  assassination,  and  the  accession  of  so  young 
a  prince,  had  excited  in  several  states  a  hope  of  shaking  off  the 
Macedonian  yoke.     Athens  was  the  centre  of  these  movements 
Damosthenes,  who  was  informed  of  Philip's  death  by  a  special 
messenger,  resolved  to  avail  himself  of  the  superstition  of  his 
fellow  citizens  by  a  pious  fraud.     He  went  to  the  senate-house 
and  declared  to  the  Five  Hundred  that  Jove  aud  Athena  had 
forewarned  him  in  a  dream  of  some  great  blessing  that  was  in 
store  for  the  commonwealth.     Shortly  afterwards  public  couriers 
arrived  with  the  news  of  Phihp's  death.     Demosthenes,  although 
ui  mourmng  for  the  recent  loss  of  an  only  daughter,  now  came 
abroad  dressed  in  white,  and  crowned  with  a  chaplet,  in  which 
attire  he  was  seen  sacrificing  at  one  of  the  pubhc  altars.     He 
also  moved  a  decree  that  Pliilip's  death  should  be  celebrated  by 
a  pubhc  thanksgivir*^.  and  that  rehgious  honours  should  be  paid 
to  the  memory  of  Pitusanias.     Phocion  certainly  showed  a  more 
generous  spirit  in  disapproving  of  these  proceedings.     "  Nothing," 
he  observed,  •*  betrays  a  more  dastardly  turn  of  mind  than  ex- 
pressions of  joy  for  the  death  of  an  enemy.     And  truly  you  have 
niie  luaaou  ti>  lejoice,  wlicn  the  army  you  longht  with  at  Clia)- 


B.C.  336. 


ACCESSION  OF  ALEXANDER. 


627 


ronea  is  only  reduced  by  one  man !"    In  this  last  remark,  indeed, 
he  depreciated  the  abilities  of  Philip,  as  much  as  Demosthenes 
was  inclined  to  underrate  the  abilities  of  Alexander.     During 
his  embassy  to  Pella,  the  Athenian  orator  had  conceived  a  mean 
opinion  of  the  youthful  prince,  whom  he  now  compared  to 
Homer's  Margites,  and  assured  the  Athenians  that  he  would 
spend  all  his  time  in  either  prosecuting  his  studies,  or  inspect- 
ing the  entrails  of  victims.     At  the  same  time  Demosthenes 
made  vigorous  preparations  for  action.     He  was  already  in  cor- 
respondence with  the  Persian  court  fbr  the  purpose  of  thwarting 
Philip's  projected  expedition  into  Asia ;  and  he  now  despatched 
envoys  to  the  principal  Grecian  states  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
citing them  against  Macedon.     Sparta,  and  the  whole  Pelopon- 
nesus, with  the  exception  of  Megalopolis  and  Messenia,  seemed 
inclined  to  shake  otFtheir  compulsory  alliance.  Even  the  Thebans 
rose  against  the  dominant  oligarchy,  although  the  Cadmea  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  Macedonians. 

k  3.  But  the  activity  of  Alexander  disconcerted  all  these  move- 
ments.    He  retained  the   Thessalians  in  obedience  partly  by 
flattery,  partly  by  a  display  of  force,  and  having  marched  through 
their  territory,  he  assembled  the  Amphictyonic  Council  at  Ther- 
mopylae, who  conferred  upon  him  the  command  with  which  they 
had  invested  his  father  during  the  Sacred  War.     He  then  ad- 
vanced rapidly  upon  Thebes,  and  thus  prevented  the  meditated 
revolution.     The  Athenians  were  now  seized  with  alarm,  and 
sent  an  embassy  to  deprecate  the  wrath  of  Alexander,  and  to 
offer  to  him  the  same  honours  and  privileges  which  they  had 
before  conferred  upon  Philip.     Demosthenes  was  appointed  one 
of  the  envoys,  but  when  he  had  proceeded  as  far  as  the  confines 
of  Attica,  he  was  filled  with  apprehension  respecting  Alexander's 
intentions,  and  found  a  pretence  for  returning  home.     The  other  • 
ambassadors  were  graciously  received,  and  their  excuses  accepted. 
Alexander  then  convened  a  general  congress  at  Corinth,  which, 
as  on  the  former  occasion,  was  attended  by  all  the  Grecian  states 
except  Sparta.     Here  he  was  appointed  generahssimo  for  the 
Persian  war  in  place  of  his  father.     Most  of  the  philosophers  and 
persons  of  note  near  Corinth  came  to  congratulate  him  on  this 
occasion ;  but  Diogenes  of  Sinope,  who  was  then  living  in  one  of 
the  suburbs  of  Corinth,  did  not  make  his  appearance.     Alex- 
ander therefore  resolved  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  eccentric  cynic, 
whom  he  found  basking  in  the  sun.     On  the  approach  of  Alex- 
a,nder  with  a  numerous  retinue,  Diogenes  raised  himself  up  a 
httle,  and  the  monarch  afiably  inquired  how  he  could  serve  him  ? 
"  By  standing  out  of  my  suusliine,"  replied  the  churlish  philo- 
sppher.     Alexander  was  struck  with  surprise  at  a  behaviour  to 


628 


HISTORY  OF  GEEECK 


Chap.  XLIV, 


B.C.  835. 


ALEXANDER  DESTROYS  THEBES. 


629 


i 


I 
I 


which  he  was  so  little  accustomed  ;  but  whilst  his  courtiers  were 
ridiculing  the  manners  of  the  cynic,  he  turned  to  them  and  said, 
"  Were  I  not  Alexander,  I  should  like  to  be  Diogenes." 

§  4.  The  result  of  the  Congress  might  be  considered  a  settle- 
ment of  the  affairs  of  Greece.     Alexander  could  very  well  afibrd 
to  despise  Sparta's  obsolete  pretensions  to  the  supremacy  of 
Greece,  and  did  not  deem  it  worth  while  to  undertake  an  expe. 
dition  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  her  to  reason.     He  then  re- 
turned to  Macedonia,  in  the  hope  of  behig  able  to  begin  hia 
Persian  expedition  in  the  spring  of  b.c.  335  ;  but  reports  of  dis- 
turbances among  the  Thracians  and  Tribalians  diverted  his 
attention  to  that  quarter.     He  therefore  crossed  Mount  Haimus 
(the  Balkan)  and  marched  into  the  territory  of  the  Triballians. 
defeated  their  forces,  and  pursued  them  to  the  Dajiube,  where 
they  fortified  themselves  in  an  island.     Leaving  them  in  that 
position,  Alexander  crossed  the  river  by  means  of  a  fleet  which 
he  had  caused  to  be  sent  from  Byzantium,  and  proceeded  to 
attack  the  Getaj.     The  barbarians  fled  at  his  approach,  and 
Alexander,  who  had  acquired  a  large  booty,  regained  the  banks 
of  the  Danube,  where  he  received  the  submissions  of  the  Danu- 
bian  tribes,  and  admitted  them  into  the  Macedonian  aUiance. 
Thence  he  marched  against  the  Illpans  and  Taulantians,  who 
were  meditating  an  attack  upon  his  kingdom,  and  speedily  re- 
duced them  to  obedience. 

^  5.  During   Alexander's  absence   on  these  expeditions,  no 
tidings  were  heard  of  him  for  a  considerable  time,  and  a  report 
of  his  death  was  industriously  spread  in  Southern  Greece.     The 
Thebans   rose    and   besieged  the  Macedonian  garrison  in  the 
Cadmea,  at  the  same  time  inviting  other  states  to  declare  their 
independence.      Demosthenes  was  active  in  aiding  the  move- 
ment.    He  persuaded  the  Athenians  to  furnish  the  Thebans 
with  subsidies,  and  to  assure  them  of  their  support  and  alliance. 
But  the  rapidity  of  Alexander  again  crushed  tlie  insurrection  in 
the  bud.     Before  the  Thebans  discovered  that  the  report  of  his 
death  was  false,  he  had  already  arrived  at  Onchestus  in  Bceotia. 
Alexander  was  vnlling  to  afibrd  them  an  opportunity  lor  repent- 
ance, and  marched  slowly  to  the  foot  of  the  Cadmea.     But  the 
leaders  of  the  insurrection,  beheving  themselves  irretrievably 
(Compromised,  replied  with  taunts  to  Alexander's  proposals  lor 
i)eace,  and  excited  the  people  to  the  most  desperate  resistance. 
In  engagement  was  prematurely  brought  on  by  one  of  the  ge- 
nerals of  Alexander,  in  which  some  of  the  Macedonian  troops 
were  put  to  the  rout ;  but  Alexander  coming  up  with  the  phalanx, 
whilst  the  Thebans  were  in  the  disorder  of  pursuit,  drove  them 
baek  in  turn  and  entered  tli#  gates  along  with  them,  when  a 


fearful  massacre  ensued,  committed  principally  by  the  Thracians 
in  Alexander's  service.     Six  thousand  Thebans  are  said  to  have 
been  slain,  and  thirty  thousand  were  made  prisoners.    The  doom 
of  the  conquered  city  was  relerred  to  the  allies,  who  decreed  her 
destruction.     The  grounds  of  the  verdict  bear  the  impress  of  at 
tyrannical  hypocrisy.     They  rested  on  the  conduct  of  the  The-| 
bans  during  the  Persian  war,  on  their  treatment  of  Plataea,  and 
on  their  enmity  to  Athens.     The  inhabitants  were  sold  as  slaves, 
and  all  the  houses,  except  that  of  Pindar,  were  levelled  with  the  i 
ground.     The  Cadmea  was  preserved  to  be  occii}  ied  by  a  Ma- 
cedonian garrison.     Thebes  seems  to  have  been  thus  harshly 
treated  as  an  example  to  the  rest  of  Greece,  for  towards  the 
other  states,  which  were  now  eager  to  make  their  excuses  and 
submission,  Alexander  showed  much  forbearance  and  lenity. 
The  conduct  of  the  Athenians  exhibits  them  deeply  sunk  in  de- 
gradation.    When  they  heard  of  the  chastisement  inflicted  upon 
Thebes,  they  immediately  voted,  on  the  motion  of  Demosthenes, 
that  ambassadors  should  be  sent  to  congratulate  Alexander  on 
his  sale  return  from  his  northern  expeditions,  and  on  his  recent 
success.      Alexander  in  reply  wrote  a  letter,  demanding  that 
eight  or  ten  of  the  leading  Athenian  orators  should  be  delivered 
up  to  him.     At  the  head  of  the  list  was  Demosthenes.     In  this  - 
dilemma,  Phocion,  who  did  not  wish  to   speak  upon  such  a 
question,  was  loudly  called  upon  by  the  people  for  his  opinion  ; 
when  he  rose  and  said  that  the  persons  whom  Alexander  de- 
manded had  brought  the  state  into  such  a  miserable  plight  that 
they  deserved  to  be  surrendered,  and  that  for  his  own  part  he 
should  be  very  happy  to  die  for  the  commonwealth.     At  the 
same  time  he  advised  them  to  try  the  efiect  of  intercession  with 
Alexander ;  and  it  was  at  last  only  by  his  own  personal  applica- 
tion to  that  monarch,  with  whom  he  was  a  great  favourite,  that 
the  orators  were  spared.     According  to  another  account,  how- 
ever, the  wrath  of  Alexander  was  appeased  by  the  orator  De- 
mades,  who  received  from  the   Athenians  a  reward    of  five 
talents  for  his  services.     It  was  at  this  time  that  Alexander  is 
said  to  have  sent  a  present  of  100  talents  to  Phocion.     But 
Phocion  asked  the  persons  who  brought  the  money — "  WTiy  he 
should  be  selected  for  such  a  bounty?"     "Because,"  they  re- 
plied, **  Alexander  considers  you  the  only  just  and  honest  man." 
*'  Then,"  said  Phocion,  "  let  him  sufter  me  to  be  what  I  seem, 
and  to  retain  that  character."     And  when  the  envoys  went  to 
his  house  and  beheld  the  frugality  with  which  he  lived,  they 
perceived  that  the  man  who  reiused  such  a  gift  was  wealthier 
than  he  who  ofiered  it. 

kO.  Having  thus  put  the  aflairs  of  (arcece  on  a  satisfactory 

2  A 


I 


mo 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIY. 


fi 


# 


>  I 


ir 


footu^  Alexander  marched  for  the  Hellespont  in  the  sprint  of 
B.C  334  leaving  Antipater  regent  of  Macedonia  in  his  absence 
vath  a  force  of  12,000  foot  and  1500  horse.     Alexander's  ow^ 
army  consisted  ol  only  about  30,000  foot  and  5000  horee      Of 
the  infantry  about  12,000  were  Macedonians,  and  these  composed 
the  pith  of  the  celebrated  Macedonian  phalanx.     SuchTaHhe 
force  with  which  he  proposed  to  attack  the  immense  but  ill 
cemented  empire  of  Persia,  which,  like  the  empires  of  Turkey  or 
Austria  in  modem  times,  consisted  of  various  nations  and  races 
with  diflerent  religions  and  manners,  and  speaking  diflferent  lan- 
guages; the  only  bond  of  union  being  the  dominant  m"  it2 
power  ol  the  ruling  nation,  which  itself  fonned  only  T  maU 
..umencaJ  portjon  of  the  empire.     The  remote  provLes^ke 
those  of  Asia  Minor,  were  administered  by  satraps  a^m  iitar^ 
goveniois  who  enjoyed  an  almost  indefi^ndent*  authorhv   fr2^ 
quently  transmitting   their  provinces,  like   hereditaiy  fiefe    to 
their  heirs,  and  sometimes,  as  we  have  already  sSn  in  the 
cou^  of  this  h,storJ^  defying  their  sovereign  or\heir  br"  the" 
satraps  m  open  war.     The  expedition  of  Cyrus,  and  the  subset 
quen   retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks,  h'ad  sho.Vhow  e.sy 
It  was  for  a  handful  of  resolute  and  well-disciplincd  men  to 
penetrate  mto  the  very  heart  of  an  empire  thus  weaken^  by 
dismiion,  and  composed  for  the  most  part  of  an  unwariike  pop/ 
ktion  and  we  are  not  therefore  surprised  at  the  confidence  with 

mrioH  t'TfZ  T\  ""'  "P?  ?'*  expedition.  Before  he  de- 
parted  he  distributed  most  of  the  crown  property  amonff  his 
Inends,  and  when  Perdiccas  asked  him  what  he  had  reserved 
for  himself  he  replied,  "  My  hopes."  reservea 

J  7.  A  march  of  sixteen  days  brought  Alexander  to  Se»to« 
where  a  la^  fleet  and  a  number  of  transports  had  been  eoUefted 
for  the  embarkation  of  his  army.  Alexander  steerS^  whh  ht 
own  hand  the  ves,sel  in  which  he  sailed  towards  the  verspot 
where  the  Aeha^ans  were  said  to  have  landed  when  proceedh..^ 
to  the  Trojan  war.  When  half  the  passage  had  been  comoleted 
he  propitiated  Poseidon  and  the  Nereids  with  the  sacrifice  of  a 
bull  and  with  hbations  from  a  golden  goblet ;  and  as  his  trireme 
neared  the  shore,  he  hurled  his  spear  towards  the  land,  by  wTv 

i^^Fr"^'"'  "^""T  .  ^^  ^'^'  "^  ^^  have  said,  a^eat 
admirer  of  Homer  a  copy  of  whose  works  he  always  carried  with 
him;  and  on  landing  on  the  Asiatic  coast  he  made  it  his  first 

listed  there,  and  the  very  altar  was  pointed  out  to  him  at  which 
Neoptoleinus  was  said  to  have  slain  Priam.  Alexander  hen 
proceeded  to  S.geum,  where  he  crowned  with  a  gariand  thjp  liar 
said  to  mark  Uic  tumulus  of  his  mythical  ai.cesTor  Acli  lej^an, 


B.C.  334. 


BAITLE  OF  THE  GRANICU& 


531 


according  to  custom,  ran  round  it  naked  with  his  friends,  whilst 
Hephaestion  paid  similar  honours  to  the  tomb  ol*  Patroclus. 

§  8.  Alexander  then  rejoined  his  army  at  Arisbe,  near  Abydos, 
and  marched  northwards  along  the  coast  of  the  Propontis.  The 
satraps  of  Lydia  and  Ionia,  together  -with  other  Persian  generals, 
were  encamped  near  Zelea,  a  town  on  the  Granicus,  with  a  force 
of  20,000  Greek  mercenaries,  and  about  an  equal  number  of 
native  cavalry,  with  which  they  prepared  to  dispute  the  passage 
of  the  river.  A  Rhodian,  named  Meinnon,  had  the  chief  com- 
mand. The  veteran  general  Parmenio  advised  Alexander  to 
delay  the  attack  till  the  following  morning  ;  to  which  he  replied, 
that  it  would  be  a  bad  omen  at  the  beginning  of  his  expedition^ 
if,  after  passing  the  Hellespont,  he  should  be  stopped  by  a  paltry 
stream.  He  then  directed  his  cavalry  to  cross  the  river,  and 
followed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  phalanx.  The  passage,  how- 
ever, was  by  no  means  easy.  The  stream  was  in  many  parts  so 
deep  as  to  be  hardly  fordable,  and  the  opposite  bank  was  steep 
and  rugged.  The  cavalry  had  great  difiicultv  in  maintaining 
their  ground  till  Alexander  came  up  to  their  relief  He  imme- 
diately charged  into  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  and  exposed  himself 
BO  much,  that  his  life  was  often  in  imminent  danger,  and  on  one 
occasion  was  only  saved  by  the  interposition  of  his  friend  Clitus. 
Having  routed  the  Persians,  Alexander  next  attacked  the  Greek 
mercenaries,  2000  of  whom  were  made  prisoners,  and  the  rest 
nearly  all  cut  to  pieces.  In  this  engagement  Alexander  killed 
two  Persian  officers  with  his  own  hand.  After  the  battle  he 
visited  the  wounded,  and  granted  immunity  from  all  taxation  to 
the  famiUes  of  the  slain.  He  also  sent  300  suits  of  Persian 
annour  to  Athens,  to  be  dedicated  to  Athena  in  the  Acropolis ; 
a  proceeding  by  which  he  hoped,  perhaps,  further  to  identify  his 
cause  as  the  common  cause  of  Hellas  against  the  barbarians,  as 
well  as  to  conciliate  the  Athenians,  from  whose  genius  he  wished 
to  receive  an  adequate  memorial  of  his  exploits. 

^  9.  Alexander  now  marched  southwards  towards  Sardis,  which 
surrendered  before  he  came  within  sight  of  its  walls.  Having  left 
a  gaiTison  in  that  city  he  arrived  after  a  four  days'  march  before 
Ephesus,  which  likewise  capitulated  on  his  approach.  Magnesia, 
Tralles,  and  Miletus  next  fell  into  his  hands,  the  last  after  a 
short  siege.  Halicarnassus  made  more  resistance.  It  was  de- 
fended by  Ephialtes,  an  Athenian  exile,  supported  by  Memnon, 
whose  head-quarters  were  now  in  the  island  of  Cos.  It  was 
obliged  to  be  regularly  approached;  but  at  length  Memnon, 
finding  it  no  longer  tenable,  set  fire  to  it  in  the  night,  and 
crossed  over  to  Cos.  Alexander  caused  it  to  be  razed  to  the 
ground,  and  leaving  a  small  force  to  reduce  the  garrison,  which 


I 


r 


U2, 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIV. 


13. C.  833. 


BATTLE  OF  ISSUS. 


583 


f 


If 

I* 


had  taken  refuge  in  the  citadels  and  forts,  pursued  his  march 
Blong  the  southern  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  with  the  view  of  seizinc 
those  towns  which  might  alibrd  sheher  to  a  Persian  fleet      The 
winter  was  now  approaching,  and  Alexander  sent  a  considerahle 
part  ot  his  amiy  under  Parinenio  into  winter-quarters  at  8ardis 
Me  also  sent  back  to  Macedonia  such  officers  and  soldiers  as  had 
been  recently  manied,  on  condition  that  they  should  return  in 
the  spnng  with  what  reinforcements  they  could  raise  •  and  with 
the  same  view  he  despatched  an  officer  to  recruit  i.i  the  Pelopon- 
nesus.     Meanwhile  he  himself  with  a  chosen  body  proceeded 
along  the  coasts  of  Lycia  and  Pamphylia,  having  instructed  Par- 
memo  to  rejom  him  in  Phrjgia  in  the  spring,  with  the  main 
body.     After  he  had  crossed  the  Xanthus,  most  of  the  Lyciaii 
towns  tendered  their  submission,  and  Phaselis  presented  him 
with  a  golden  crown.     On  the  borders  of  Lycia  and  Pamphylia, 
Mount  Climax,  a  branch  of  the  Taunis  range,  runs  abruply  into 
tlie  sea,  leaving  only  a  narrow  passage  at  its  foot,  which  is  ire- 
quently  overflowed.     This  was  the  case  at  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander s  approach.     He  therefore  sent  his  main  body  by  a  lorirr 
and  difficult  road  across  the  mountains  to  Perc^e  •  but  he' himself 
who  loved  danger  for  its  own  sake,  proceeded  with  a  chosen 
band  along  the  shore,  wading  through  water  that  was  breast- 
high  for  nearly  a  whole  day.     From  Perge  he  advanced  against 
Aspendus  and  hide,  which  he  reduced  ;  and  then  forcing  his  way 
northwards  through  the  barbarous  tribes  which  inhabited  the 
mountains  of  Pisidia,  he  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gor- 
dium  m  Phiygia.     Here  he  was  rejoined  by  Paimenio  and  by 
the  new  levies  from  Greece.     Gordium  had 'been  the  capital  of 
the  early  Phrygian  kings,  and  in  it  was  preserved  with  super- 
stitious veneration  the  cliariot  or  waggon  in  which  the  celebrated 
Midas,  the  son  of  Gordius,  together  with  his  parents,  had  entered 
tlie  town,  and  in  conformity  with  an  oracle  had  been  elevated  to 
the^ monarchy.     An  ancient  prophecy  promised  the  sovereignty 
ol  Asia  to  him  who  should  untie  the  knot  of  bark  which  fastened 
the  yoke  of  the  waggon  to  the  pole.     Alexander  repaired  to  the 
Acropolis,  where  the  waggon  was  preserved,  to  attempt  this  ad- 
venture      Whether  he  undid  the  knot  by  drawing  out  a  pe-,  or 

uVl  tTrK"^'^^  ^'^  ''^*'^*^'  '^  ^  "tatter  of  doubt ;  but  that  he 
Had  lulhlied  the  prediction  was  placed  beyond  dispute  that  very 
night  by  a  great  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning. 

HO.  In  the  spring  of  333,  Alexander  pursued  his  march  east- 
wards,  and  on  arriving  at  Ancyra  received  the  submission  ol"  the 
I  aphlagonians.  He  then  advanced  through  Cappadocia  without 
resistance ;  and  forcing  his  way  through  the  passes  of  Mount 
laurusCthe  Py^  CVw^yVc),  he  descended  into  the  plains  of  Cilicia 


J' 


Hence  he  pushed  on  rapidly  to  Tarsus,  which  he  found  abandoned 
by  the  enemy.     Whilst  slili  heated  with  the  march,  Alexander 
plunged  into  the  clear  but  cold  stream  of  the  Cydiius,  which  runs 
by  the  town.     The  result  was  a  lever,  which  soon  became  so 
violent  as  to  threaten  his  lilc.     An  Acarnanian  physician,  named 
Philip,  who  accompanied  him,  prescribed  a  remedy  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  Alexander  received  a  letter  informing  him  that  Philip 
had  been  bribed  by  Darius,  the  Persian  king,  to  poison  him.     He 
had,  however,  too  much  confidence  in  the  trusty  Philip  to  believe 
the  accusation,  and  handed  him  the  letter  whilst  he  drank  the 
draught.     Either  the  medicine,  or  Alexander's  youthlul  consti- 
tution, at  length  triumphed  over  the  disorder.     After  remaining 
some  time  at  Tarsus,  he  continued  his  march  along  the  coast  to 
Mallus,  where  he  first  received  certain  tidings  of  the  great  Persian 
army,  commanded  by  Darius  in  person.     It  is  said  to  have  con- 
sisted of  600,000  fighting  men,  besides  all  that  train  of  attendants 
which  usually  accompanied  the  march  of  a  Persian  monarch. 
This  immense  force  was  encamped  on  the  plains  of  8cchi,  where 
Amyntas,  a  Greek  renegade,  advised  Darius  to  await  the  approach 
of  Alexander.     But  Darius,  impatient  of  delay,  and  full  of  vain- 
glorious confidence  in  the  number  of  his  forces,  rejected  this 
advice,  and  resolved  to  cross  the  mountains  in  quest  of  his  foe. 
Alexander  had  meantime  passed  through  Issus  ;  had  secured  the 
whole  country  from  that  place  to  the  maritime  pass  called  the 
Gates  of  Syria  and  Cilicia,  and  had  pushed  forwards  to  Myrian- 
drus,  where  he  was  detained  by  a  great  storm  of  wind  and  rain. 
Meanwhile  Darius  had  crossed  Mount  Amanus,  more  to  the 
north,  at  a  pass  called  the  Amanic  Gates,  and  had  thus  got  into 
Alexander's  rear  ;  who  heard  with  joy  that  the  Persians  were 
moving  along  the  coast  to  overtake  him.     By  this  movement, 
however,  Issus  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians.     Alex- 
ander now  retraced  his  steps  to  meet  Darius,  whom  he  found 
encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the  little  river  Pinarus.     The 
Persian  monarch  could  hardly  have  been  caught  in  a  more  un- 
favourable position,  since  the  narrow  and  rugged  plain  between 
Mount  Amanus  and  the  sea  afforded  no  scope  for  the  evolutions 
of  large  bodies,  and  thus  entirely  deprived  him  of  the  advantage 
of  his  numerical  superiority.     Alexander  recccupied  the  pass 
between  Syria  and  Cihcia  at  midnight,  and  at  day-break  began 
to  descend  into  the  plain  of  the  Pinarus,  ordering  his  trccps  to 
deploy  into  line  as  the  ground  expanded,  and  thus  to  arrive  in 
battle  array  before  the  Persians.     Darius  had  thrown  30,000 
cavalry  and  20,000  infantry  across  the  river,  to  check  the  advance 
of  the  Macedonians  ;  whilst  on  the  right  bank  were  drawn  up  his 
choicest  Persian  troops  to  the  number  of  60,000,  together  with 


fM 


HISTORY  OF  6REECR 


Chap.  XLIV: 


M 


I 


I 


II 


30,000  (rreek  mercenaries,  who  formed  the  centre,  and  on  whom 
he  chiefly  rehed.     These,  it  appears,  were  all  that  the  breadth 
of  tlie  plam  allowed  to  be  drawn  up  in  line.     The  remainder  of 
the  vast  host  were  posted  in  separate  bodies  in  the  farther  parts 
cf  the  plain,  and  were  unable  to  take  any  share  in  the  combat 
Darius  took  his  station  m  the  centre  of  the  line  in  a  maffiiificent 
state  chariot.     The  banks  of  the  Pinanis  were  in  many  parts 
steep,  and  where  they  were  level  Darius  had  caused  them  to  be 
mtrenched.     As  Alexander  advanced,  the  Persian  cavalry  which 
had  been  thrown  across  the  river  were  recalled  ;  but  the  20,000 
infantry  had  been  driven  into  the  mountains,  where  Alexander 
held  them  in  check  with  a  small  body  of  horse.     The  left  wino- 
of  the  Macedonians,  under  the  command  of  Parmenio,  was  ordered 
to  keep  near  the  sea,  to  prevent  being  outflanked.     The  riirht 
wmg  was  led  by  Alexander  in  person,  who  at  first  advanced 
slowly  ;  but  when  he  came  within  shot  of  the  Persian  arrows  he 
gave  the  order  to  charge,  rushed  impetuously  into  the  water 
and  was  soon  engaged  in  close  combat  with  tlie  Persians      The 
latter  were  immediately  routed ;    but  the  impetuosity  of  tiie 
charge  had  disarranged  the  compact  order  of  the  Macedonian 
phalanx,  and  the  Greek  mercenaries  took  advantage  of  this  cir- 
cumstance to  attack  them.     This  manceuvre,  however  was  de- 
feated by  Alexander,  who.  after  routing  the  Persians,' wheeled 
and  took  the  Greeks  in  flank.     But  what  chiefly  decided  the 
iortune  of  the  day  was  the  timidity  of  Darius  himself,  who,  on 
beholdmg  the  defeat  of  his  left  wing,  immediately  took  to  flight 
His  example  was  followed  by  his  whole  army  ;  and  even  the 
Persian  cavalr>%  which  had  crossed  the  river,  and  was  cngaginir 
the  Macedonian  left  with  great  bravery,  was  compelled  to  follow 
the  example.     One  hundred  thousand  Persians  are  said  to  have 
been  left  upon  the  fleld.     On  reaching  the  hills  Darius  threw 
aside  his  royal  robes,  his  bow  and  shield,  and  mounting  a  fleet 
courser,  was  soon  out  of  reach  of  pursuit.     The  Persian  camp 
became  the  spoil  of  the  Macedonians  ;  but  the  tent  of  Darius  to- 
gether  with  his  chariot,  robes  and  arms,  was  reserved  for  Alexander 
himself.     It  was  now  that  the  Macedonian  king  first  had  ocular 
proof  of  the  nature  of  Eastern  royalty.     One  compartment  of  tne 
tent  of  Darius  had  been  fitted  up  as  a  bath,  which  steamed  with 
the  richest  odours  ;  whilst  another  presented  a  magnificent  pavi- 
hon,  containing  a  table  richly  spread  for  the  banquet  of  Darius 
iJut  from  an  adjoining  tent  issued  the  wail  of  female  voices 
wliere  8isygambis  the  mother,  and  Statira  the  wife  of  Darius' 
were  lamenting  the  supposed  death  of  the  Persian  monarch. 
Alexander  sent  to  assure  them  of  his  safety,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  treated  with  the  most  delicate  and  respectful  attention. 


RC.  833. 


SIEGE  OF  TYRE 


536 


Hi.  Such  was  the  memorable  battle  of  Issus,  fought  in  No- 
vember, B.C.  333.     A  large  treasure  which  Parmenio  was  sent 
forward  with  a  detachment  to  seize,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Macedonians  at  Damascus.     Another  favourable  result  of  the 
victory  was  that  it  suppressed  some  attempts  at  revolt  from  the 
Macedonian  power,  which,  with  the  support  of  Persia,  had  been 
manifested  in  Greece.     But,  in  order  to  put  a  complete  stop  to 
all  such  intrigues,  which  chiefly  depended  on  the  assistance  of 
a  Persian  fleet,  Alexander  resolved  to  seize  Pha?iiicia  and  Egypt 
and  thus  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  Persian  maritime  power     ' 
Meanwhile,  Darius,  attended  by  a  body  of  only  4000  fugi- 
tives, had  crossed  the  Euphrates  at  Thapsacus.     Before  he  had 
set  out  from  Babylon,  the  whole  forces  of  the  empire  had  been 
summoned ;  but  he  had  not  thought  it  worth  while  to  wait  for 
what  he  deemed  a  merely  useless  encumbrance ;  and  the  more 
distant  levies,  which  comprised  some  of  the  best  troops  of  the 
empire,  were  still  hastening  towards  Babylon.     In  a  short  time 
therefore,  he  would  be  at  the  head  of  a  still  more  numerous 
host  than  that  which  had  fought  at  Issus ;  yet  he  thought  it 
safer  to  open  negotiations  with  Alexander  than  to  trust  to  the 
chance  of  arms.     With  this  view  he  sent  a  letter  to  Alexander 
who  was  now  at  Marathus  in  Phoenicia,  proposing  to  become 
his  friend  and  ally;  but  Alexander  rejected  all  his  overtures 
and  told  him  that  he  must  in  future  be  addressed  not  in  the 
language  of  an  equal,  but  of  a  sovereign. 

As  Alexander  advanced  southwards,  all  the  towns  of  Phcenicia 
hastened  to  open  their  gates  ;   the  inhabitants  of  Sidon  even 
hailed  him  as  their  deliverer.     Tyre,  also,  sent  to  tender  her 
submission;  but  coupled  with  reservations  by  no  means  accept- 
able to  a  youthful  conqueror  m  the  full  tide  of  success.     Alex- 
ander aflected  to  receive  their  ofier,  which  was  accompanied 
with  a  present  of  a  golden  crown  and  provisions  for  his  army  as 
an  unconditional  surrender,  and  told  them  that  he  would  visit 
their  city  and  ofler  sacrifices  to  Melcart,  a  Tyrian  deitv.  who  was 
considered  as  identical  with  the  Grecian  HeiTules.     This  brouffht 
the  matter  to  an  issue.      The  Tyrians  now  informed  him  that 
they  could  iiot  admit  any  foreigners  within  their  walls,  and  that 
It  he  wished  to  sacrifice  to  Melcart,  he  would  find  another  and 
more  ancient  shrine  in  Old  Tyre,  on  the  mainland.     Alexander 
indignantly  disniissed  the  Tyrian  ambassadors,  and  announced 
his  intention  of  laying  siege  to  their  city.     The  Tvrians  probably 
deemed  it  inipregnable.      It  was  by  nature   a  'place  of  great 
strength,  and  had  been  rendered  still  stronger  by  art       The 

kn^    T  r  r*'  'i  T"^  r'  ^"^^  ^  "^^^  ^^^^^'^t  fr«"^  th«  main- 
land .  and  though  the  channel  was  shallow  near  the  coast  it 


536 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLIV. 


I 


Hi 


i 


deepened  to  three  fathoms  near  the  island.     The  shores  of  the 
island  were  rocky  and  precipitous,  and  the  walls  rose  from  the 
chtis  to  the  height  of  150  Ibet  in  solid  masonry.     The  city  was 
abundantly  supplied  with  fresh  water ;  was  well  furnished  with 
arms  and  provisions ;  possessed  an  intelligent  and  warlike  popu 
lation ;  and  though  tlie  greater  part  of  the  ileet  was  absent  in 
the  Persian  service,  it  had  in  its  two  harbours  a  competent  num- 
ber of  vessels  of  war.     As  Alexander  jxjssessed  no  ships,  the 
only  method  by  which  ho  could  approach  the  town  was  by'con- 
itructing  a  causeway,  the  materials  lor  which  were  collected 
from  the  forests  of  Libanus  and  tlie  ruins  of  Old  Tyre.    Throu«rh 
the  shallow  part  of  the  water  the  work  proceeded  rapidly;  but 
as  it  approached  the  town  the  difficulties  increased,  both  from 
the  greater  depth  of  the  water,  and  from  the  workmen  being 
exposed  to  missiles  from  the  town  and  from  the  Tyriaii  galleys. 
To   obviate  the  latter  inconvenience,   Alexander   caused  two 
wooden  towers,  covered  with  liides,  to  be  built  at  the  head  of 
the  mjle,  which  would  serve  both  to  protect  the  workmen,  and 
to  keep  assailants  at  a  distance  by  the  missiles   hurled  from 
engines  at  the  top  of  the  towers.      The  Tyrians,  however,  con- 
trived  to  burn  these  towers  by  seizing  the  opportunity  of  a 
Uvourable  breeze  to  drive  against  them,  a  vessel  tilled  with  dry 
waod   besmeared  with  pitch,  and  other  combustible  materials 
lae  Macedonians  being  thus  driven  from  the  mole,  the  Tv^ians 
cam3  od  in  boats,  and  destroyed  such  parts  of  it  as  the  liames 
had  spared      Bat  Alexander  was  so  far  from  being  discoura.red 
by  this  mishap,  that  he  began  the  work  again  on  a  larger  scale. 
Me  alsa  procured  ships  from  Sidon  and  other  places  in  order  to 
protect  It,  and  in  a  little  tiraa  had  collected  a  deet  of  250  sail 
wmch  he  exercised  in  nautical  manccuvres ;  and  thus  forced  the 
iynan  galleys,  which  had  previously  molested  the  procrress  of 
the  work,  t«  keep  within  their  harbour.    After  overcomii^  many 
aifliculties  the  mole  was  at  length  pushed  to  the  foot  of  the 
walls,  Wiiich  were  now  assailed  with  engines  of  a  novel  descrip- 
*L  /^^^'  ^fieged  on  their  side  resorted  to  many  ingenious 
methods  oi  defence,  among  which  was  the  discharging  of  heated 
Sana  on  the  besiegers,  which,  penetrating  beneath  the  annour, 
occasioned  great  torment.     But  it  now  began  to  grow  evident 
tliat  the  city  must  fall ;   and  as  soon  as  Alexander  had  effected 
a  practicable  breach,  he  ordered  a  general  assault  both  by  land 
and  sea.     The  breach  was  stormed  under  the  immediate  in- 
spection of  Alexander  himself;  and  though  the  Tyrians  made  a 
desperate  resistance,  they  were  at  length  overpowered,  when  the 
city  became  one  wide  scene  of  mdiscriminate  carnage  and  plun- 
der.    The  siege  had  lasted  seven  months,  and  the  Macedonians 


B.C.  332. 


FOUNDATION  OF  ALEXANDRIA. 


637 


were  so  exasperated  by  the  difficulties  and  dangers  they  had 
undergone  that  they  granted  no  quarter.  Eight  thousand  of  the 
citizens  are  said  to  have  been  massacred  ;  and  the  remainder, 
with  the  exception  of  the  king  and  some  of  the  principal  men, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  temple  of  Melcart,  were  sold  into 
slavery  to  the  number  of  30,000.  Tyre  was  taken  in  the  month 
of  July,  in  332. 

Whilst  Alexander  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Tyre,  Darius 
made  him  iurther  and  more  advantageous  proposals.  He  now 
oiiered  10,000  talents  as  the  ransom  of  his  liamily,  together  with 
all  the  provinces  west  of  the  Euphrates,  and  his  daughter  Barsine 
in  marriage,  as  the  conditions  of  a  peace.  When  these  oflers  were 
submitted  to  the  Council,  Parmenio  was  not  unnaturally  struck 
with  their  magnificence,  and  observed,  that  were  he  Alexander 
he  would  except  them.  "  And  so  would  I,"  replied  the  king, 
"were  1  Parmenio."  Had  Alexander's  views  been  bounded  by 
the  political  advantage  of  Macedonia,  he  would  doubtless  have 
adopted  the  advice  of  his  veteran  general.  But  his  ambition 
was  wholly  of  a  personal  nature.  He  felt  more  pleasure  in 
acquinng  than  in  possessing;  and  as  his  prospects  expanded 
with  his  progress,  he  was  unwilling  to  accept  what  he  considered 
as  only  an  instalment  of  the  vast  empire  which  he  was  destined 
to  attain.  Darius,  therefore,  prepared  himself  Ibr  a  desperate 
resistance. 

k  12.  After  the  fall  of  Tyre,  Alexander  marched  with  his  army 
towards  Egypt,  whilst  his  fleet  proceeded  along  the  coast.  Gaza, 
a  strong  fortress  on  the  sea-shore,  obstinately  held  out,  and  de- 
layed his  progress  three  or  four  months.  According  to  a  tradi- 
tion  preserved  in  Josephus,  it  was  at  this  time  thai;  Alexander 
visited  Jerusalem,  and,  struck  with  its  pious  priests  and  holy 
rites,  endowed  the  city  with  extraordinary  privileges,  and  the 
priesthood  with  ample  gifts;  but  this  story  does  not  appear 
in  any  other  ancient  author.  After  the  capture  of  Gaza,  Alex- 
ander met  his  fleet  at  Pelusium,  and  ordered  it  to  sail  up  the 
Nile  as  far  as  Memphis,  whither  he  himself  marched  with  his 
army  across  the  desert.  Alexander  conciliated  the  affection  of 
the  Egyptians  by  the  respect  with  which  he  treated  their  na- 
tional superstitions,  whilst  the  Persians  by  an  opposite  hue  of 
coiiduct  had  incurred  their  deadliest  hatred.  Alexander  then 
sailed  down  the  western  branch  of  the  Nile,  and  at  its  mouth 
traced  the  plan  of  the  new  city  of  Alexandria,  which  for  many 
centuries  continued  to  be  not  only  the  grand  emporium  of 
Europe,  Africa,  and  India,  but  also  the  principal  centre  of  in- 
tellectual life.  Being  now  on  the  confines  of  Libya,  Alexander 
resolved  to  visit  the  celebrated  oracle  of  Jove  Ammon    which 

2a* 


538 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XLIV. 


B.C.  331. 


)i 


lay  in  the  bosom  of  the  Libyan  wilderness,  and  which  waa 
reported  to  have  been  consulted  by  his  two  heroic  ancestors, 
Hercules  and  Perseus.  As  he  marched  towards  the  Oasis  in 
which  it  was  situated,  he  was  met  by  envoys  from  Cyrcne, 
bringing  with  them  magnificent  presents,  amongst  which  were 
five  chariots  and  three  hundred  war-horses.  After  marching 
along  the  coast  for  about  two  hundred  miles,  Alexander  struck  to 
the  south-east  into  the  desert ;  when  a  five  days'  journey  over 
pathless  sands  and  under  a  scorching  sun  brought  him  to  the 
well-watered  and  richly-wooded  valley,  containing  the  renowned 
and  ancient  temple  of  Ammon.  The  conqueror  was  received  by 
the  priests  with  all  the  honours  of  sacred  pomp.  He  consulted 
the  oracle  in  secret,  and  is  said  never  to  have  disclosed  the  an- 
swer which  he  received  ;  though  that  it  was  an  answer  that 
contented  him  appeared  from  the  magnificence  of  the  offerings 
which  he  made  to  the  god.  Some  say  that  Anmion  saluted  him 
as  the  son  of  Jove. 

^  1 3.  Alexander  returned  to  PhoBnicia  in  the  spring  of  33 1 .   He 
then  directed  his  march  through  Samaria,  and  arrived  at  Thap- 
sacus  on  the  Euphrates  about  the  end  of  August.     After  crossing 
the  river,  he  struck  to  the  north-east  through  a  fertile  and  well 
supplied  country.     On  his  march  he  was  told  that  Darius  was 
posted  with  an  immense  force  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris ; 
but  on  arriving  at  that  river,  he  found  nobody  to  dispute  his 
passage.      He   then   proceeded    southwards   along   its   banks, 
and  after  four  days'  march  fell   in  with  a  few  squadrons  of 
the  enemy's  cavalry.      From  some  of  these  who  were  made 
prisoners  Alexander  learned  that  Darius  was  encamped  with 
his  host  on  one  of  the  extensive   plains   between  the  Tigris 
and  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan,  near  a  village  called  Gauga- 
mela  (the  Camel's  House).    The  town  of  Arbela,  after  which  the 
battle  that  ensued  is  commonly  named,  lay  at  about  twenty  miles 
distance,  and  there  Darius  had  deposited  his  baggage  and  trea- 
sure.    That  monarch  had  been  easily  persuaded  that  his  former 
defeat  was  owing  solely  to  the  nature  of  the  ground  ;  and,  there- 
fore, he  now  selected  a  wide  plain  for  an  engagement,  where 
Aere  was  abundant  room  for  his  multitudinous  infantry,  and 
fcr  the  evolutions  of  his  horsemen  and  charioteers.     Alexander, 
after  giving  his  army  a  few  days'  rest,  set  out  to  meet  the  enemy 
soon  after  midnight,  in  order  that  he  might  come  up  with  tliem 
about  daybreak.    On  ascending  some  sand-hills  the  whole  array  of 
the  Persians  suddenly  burst  upon  the  view  of  the  Macedonians,  at 
the  distance  of  three  or  four  miles.     Darius,  as  usual,  occupied 
the  centre,  surrounded  by  his  body-guard  and  chosen  troopa 
la  front  of  the  royal  position  were  ranged  the  war-charioti 


BATTLE  OF  ARBELA 


539 


and  elephants,  and  on  either  side  the  Greek  mercenaries,  to  the 
number,  it  is  said,  of  50,000.     Alexander  spent  the  first  day  in 
surveying  the  ground  and  preparing  for  the  attack ;  he  also  ad- 
dressed his  troops,  pointing  out  to  them  that  the  prize  of  victory 
would  not  be  a  mere  province,  but  the  dominion  of  all  Asia. 
Yet  so  great  was  the  tranquillity  with  which  he  contemplated 
the  result,  that  at  daybreak  on  the  following  morning,  when  the 
officers  came  to  receive  his  final  instructions,  they  found  him  in 
a  deep  slumber.      His  army,  which  consisted  only  of  40,000 
foot  and  7000  horse,  was  drawn  up  in  the  order  which  he 
usually  observed,  namely,  with  the  phalanx  in  the  centre  in  six 
divisions,  and  the  Macedonian  cavalry  on  the  right,  where  Alex- 
ander himself  took  his  station.     And  as  there  was  great  dano-er 
of  being  out-flanked,  he  formed  a  second  line  in  the  rear,  com- 
posed of  some  divisions  of  the  phalanx  and  a  number  of  light 
troops  and  cavalry,  which  were  to  act  in  any  quarter  threatened 
by  the  enemy.     The  Persians,  fearful  of  being  surprised,  had 
stood  under  arms  the  whole  night,  so  that  the  morning  found 
them  exhausted  and  dispirited.    Some  of  them,  however"  fought 
with  considerable  bravery  ;  but  when  Alexander  had  succeeded 
in  breaking  their  line  by  an  impetuous  charge,  Darius  mounted 
a  fleet  horse  and  took  to  flight,  as  at  Issus,  though  the  fortune  of 
the  day  was  yet  far  from  having  been  decided.    At  length,  how- 
ever, the  route  became  general.    Whilst  daylight  lasted,  Alexander 
pursued  the  flying  enemy  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Lycus,  or 
Greater  Zab,  where  thousands  of  the  Persians  perished  in  the 
attempt  to  pass  the  river.     After  resting  his  men  a  few  hours, 
Alexander  continued  the  pursuit  at  midnight  in  the  hope  of 
overtaking  Darius  at  Arbela.     The  Persian  monarch,  however, 
had  continued  his  flight  without  stopping  ;  but  the  whole  of  the 
royal  baggage  and  treasure  was  captured  at  Arbela. 

k  14.  Finding  any  further  pursuit  of  Darius  hopeless,  Alex- 
ander now  directed  his  march  towards  Babylon.  At  a  httle 
distance  from  the  city  the  greater  part  of  the  population  came 
out  to  meet  him,  headed  by  their  priests  and  magistrates,  ten- 
dermg  their  submission,  and  bearing  with  them  magnificent 
presents.  Alexander  then  made  his  triumphant  enlry  into 
Babylon,  riding  in  a  chariot  at  the  head  of  his  army.  The  streets 
were  strewed  with  flowers,  incense  smoked  on  either  hand  on 
sdver  altars,  and  the  priests  celebrated  his  entry  with  hymns. 
Nor  was  this  the  mere  display  of  a  compulsoiy  obedience.  Under 
the  Persian  sway  the  Chalda3an  religion  had  been  oppressed  and 
persecuted  :  the  temple  of  Belus  had  been  destroyed  and  still 
lay  m  ruins  ;  and  both  priests  and  people  consequently  rejoiced 
at  the  downfall  of  a  dynasty  from  which  they  had  suffered  so 


640 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XLIV. 


much  wrong     Alexander,  whose  enlarged  views  on  the  subject 
of  popular  rehgion  had  probably  been  derived  from  Aristotle 
observed  here  the  same  politic  conduct  which  he  had  adopted 
m  hgypt.     He  caused  the  ruined  temples  to  be  restored,  and 
proposed  to  offer  personally,   but  under  the  direction  of  the 
priests   a  sacnhce  to  Belus.     He  then  made  arrangements  lor 
the  salety  and  government  of  the  city.     He  appointed  Mazaeus. 
tho  Persian  officer  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  it,  satrap  of 
ISibyloii ;  but  he  occupied  the  citadel  with  a  garrison  of  1000 
Macedonians  and  other   Greeks,   whilst  the  collection  oi'  the 
revenues  was  also  intrusted  to  a  Greek  named  Asclepiodorus 
Alexander  contemplated  making  Babylon  the  capital  of  his  future 
empire.    His  army  was  rewarded  with  a  large  donative  from  the 
Persian  treasury ;  and  after  being  allowed  to  indulge  Ibr  some 
time  m  the  luxury  of  Babylon,  was  again  put  in  motion,  towards 
the  middle  of  November,  lor  Susa.      It  was  there  that  the  Per- 
sian treasures  were  chiefly  accumulated,  and  Alexander  had  de- 

X'tK  w^^Tf  !:^/^^\P«s^«^io«  or  the  city  immediately 
alter  the  battle  of  Arbela.     It  was  surrendered  without  a  blow 

aI  nnn'f  r^.'^^^'^'^'t-,  ^^^  ^'"^^'"^'^  ^^"^''^  there  amounted  to 
40.000  talents  in  gold  and  silver  bullion,  and  9000  in  crold 
Danes.  But  am3ng  all  these  riches  the  interest  of  the  Greeks 
must  have  been  excited  in  a  hvely  manner  by  the  discovery  of 
the  spoils  carried  olFlrom  Greece  by  Xerxes.  Among  them  were 
the  bronze  statues  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  which  Alex- 
ander now  sent  back  to  Athens,  and  which  were  long  afterwards 
preserved  in  the  Ceramlcus. 

At  Susa  Alexander  received  reinforcements  of  about  15,000 
men  Irom  Greece.  Amyntas,  who  conducted  them,  broucrht 
tidings  ol  disturbances  in  Greece,  fomented  by  Sparta:  and" to 
assist  m  quelling  them.  Alexander  transmitted  a  considerable 
sura  to  the  regent  Antipater.  He  then  directed  his  march 
south-eastwards  towards  Persepolis.  His  road  lay  throucrli  the 
mountainous  territory  of  the  Uxiaiis,  who  refused  him  a  plssacre 
unless  he  paid  the  usual  tribute  which  they  were  in  the  habit 
of  extorting  even  from  the  Persian  kings.  But  Alexander  routed 
them  with  great  slaughter.  The  difficult  mountain  defile  called 
tne  rersian  Gates,  forming  the  entrance  into  Persis,  still  re- 
mained to  be  passed,  which  was  defended  by  Ariobarzanes,  the 
satrap  of  that  district,  with  40,000  foot  and  700  horse.  Ario- 
barzanes  had  also  built  a  wall  across  the  pass;  but  Alexander 
turned  the  position  by  ascending  the  lieights  with  part  of  his 
army,  whilst  the  remainder  stormed  and  carried  the  wall  •  and 
the  Persians  were  nearly  all  cut  to  pieces.  He  then  advanced 
rapidly  to   Persepolis,  whose  magnificent  ruins  still  attest  its 


B.C.  330. 


PURSUIT  OF  DARIUS. 


54\ 


ancient  splendour.     It  was  the  real  capital  of  the  Persian  kings, 
though  they  generally  resided  at  Susa  during  the  winter,  and  at 
Ecbatana  in  summer.     The  treasure  ibund  there  exceeded  that 
both  of  Babylon  and  Susa,  and  is  said  to  have  amounted  to 
120,000  talents,  or  nearly  30,000,000/.  sterling.    It  was  here  that 
Alexander  is  related   to  have  committed   an  act  of  senseless 
folly,  by  firing  with  his  own  hand  the  ancient  and  magnificent 
palace  of  the  Persian  kings  ;  of  which  the  most  charitable  ver- 
sion is  that  he  committed  the  act  when  heated  with  wine  at  the 
instigation  of  Thais,  an  Athenian  courtezan.     By  some  writers, 
however,  the  story  is  altogether  disbelieved,  and  the  real  de- 
struction of  Persepolis    referred   to  the  Mahommedan    epoch. 
Whilst  at  Persepolis,  Alexander  visited  the  tomb  of  Cyrus,  the 
Ibundcr  of  the  Persian  monarchy,  which  was  situated  at  a  little 
distance,  at  a  city  called  Pasargadse. 

M5.  Thus  in  between  three  and  four  years  after  crossing  the 
Hellespont,  Alexander  had  established  himself  on  the  Persian 
throne.     But  Darius  was  not  yet  in  his  power.     After  the  battle 
of  Arbela,  that  monarch  had  fled  to  Ecbatana,  the  ancient  capital 
of  Media,  where  he  seemed  disposed  to  watch  the  turn  of  events, 
and  whence,  if  he  should  be  again  threatened,  he  meditated 
flying  farther  north  across  the  Oxus.     It  was  not  till  about  four 
months  after  the  battle  of  Arbela,  and  consequently  early  in  330, 
that  Alexander   quitted    PersepoHs  to  resume  the  pursuit  of 
Darius.     On  approaching  Ecbatana,  he  learned  that  the  Persian 
monarch  had  already  fled  with  the  little  army  which  still  ad- 
hered to  him.     On  arriving  at  that  place,  Alexander  permitted 
the  troops  of  the  allies  to  return  home  if  they  wished,  as  the 
main  object  of  the  expedition  had  been  accompHshed  ;  but  many 
volunteered  to  remain  with  him,  and  the  rest  were  dismissed 
with  a  handsome   share  of  booty,   in  addition  to  their   pay. 
The  treasures  which  had  been  conveyed  from  Persepolis  were 
lodged  in  the  citadel  of  Ecbatana,  under  the  guard  of  6000  Ma- 
cedonians, besides  cavalry  and  light  troops.     Alexander,  with 
his  main  body,  then  pursued  Darius  through  Media  by  forced 
marches,  and  reached  RhagsB,  a  distance  of  three  hundred  miles 
from  Ecbatana,  in  eleven  days.     Such  was  the  rapidity  of  the 
march  that  many  men  and  horses  died  of  fatigue.     At  Rhagae 
he  heard  that  Darius  had  already  passed  the  defile  called  the 
"  Caspian  Gates,"  leading  into  the  Bactrian  province  ;  and,  as 
that  pass  was  fifty  miles  distant,  urgent  pursuit  was  evidently 
aseless.     He  therefore  allowed  his  troops  five  days'  rest,  and 
then  resumed  his  march.      Soon  after  passing  the  Gates  he 
learned  that  Darius  had  been  seized  and  loaded  with  chains  by 
his  own  satrap  Bessus,  who  entertained  the  design  of  establish- 


m 


542 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLIV, 


B.C.  329. 


11 


ing  himself  in  Bactria  as  an  independent  sovereign.  This  intel- 
ligence stimulated  Alexander  to  make  still  further  haste  with 
part  of  his  cavalry  and  a  chosen  body  ol'  foot.  On  the  fourth 
day  he  succeeded  in  overtaking  the  iugitives  with  his  cavalry 
having  been  obhged  to  leave  the  iiilkntry  behind,  with  direc- 
tions to  follow  more  at  leisure.  The  enemy,  who  did  not  know 
his  real  strength,  were  struck  with  consternation  at  his  appear- 
ance, and  fled  precipitately.  Bessus  and  his  adherents  now 
endeavoured  to  persuade  Darius  to  fly  with  them,  and  provided 
a  fleet  horse  for  that  purpose.  But  the  Persian  monarch,  who 
had  already  experienced  the  generosity  of  Alexander,  in  the 
treatment  of  his  captive  family,  preferred  to  fall  into  his  hands, 
whereupon  the  conspirators  mortally  wounded  him  in  the 
chariot  in  which  they  kept  him  confined,  and  then  took  to 
flight.  Darius  expired  belbre  Alexander  could  come  up,  who 
threw  his  own  cloak  over  the  body.  He  then  ordered  him  to  be 
magnificently  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors,  and  provided 
for  the  fitting  education  of  his  children. 

U6.  Alexander  next  invaded  Hyrcania,  a  province  of  the 
Persian  empire,  on  the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and 
took  possession  of  Zadracarta,  the  chief  town  in  the  country. 
From  thence  he  undertook  an  expedition  against  the  Mardians, 
a  warlike  tribe  in  the  western  part  of  Hyrcania,  who,  thinking 
themselves  secure  amidst  their  forests  and  mountains,  had  re- 
fused  to  make  their  submission.     After  chastising  the  Mardians, 
Alexander  quitted  Zadracarta,  and  pursued  his  march  eastwaids 
through  the  province  of  Aria.     Near  Artacoana,  the  capital  of 
Ana,  he  founded  a  city  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Arius,  called 
after  him  (Alexandria  Ariorum),  and  which,  under  the  name  of 
Ilemty  is  still  one  of  the  chief  cities  in  central  Asia.     Hence  he 
proceeded  southwards  to  Prophthasia,  the  capital  of  Drangiana, 
where  his  stay  was  signalized  by  a  supjwsed  conspiracy  against 
his  life,  formed  by  Philotas.  the  son  of  Parmenio.     Alexander 
had  long  entertained  suspicions  of  Philotas.     Whilst  still  in  Egypt 
he  had  discovered  that  Philotas  had  spoken  disparagingly  ol'  his 
exploits,  and  had  boasted  that,  without  the  aid  of  his  father  and 
himself,  Alexander  would  never  have  been  able  to  achieve  his 
conquests.     He  had  also  ridiculed  the  oracle  respecting  Alex- 
ander's supernatural  birth,  and  had  more  recently  opposed  the 
inclination  which  that  monarch  now  began  to  display  to  assume 
all  the  pomp  and  state  of  a  Persian  king.     But  the  immediate 
subject  of  accusation  against  him  was  that  he  had  not  revealed 
a  conspiracy  which  was  reported  to  be  Ibrming  against  Alex- 
ander's Hie,  and  which  he  had  deemed  too  contemptible  to  notice. 
He  was  consequently  suspected  of  being  impMcated  in  it ;  and 


DEATH  OF  BESSUa 


543 


on  being  put  to  the  torture  he  not  only  confessed  his  own 
guilt  ill  his  agonies,  but  also  implicated  his  father.  Philotas  was 
executed,  and  an  order  was  sent  to  Ecbatana,  where  Parmenio 
then  was,  directing  that  veteran  general  to  be  put  to  death.  A 
letter,  purporting  to  be  from  his  son,  was  handed  to  him ;  and 
whilst  the  old  man  was  engaged  in  reading  it,  Polydamas,  his 
intimate  friend,  together  with  some  others  of  Alexander's  prin- 
cipal officers,  fell  upon  and  slew  him.  His  head  was  earned  to 
A-lexander.  Hephaestion,  who  had  been  active  in  exciting  the 
king's  suspicion  against  Philotas,  was  rewarded  with  a  shai'e  of 
the  command  vacated  by  his  death ;  but  the  horse-guards  were 
now  divided  into  two  regiments,  one  of  which  was  given  to  He- 
phaestion  and  the  other  to  Clitus. 

^  17.  Late  in  the  year  330,  Alexander  directed  his  march 
southwards,  to  the  banks  of  the  Etymandrus  (the  HelynundY 
where  he  remained  sixty  days.  Hence  he  penetrated  into  Ara- 
chosia,  and  founded  there  another  Alexandria,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  modern  city  of  Candaluir.  He  tlun  crossed 
the  lofty  mountains  of  Paropamisus,  called  Caucasus  by  the 
Greeks  (now  Ilimloo-  Koosk ),  which  were  covered  with  deep  snow, 
and  so  barren  that  they  did  not  even  afibrd  firewood  for  his 
army.  At  the  foot  of  one  of  the  passes  of  these  mountains 
Alexander  founded  another  city  called  Alexandria  a^d  Caucasum, 
situated  probably  about  fifty  miles  north-west  of  Cabul. 

Alexander  now  entered  Bactria ;  but  Bessus  did  not  wait  his 
approach,  and  fled  across  the  Oxus  into  Sogdiana.  Early  in  the 
summer  of  329,  Alexander  followed  him  across  the  Oxus ;  and" 
shortly  afler wards  Bessus  was  betrayed  by  two  of  his  own  officers 
into  the  hands  of  Alexander.  Bessus  was  carried  to  Zariaspa,  the 
capital  of  Bactria,  where  he  was  brought  before  a  Persian  court, 
and  put  to  death  in  a  cruel  and  barbarous  manner. 

Alexander  next  took  possession  of  Maracanda  (now  Savmr- 
cand),  the  capital  of  Sogdiapa,  from  whence  he  advanced  to  the 
river  Jaxartes  {Sir),  which  he  designed  to  make  the  boundary  of 
his  empire  against  the  Scythians.  On  the  banks  of  that  river  he 
founded  the  city  of  Alexandria  Eschate  (the  kist  or  fartlicst) 
probably  the  modern  KJwJencL  After  crossing  the  river  and 
deteating  the  Scythians,  who  menaced  him  on  the  opposite 
bank,  he  returned  into  winter-quarters  at  Zariaspa. 

Sogdiana,  however,  was  not  yet  subdued,  and  accordingly  in 
the  following  year  328  Alexander  again  crossed  the  Oxus.  He 
divided  his  army  into  five  bodies,  ordering  them  to  scour  the 
country  in  diflbrent  directions.  With  the  troops  under  his  own 
command  he  rnarched  against  the  fortress  called  the  Sogdian  Rock, 
seated  on  an  isolated  hill,  so  precipitous  as  to  be  deemed  inac^ 


1S44 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Char  XUV. 


cessible,  and  so  well  supplied  with  provisions  as  to  defv  a 
blockade.  The  summons  to  surrender  was  treated  with  derision 
by  the  commander,  who  inquired  whether  tlie  Macedonians  had 
wnigs  .'  But  a  small  body  of  Macedonians  havinjr  succeeded  in 
scalmg  some  heights  which  overhung  the  fortress,  the  garrison 
became  so  alarmed  that  they  immediately  surrendered.  To  this 
place  a  Bactrian  named  Oxyartes,  an  adherent  of  Bcssus,  had 
sent  his  daughters  for  safety.  One  of  them,  named  Roxana.  was 
ot  surpassnig  beauty,  and  Alexander  made  her  the  partner  of  his 

j  18    Alexander  now  returned  to  Maracanda,  where  he  was 
joined  by  the  other  divisions  of  his  army,  and  wliile  remainincr 
at  this  place  he  appointed  his  friend  Clitus  satrap  of  Bactria" 
Un  the  eve  of  the  parting  of  the  two  friends,  Alexander  cele- 
bratetl  a  festival  in  honour  oi'  the  Dioscuri,  thougl,  the  day  was 
sacred  to  Dionysus.     The  banquet  was   attended  by  several 
parasites  and  literary  flatterers,  who  magnified  the  praises  of 
A-cxander  with  extravagant  and  nauseous  flattery.    Clitus  whom 
Wine  had  re  eased  from  all  prudent  reserve,  sternly  rebuked  their 
luLonie  adulation ;  and,  as  the  conversation  turned  on  the  com- 
parative merits  of  the  exploits  of  Alexander  and  his  father  Philip 
lie  did  not  hesitate  to  prefer  the  exploits  of  the  latter      He  re- 
minded Alexander  of  his  former  ser^^ces.  and,  stretching  fortii  his 
hand,  exclaimed,  -  It  was  tliis  hand,  Alexander,  which  .4ved  your 
Me  at  the  battle  of  the  Granicus  I"     The  king,  who  was  also 
Uushed  with  wiiie  was  so  enraged  by  these  remarks,  that  he  rushed 
<-[**"J7»th  the  intention  of  killing  him  on  the  sriot.  but  he 
was  held  back  by  his  friends,  whilst  Clitus  was  at  the  same  time 
hurri^Mi  out  of  the  room.     Alexander,  however,  was  no  sooner 
released  than,  snatching  a  spear,  he  sprang  to  the  door,  and 
meeting  Chtus,  who  was  returning  in  equal  fury  to  brave  hi. 
anger,  ran  him  through  the  body.     But  when  the  deed  was  done 
He  was  seized  with  repentance  and  rpmorse.     He  flung  himself 
on  his  couch  and  remained  for  three  whole  days  in  an  acony  cf 
grief,  refusing  all  sustenance,  and  calhng  on  the  names  of  Clitus 
and  of  his  sister  Lanice,  who  had  been  liis  nurse.     It  was  not 
till  his  bodily  strength  began  to  fail  through  protracted  absti- 
nence  that^he  at  last  became  more  composed,  and  consented  to 
listen  to  the  consolations  of  his  friends,  and  the  words  of  the 
soothsayers;  who  ascribed  the  murder  of  Clitus  to  a  temi>orar>' 
frenzy  with  which  Dionysus  had  visited  him  as  a  punishment 
lor  neglecting  the  celebration  of  his  festival. 

§  19  After  reducing  the  rest  cf  the  fortresses  cf  Socrdiana 
Alexander  returned  into  Bactria  in  327,  and  began  to  prepare 
lor  his  projected  expedition  into  India.     AYhilst  he  was  thus 


B.C.  327. 


INVASION  OF  INDIA. 


545 


employed,  a  plot  was  formed  against  his  life  by  the  royal  pages, 
incited  by  Hermolaus,  one  of  their  number,  who  had  been 
punished  with  stripes  for  anticipating  the  king  during  a  hunting 
party  in  slaying  a  wild  boar.  Hermolaus  and  his  associates, 
among  whom  Avas  Callisthencs,  a  pupil  of  Aristotle,  were  first 
tortured,  and  then  put  to  death.  It  seems  certain  that  a  con- 
spiracy existed  ;  but  no  less  certain  that  the  growing  pride  and 
haughtiness  of  Alexander  were  gradually  ahenating  from  him 
the  hearts  of  his  followers. 

Alexander  did  not  leave  Bactria  till  late  in  the  spring.     He 
crossed  the  Indus  by  a  bridge  of  boats  near  Taxila,  the  present 
Attack,  where  the  river  is  about  1000  feet  broad,  and  very  deep. 
He  is  said  to  have  entered  India  at  the  head  of  120,000  foot 
and  15,000  horse,  the  greater  part  of  whom  must  necessarily 
have  been  Asiatics.     He  now  fbund  himself  in  the  district  at 
present  called  the  Pefij-ab  (or  the  Five  Rivers).     Taxiles,  the 
sovereign  of  the  district,  at  once  surrendered  Taxila,  his  capi- 
tal, and  joined  the  Macedonian  force  with  5000  men.     Hence 
Alexander  proceeded  with  little  resistance  to  the  river  Hydaspes 
{Behut  or  Jelum).     On  the  opposite  bank,  Porus,=^  a  powerful 
Indian  king,  prepared  to  dispute  his  progress  with  a  numerous 
and  well-appointed  force.    Alexander,  however,  by  a  skilful  stra- 
tagem conveyed  his  army  safely  across  the  river.     An  obstinate 
battle  then  ensued.    In  the  army  cf  Porus  were  many  elephants, 
the  sight  and  smell  of  which  frightened  the  horses  of  Alex- 
ander's cavalry.    But  these  unwieldy  animals  ultimately  proved 
as  dangerous  to  the  Indians  as  to  the  Greeks ;  for  when  driven 
into  a  narrow  space  they  became  unmanageable,  and  created 
great  confusion  in  the  ranks  of  Porus.     By  a  few  vigorous 
charges  the  Indians  were  completely  routed,  with  the  loss  of 
12,000  slain  and  9000  prisoners.     Among  the  latter  was  Porus 
himself,  who  was  conducted  into  the  presence  cf  Alexander. 
Tlie  courage  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  battle  had  excited 
the  admiration  of  the  Macedonian  khig.     Mounted  on  an  enor- 
mous elephant,  he  retreated  leisurely  when  the  day  was  lost,  and 
long  rejected  every  summons  to  surrender ;  till  at  length,  over- 
come by  thirst  and  fatigue,  he  permitted  himself  to  be  taken. 
Even  m  this  situation  Porus  still  retained  his  majestic  bearing, 
the  eflect  of  which  was  increased  by  the  extraordinary  height 
of  his  stature.     On  Alexander's  inquiring  how  he  wished  to  be 
treated,  he  replied,  "  Like  a  king."     "  And  have  you  no  other 
request?"  asked  Alexander.     "No,"  answered  Porus;  "  every- 
thmg  is  comprehended  in  the  word  king."     Struck  by  his  mag- 

*  Porus  is  probably  a  corruption  of  the  Sanscrit  word,  "Paurusha," 
which  signifies  a  "hero." 


5 


546 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLIV. 


nanimity,  Alexander  not  only  restored  him  to  his  dominions,  but 
also  considerably  enlarged  them ;  seeking  by  these  means  to  re- 
tain him  as  an  obedient  and  faithful  vassal. 

Alexander  rested  a  month  on  the  banks  of  the  Hydi^^cs, 
where  he  celebrated  his  victory  by  games  and  sacrifices,  and 
founded  two  towns,  one  of  which  he  named  Nic«a,  and  the  other 
Bucepfaaia,  in  honor  of  his  gallant  charger  Bucephalus,  which 
is  said  to  have  died  here.  He  then  overran  the  whole  of  the 
Penj-ab,  as  far  as  the  Hyphasis  {Gharra),  its  southern  boundary. 
The  only  resolute  resistance  he  experienced  was  from  the  war- 
like tribe  of  the  Cathaji,  whose  capital,  Sangala,  was  probably 
the  modem  Lalwre.  They  were  subdued,  and  their  territory 
divided  amongst  the  other  Indian  tribes.  Upon  reaching  the 
Hyphasis,  the  army,  worn  out  by  fatigues  and  dangers,  positively 
refused  to  proceed  any  farther ;  although  Alexander  passionately 
desired  to  attack  a  monarch  still  more  powerful  than  Porus, 
whose  dominions,  he  heard,  lay  beyond  the  river.  All  his 
attempts  to  induce  his  soldiers  to  proceed  proving  inefiectual, 
he  prepared  to  submit  with  a  good  grace  to  an  alternative 
which  he  perceived  to  be  unavoidable.  Pretending  that  the 
sacrifices  were  unfavourable  for  the  passage  of  the  Hyphasis,  he 
gave  the  order  for  retreat ;  having  first  erected  on  its  banks  12 
colossal  altars  to  mark  the  boundary  of  his  conquests  in  that 
direction. 

i  20.  When  Alexander  again  arrived  at  his  newly  founded 
cities  of  Nicffia  and  Bucephala  on  the  Hydaspes,  he  divided  his 
army  into  three  detachments.  Two  of  these,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Hephsestion  and  Craterus,  were  ordered  to  descend  the 
Hydaspes  on  its  opposite  banks ;  whilst  he  himself,  at  the  head 
cf  8000  men,  embarked  on  board  a  fieet  of  about  2000  vessels, 
which  he  had  ordered  to  be  prepared  with  the  view  of  sailing 
do^Ti  the  Indus  to  its  mouth.  The  ignorance  which  prevailed 
among  the  Macedonians  respecting  the  geography  ol'  the  region 
io  be  traversed,  may  be  estimated  i'rom  the  circumstance  that 
Alexander  at  first  considered  the  Indus  to  be  a  branch  of  the 
Nile. 

The  army  began  to  move  in  November  327.  The  navigation 
lasted  several  months,  but  was  accomplished  without  any  serious 
opposition,  except  from  the  tribe  of  the  Malli,  who  are  conjee^ 
tured  to  have  occupied  the  site  of  the  present  Mooltan.  At  the 
storming  of  their  town  the  life  of  Alexander  was  exposed  to 
imminent  danger.  He  was  the  first  to  scale  the  walls  of  the 
citadel,  and  was  followed  by  four  officers ;  but  before  a  filth  man 
could  mount,  the  ladder  broke,  and  Alexander  was  left  exposed 
on  the  wall  to  the  missiles  of  the  enemy.     From  this  situation 


KC.  326. 


RETURN  TO  PERSIA 


647 


there  were  only  two  methods  of  escape ;  either  by  leaping  down 
among  his  own  army,  or  into  the  citadel  among  the  enemy 
Alexander  chose  the  latter ;  and  alighting  on  his  feet,  placed 
his  back  to  the  wall,  where  he  succeeded  in  keeping  the  enemy 
at  bay,  and  slew  two  of  their  chiefs  who  had  ventured  within  reach 
of  his  sword.     But  an  arrow  which  pierced  his  corslet  brou«rht 
him  to  the  ground,  fainting  with  loss  of  blood.     Two  of  his  fol- 
lowers who  had  jumi)ed  down  after  him,  now  stood  over  and 
defended  him ;  till  at  length  more  soldiers  having  scaled  the 
walls,  and  opened  one  of  the  gates,  sufficient  numbers  poured  in 
not  only  to  rescue  their  monarch,  but  to  capture  the  citadel  • 
when  every  living  being  within  the  place  was  put  to  the  sword' 
Alexander's  life  was  long  in  great  danger,  but  when  he  was  suffi- 
ciently recovered  he  was  again  placed  in  his  vessel,  and  dropped 
down  the  Hydraotes  (Rave)  to  its  confluence  with  the  Acesines 
HeTc  his  army  was  encamped ;  and  the  soldiers  testified  by  shouts 
and  tears  their  joy  at  again  beholding  their  commander.    Hence 
Alexander  pursued  his  course  to  the  point  where  the  four  rivers 
now  united  into  one  stream,  the  Acesines,  {Ch€nah),\6m  the 
Indus.     At  their  confluence  he   ordered  dockyards  to  be  con- 
structed, and  another  Alexandria  to  be  built.    Hence  he  pursued 
his  voyage  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  all  the  towns  on  either  bank  of 
the  river  submitting  at  his  approach.     When  he  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Indus,  he  explored  its  estuaries,  and  accompanied 
by  a  few  horsemen  skirted  the  margin  of  the  Delta  next  the  sea 
Nearchus  with  the  fleet  was  directed  to  explore  the  Indian 
Ucean,  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  mouths  of  the  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, with  the  view  of  establishing  a  maritime  communication 
between  India  and  Persia.    We  have  hitherto  beheld  Alexander 
only  as  a  conqueror ;  but  these  cares  exhibit  him  in  the  more 
pleasing  light  of  a  geographical  discoverer,  and  of  a  sovereiirn 
solicitous  lor  the  substantial  benefit  of  his  subjects. 

^21.  From  this  point  Alexander  proceeded  with  his  army  in 
the  autunm  of  326,  through  the  burning  deserts  of  Gedrosia 
towards  Persepohs  ;  marching  himself  on  foot,  and  sharing  the 
privations  and  fatigues  of  the  meanest  soldier.     In  these  regions 
the  very  atmosphere  seems  to  be  composed  of  a  fine  dust,  which 
on  the  slightest  whid,  penetrates   into   the   mouth    and  nose 
whilst  the  soil  aflbrds  no  firm  footing  to  the  traveller      The 
march  through  this  inhospitable  region  lasted  GO  days,  during 
which  numbers  of  the  soldiers  perished  from  fatigue  or  disease 
At  length  they  emerged  into  the  fertile  province  of  Carmania. 
VV^iilst  111  tins  country,  Alexander  was  rejoined  by  Nearchus 
who  had  arrived  with  his  fleet  at  Harmozia  {Ormuz) ;  but  who 
subsequently  prosecuted  his  voyage  to  the  head  of  the  Persian 


548 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLTV. 


Gulf.  The  main  body  of  the  army  under  Hephsstion  was  directed 
to  march  along  the  shores  of  the  Gulf;  whilst  Alexander  himself, 
with  his  horse-friiards  and  light  infantry,  tot)k  a  shorter  route 
through  PasargadaB  and  Persepolis.  Dunnghis  stay  in  the  latter 
city,  he  remedied  the  disorders  which  had  been  connnitted  since 
he  left  it,  and  executed  summary  justice  on  the  delinquent 
satraps  who  had  oppressed  the  provinces  of  Persis.  It  was  thus 
that  he  caused  liis  empire  to  be  resjjected  as  much  by  the  equity 
of  his  administration,  as  by  the  irresistible  Ibrce  of  his  arms. 

§  22.  From  Persepolis  Alexander  pursued  his  marcli  to  Susa 
(B.C.  325),  where  the  soldiers  were  allowed  to  repose  from  their 
fatigues,  and  were  amused  with  a  series  of  briUiant  lestivities. 
It  was  here  that  he  adopted  various  measures  with  the  view  oi' 
consolidating  his  empire.     One  of  the  most  important  was  to 
form  the  Greeks  and  Persians  into  one  people  by  means  of  in- 
termarriages.    He  himself  celebrated  his  nuptials  with  Statira, 
the  eldest  daughter  of  Darius,  and  bestowed  the  hand  of  her 
sister,  Drypetis,  on  Hephaestion.     Other  marriages  were  made 
between  Alexander's  otficers  and  Asiatic  women  to  the  number, 
it  is  said,  of  about  a  hundred  ;  whilst  no  fewer  than  10,000  of 
the  common  soldiers  followed  their  example  and  took  native 
wives.    As  another  means  ol'  amalgamating  the  Europeans  and 
Asiatics,  he  caused  numbers  of  the  latter  to  be  admitted  into 
the  army,  and  to  be  armed  autl  trained  in  the  Macedonian  fashion. 
But  these  innovations  were  regardeil  with  a  jealous  eye  by  most 
of  the  Macedonian  veterans ;  and  this  ieehng  was  increased  by 
the  conduct  of  Alexander  himself,  who  assumed  everyday  more 
and  more  of  the  state  and  manners  of  an  eastern  despot.     x\t 
first,  indeed,  the   growaig   discontent   was   repressed    by   the 
large  bounties  distributed  among  the  soldiers,  and  by  the  dis- 
charge of  all  their  debts.     But  at  length  their  long  stifled  dis- 
satisfaction broke    out  into    open    mutiny  and   rebellion    at  a 
review  which  took  place  at  Opis  on  the  Tigris.    Alexander  here 
proposed  to  dismiss    such  Macedonians  as   were  wounded  or 
otherwise  disabled ;  but  though  they  had  clamoured  for  their 
discharge  whilst  on  the  other  side  of  the  Indus,  they  now  re- 
garded this  proposal  as  an  insult,  and  called  out  "  That  the  king 
had  better  dismiss  them  all — his  father  Ammon  would  fight  big 
battles."     But  the  mutiny  was  quelled  by  the  decisive  conduct 
of  Alexander.     He  immediately  ordered  thirteen  of  the  ring- 
leaders to  be    seized   and  executed,  and  then   addressing  the 
remainder,  pointed  out  to  them  how,  by  his  own  and  his  father's 
exertions,  tliey  had  been  raised  from  the  condition  of  scattered 
herdsmen  to  be  the  masters  of  Greece  and  the  lords  of  Asia ; 
and  that  whilst  he  had  abandoned  to  them  the  richest  and  most 


B.C.  324, 


ALEXANDER  EKTERS  BABYLON. 


549 


valuable  fruits  of  his  conquests,  he  had  reserved  nothing  but  the 
diadem  for  himself,  as  the  mark  of  his  superior  labours  and  more 
imrninent  perils.  He  then  secluded  himself  for  two  whole  days, 
during  which  his  Macedonian  guard  was  exchanged  for  a  Persian 
one,  whilst  nobles  of  the  same  nation  were  appointed  to  the 
most  confidential  posts  about  his  person.  Overcome  by  these 
marks  of  alienation  on  the  part  of  their  sovereign,  the  Macedo- 
nians now  supplicated  with  tears  to  be  restored  to  favour.  A 
solemn  reconciliation  was  effected,  and  10,000  veterans  were  dis- 
missed to  their  homes  under  the  conduct  of  Craterus.  That 
general  Avas  also  appointed  to  the  government  of  Macedonia  in 
place  of  Antipater,  who  was  ordered  to  repair  to  Asia  with 
Iresh  reinforcements. 

§  23.  Soon  after  these  occurrences,  Alexander  proceeded  to 
Ecbatana,  where  during  the  autumn  he  solemnized  the  festival 
of  Dionysus  with  extraordinaiy  splendour.     The  best  actors  and 
musicians  m  Greece,  to  the  number  it  is  said  of  3000,  were 
assembled  for  the  occasion ;  whilst  the  natives  flocked  ficm  all 
quarters  to  the  Median  capital,  to  witness  what  was  to  them  a 
novel  spectacle.     But  Alexander's  enjoyment  was  suddenly  con- 
verted into  bitterness  by  the  death  of  his  friend  Hephasticn 
who  was  carried  off  by  a  fever.     This  event  threw  Alexander 
into  a  deep  melancholy,  from  which  he  never  entirely  recovered. 
The  memory  of  Hephaestion  was  honoured  by  extravagant  marks 
of  public  mourning,  and  his  body  was  conveyed  to  Babylon,  to 
be  there  interred  with  the  utmost  magnificence.     His  name  was 
still  retained  as  commander  of  a  division  of  the  cavalry  ;  and  the 
officer  who  actually  discharged  the  duties  cf  the  post  was  only 
regarded  as  his  lieutenant. 

Alexander  entered  Babylon  in  the  spring  of  324,  notwithstand- 
mg  the  warnings  of  the  priests  of  Belus,  who  predicted  some 
serious  evil  to  him  if  he  entered  the  city  at  that  time.     Babylon 
was  now  to  witness  the  consummation  of  his  triumphs  and  of 
his  life.     As  in  the  last  scene  of  some  well-ordered  drama,  all 
the  results  and  tokens  of  his  great  achievements  seemed  to  be 
collected  there  to  do  honour  to  his  fmal  exit.     Ambassadors 
from  all  parts  of  Greece,  from  Libya,  Italy,  and  probably  from 
still  more  distant  regions,  were  waiting  to  salute  him,  and  to  do 
homage  to  him  as  the  conqueror  of  Asia  ;  the  fleet  under  Ne- 
archus  had  arrived  after  its  long  and  enterprising  voyage,  and 
had  been  augmented  by  other  vessels  constructed  in  Phcinicia 
and  thence  brought  overland  to  Thapsacus,  and  down  the  river 
to  Babylon  ;  whilst  for  the  reception  of  this  navy,  which  seemed 
to  turn  the  inland  capital  of  his  empire  into  a  port,  a  magnificent 
harbour  was  m  proccfcis  cf  construction.     A  more  melancholy, 


SfiO 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLIV. 


B.C.  323. 


DEATH  OF  ALEXANDEK 


651 


and  it  may  be  added,  a  more  useless,  monument  of  his  greatness 
was  the  funeral  pile  now  rising  for  Hephsestiou,  which  was  con- 
structed with  such  unparalleled  splendour,  that  it  is  said  to 
have  cost  1 0,000  talents.  The  mind  of  Alexander  was  still  occu- 
pied with  plans  of  conquest  and  ambition ;  his  next  design  was 
the  subjugation  of  Arabia ;  which,  however,  was  to  be  only  the 
stepping  stone  to  the  conquest  of  the  whole  known  world.  He 
despatched  three  expeditions  to  survey  the  coast  of  Arabia ; 
ordered  a  fleet  to  be  built  to  explore  the  Caspian  sea ;  and  en- 
gaged himself  in  surveying  the  course  of  the  Euphrates,  and  in 
devising  improvements  of  its  navigation.  The  period  for  com- 
mencing the  Arabian  campaign  had  already  arrived  ;  soluniii 
sacrifices  were  offered  up  for  its  success,  and  grand  banquets 
were  given  previous  to  departure.  At  these  carousals  Alexander 
drank  deep ;  and  at  the  termination  of  the  one  given  by  his 
favourite,  M^dius,  he  was  seized  with  uneciuivocal  symptoms  of 
fever.  For  sjmj  days,  however,  he  neglected  the  disorder,  and 
continued  to  occupy  himself  with  the  necessary  preparations  for 
the  march.  But  in  eleven  days  the  malady  ha(l  gained  a  fatal 
strength,  and  terminated  his  life  on  the  2bth  of  June,  b.c.  323,  at 
the  early  age  of  32.  Whilst  he  lay  speechless  on  his  deathbed  his 
favourite  troops  were  admitted  to  see  him  ;  but  he  could  offer  them 
no  other  token  of  recognition  than  by  stretching  out  his  hand. 

§  24.  Few  of  the  great  characters  of  history  have  been  so 
difierently  judged  as  Alexander.  Of  the  magnitude  of  liis  ex- 
ploits, indeed,  and  of  the  justice  with  which,  according  to  the 
usual  sentiments  of  mankind,  they  confer  upon  him  the  title  of 
"  G-reat,"  there  can  be  but  one  opinion :  it  is  liis  motives  for 
undertaking  them  that  have  been  called  in  question.  An  emi- 
nent writer*  brands  him  as  an  "adventurer;"  an  epithet  which, 
to  a  certain  extent,  must  be  allowed  to  be  true,  but  which  is  not 
more  true  of  him  than  of  most  other  conquerors  on  a  large 
scale.  His  military  renown,  however,  consists  more  in  the  seem- 
ingly extravagant  boldness  of  his  enterprises,  than  in  the  real 
power  of  the  foes  whom  he  overcame.  The  resistance  he  met 
with  was  not  greater  than  that  which  a  European  army  expe- 
riences in  the  present  day  from  one  composed  of  Asiatics ;  and 
the  empire  of  the  East  was  decided  by  the  two  battles  of  Issus 
and  Arbela.  His  chief  difficulties  were  the  geographical  diffi- 
culties of  distance,  climate,  and  the  nature  of  the  ground  tra- 
versed. But  this  is  no  proof  that  he  was  incompetent  to  meet 
a  foe  more  worthy  of  his  military  skill ;  and  his  proceedings  in 
Ureece  before  his  departure  show  the  reverse. 


His  motives,  it  must  be  allowed,  seem  rather  to  have  spruncr 
from  the  love  of  personal  glory  and  the  excitement  of  conquest" 
than  from  any  wish  to  benefit  his  subjects.     The  attention  whicli 
he  occasionaUy  devoted  to  commerce,  to  the  fbundation  of  new 
cities,  and  to  other  matters  of  a  shnilar  kind,  form  rather  episodes 
in  his  history,  than  the  real  objects  at  which  his  ahns  were 
directed ;  and  it  was  not  by  his  own  prudence,  but  through  the 
weariness  of  his  army,  that  his  career  of  conquest  was  at  lencrth 
arrested,  which  he  wished  to  prosecute  before  he  had  consoli- 
dated  what  he  had  already  won.     Yet  on  the  whole  his  achieve- 
ments, though  they  undoubtedly  occasioned  great  partial  misery, 
must  be  regarded  as  beneficial  to  the  human  race ;  the  families 
of  which,  if  it  were  not  for  some  such  movements,  would  stag- 
nate in  solitary  listlessness  and  poverty.     By  the  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  two  continents  were  put  into  closer  communica- 
tion with  one  another ;  and  both,  but  particularly  Asia,  were 
the  gainers.     The   language,   the   arts,  and   the  literature  of 
Greece,  were  introduced  into  the  East ;  and  after  the  death  of 
Alexander  Greek  kingdoms  were  formed  in  the  western  parts  of 
Asia,  which  continued  to  exist  for  many  generations. 


Apoiio  CitharoBdus.    From  the  collection  in  the  Vftticnn 


♦  Kiebuhr. 


The  Group  of  Niobe.    From  the  collection  at  Florence. 


CHAPTER  XLV. 


FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEX^\NDER  THE  GREAT  TO  THE  BATTLE  OP 

IPSUS. 

§  1.  Division  of  the  provinces  after  Alexander's  death.  §  2.  Retro- 
spective view  of  Grecian  affairs.  Revolt  of  Agis.  Demosthenes  d« 
Corona.  8  3.  Arrival  of  Harpalus  at  Athens.  Accusation  and  exile 
of  Demosthenes.  §  4.  The  Lamian  war.  Defeat  of  Antipater,  and 
siege  of  Lamia.  §  5.  Defeat  and  death  of  Leonnatus.  Battle  of 
Crannon.  End  of  the  Lamian  war.  §  6.  Death  of  Demosthenes. 
Ambitious  projects  of  Perdiccas.  His  invasion  of  Egypt,  and  death. 
§  T.  Fresh  division  of  the  provinces  at  Triparadisus.  Death  of  Anti- 
pater. Polysperchon  becomes  regent,  and  conciliates  the  Grecian 
states.  Death  of  Phocion.  §  8.  War  between  Polysperchon  and 
Cassander.  Ill  success  of  Polysperchon.  Cassnnder  becomes  master 
of  Macedonia,  and  puts  Olympias  to  death.  §  9.  Coalition  against 
Antigonus.  Peace  concluded  in  b.c.  81 L  Murder  of  Roxana  and  her 
son.  §  10.  Renewal  of  the  war  against  Antigonus.  Demetrius  Poli- 
orcetes  expels  the  Macedonians  from  Athens.  §  11.  Demetrius  Poli- 
orcetes  at  Cyprus.  Battle  of  8alamis.  Attempt  on  Egypt.  Siege 
of  Rhodes.     §  12.  Battle  of  Ipsus,  and  death  of  Antigonus. 

h  1.  The  unexpected  death  of  Alexander  threatened  to  involve 
both  his  extensive  dominions  and  his  army  in  inextricable  con- 
fusion. On  the  day  after  liis  death  a  military  council  assembled 
to  decide  on  the  course  to  be  pursued.  Alexander  on  his  death- 
l>ed  is  said  to  have  griven  his  signet-ring  to  Perdiccas,  but  he  had 
left  no  legitimate  heir  to  his  throne,  though  his  wife  Roxana 
was  pregnant.     In  the  discussions  which  ensued  in  the  council, 


B.C.  323. 


I'ARTITION  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


553 

Perdiccas  assumed  a  leading  part ;  and  after  much  debate,  and 
a  quarrel  between  the  cavalry  and  infantry,  which  at  first  threat- 
ened the  most  serious  consequences,  an  arrangement  was  at  length 
eflected  on  the  Ibllowing  basis :  That  Philip  Arrhidajus,  a  young 
man  of  weak  intellect,the  half-brother  of  Alexander  (being  the 
son  of  Philip  by  a  Thessalian  woman  named  Philinna),  should 
be  declared  king,  reserving  however  to  the  child  of  Roxana,  if  a 
son  should  be  born,  a  share  in  the  sovereignty :  that  the  govern- 
ment of  Macedonia  and  Greece  should  be  divided  between  An- 
tipater and  Craterus  :   that  Ptolemy,  who  was  reputed  to  be 
connected  with  the  royal  family,  should  preside  over  Egypt  and 
the  adjacent  countries :   that  Antigonus  should  have  Phrygia 
Proper,  Lycia,  and  Pamphylia :  that  the  Hcllespontine  Phrygia 
should  be  assigned  to  Leonnatus :  that  Eumenes  should  have  The 
satrapy  of  Paphlagonia  and  Cappadocia,  which  countries,  how- 
ever, still  remained  to  be  subdued  :  and  that  Thrace  should  be 
committed  to  Lysimachus.     Perdiccas  reserved  for  himself  the 
chiliarchy,  or  command  of  the  horse-guards,  the  post  before  held 
by  Hephaistion,  in  virtue  of  which  he  became  the  guardian  of 
Philip  Arrhidajus,  the  nominal  sovereign.     It  was  not  Ibr  some 
time  after  these  arrangements  had  been  completed  that  the  last 
rites  were  paid  to  Alexander's  remains.     They  were  conveyed 
to  Alexandria,  and  deposited  in  a  cemetery  which  afterwards 
became  the  burial-place  of  the  Ptolemies.    Nothing  could  exceed 
the  magnificence  of  the  funeral  car,  which  was  adorned  with 
ornaments  of  massive  gold,  and  so  heavy,  that  it  was  more  than 
a  year  in  being  conveyed  Irom  Babylon  to  Syria,  though  drawn 
by  84  mules.     In  due  time  Roxana  was  delivered  of  a  son,  to 
whom  the  name  of  Alexander  was  given,  and  who  was  declared 
the  partner  of  Arrhidajus  in  the  empire.    Roxana  had  previously 
uiveigled  Statira  and  her  sister  Drjpetis  to  Babylon,  where  she 
caused  them  to  be  secretly  assassinated. 

§  2.  It  is  now  necessary  to  take  a  brief  retrospective  glance  at 
^e  aflairs  of  Greece.     Three  years  after  Alexander  had  quitted 
Europe,  the  Spartans  made  a  vigorous  efiort  to  throw  oil"  the 
Macedonian  yoke.     They  were  joined  by  most  of  the  Peloponne- 
fiian  states,  but  the  Athenians  kept  aloof     In  b.c.  331,  the  Spar- 
tans took  up  arms  under  the  command  of  their  king,  Agis;  but 
though  they  met  with  some  success  at  first,  they  were  finally 
defeated  with  great  slaughter  by  Antipater,  near  Megalopohs 
Agis  fell  m  the  battle,  and  the  chains  of  Greece  were  riveted 
more  firmly  than  ever.     This  victory,  and  the  successes  of  Alex- 
ander in  the  East,  encouraged  the  Macedonian  party  in  Athens 
to  take  active  measures  against  Demosthenes;   and  ^Eschines 
trumped  up  an  old  charge  against  him  which  had  lain  dormant 

2B 


*1IM' 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Cbap.  XLV. 


for  several  years.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Chajronea,  Ctesiphon 
had  proposed  that  Demosthenes  should  be  presented  with  a 
golden  crown  in  the  theatre  during  the  great  Dionysiac  festival, 
on  account  of  the  services  he  had  conferred  upon  his  country. 
For  proposing  this  decree  JEschines  indicted  Ctesiphon ;  but 
though  the  latter  was  the  nomuial  defendant,  it  was  Demos- 
thenes who  was  really  put  upon  his  trial.  The  case  was  de- 
cided m  330  B.C.,  and  has  been  immortalized  by  the  memorable 
and  still  extant  speeches  of  jEschines  "  Agauist  Ctesiphon,"  and 
of  Demosthenes  *'  On  the  Crown."  ^schines,  who  did  not  ob- 
tain a  fifth  part  of  the  votes,  and  consequently  beeame  himself 
liable  to  a  penalty,  was  so  chagrined  at  his  defeat  that  he  retired 
to  Rhodes. 

^3.  In  B.C.  325,  Harpalns  arrived  in  Athens.  Harpalus  was 
a  great  favourite  with  Alexander,  as  he  had  embraced  his  side 
during  his  quarrel  with  his  father,  Philip.  "When  Alexander, 
after  the  conquest  of  Persia  and  Media,  determined  to  push  on 
into  the  interior  of  Asia,  in  pursuit  of  Darius,  he  left  Harpalus 
at  Ecbatana,  with  6000  Macedonian  troops,  in  charge  of  the  royal 
treasures.  From  thence  he  removed  to  Babylon,  and  appears  to 
have  held  the  important  satrapy  of  that  province  as  well  as  the 
administration  of  the  treasury.  It  was  here  that,  during  the 
absence  of  Alexander  in  India,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  most 
extravagant  luxury  and  profusion,  squandering  the  treasures  en- 
trusted to  him,  at  the  same  time  that  he  alienated  the  people 
subject  to  his  rule,  by  his  lustful  excesses  and  extortions.  He 
had  probably  thought  that  Alexander  would  never  return  frem 
the  remote  regions  of  the  East  into  which  he  had  penetrated ; 
jut  when  he  at  length  learnt  that  the  king  was  on  his  niArcli 
back  to  Susa,  and  had  visited  with  unsparing  rigour  those  of  his 
officers  who  had  been  guilty  of  any  excesses  during  his  absence, 
he  at  once  saw  that  his  only  resource  was  in  flight.  Collecting 
together  all  the  treasures  which  he  could,  and  assembling  a 
body  of  6000  mercenaries,  he  hastened  to  the  coast  of  Asia,  and 
from  thence  crossed  over  to  Attica.  He  seems  to  have  reckoned 
on  a  favourable  reception  at  Athens,  as  during  the  time  of  his 
prosperity  he  had  made  the  city  a  large  present  of  corn,  in  re- 
turn for  which  he  had  received  the  right  of  citizenship.  At 
first,  however,  the  Athenians  refused  to  receive  him ;  but  briber 
administered  to  some  of  the  principal  orators  induced  them  to 
alter  their  determination.  Such  a  step  was  tantamount  to  an 
act  of  hostility  against  Macedonia  itself;  and  accordingly  Anti- 
pater  called  upon  the  Athenians  to  deliver  up  Harpalus,  and  to 
bring  to  trial  those  who  had  accepted  his  bribes.  The  Athe- 
nians did  not  venture  to  disobey  these  Uemaiuis.     Harpalus  was 


B.C.  32o. 


LAMIAN  WAR. 


565 


put  into  confinement,  but  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  from 
prison.  Demosthenes  was  among  the  orators  who  were  brought  f 
to  trial  for  corruption.  He  was  declared  to  be  guilty,  and  was  con- 
demned to  pay  a  fine  of  50  talents.  Not  being  able  to  raise  that 
sum,  he  was  thrown  into  prison  ;  but  he  contrived  to  make  his 
escape,  and  went  into  exile.  There  are,  however,  good  grounds 
for  doubting  his  guilt  ;  and  it  is  more  probable  that  he  fell  a 
victim  to  the  implacable  hatred  of  the  Macedonian  party.  Upon 
quitting  Athens  Demosthenes  resided  chiefly  at  iEgiia  or  Trcezen, 
in  siglit  of  his  native  land,  and  whenever  he  lookji  towards  her 
shores  it  was  observed  that  he  shed  tears. 

^  4.   When  the  news  of  Alexander's  death  reached  Athens,  the 
anti-Macedonian  party,  which,  since  the  exile  of  Demosthenes,  f 
was  led  by  Hyperides,  carried  all  before  it.     The  people  in  a 
tlecree  declared  their  determination  to  support  the  liberty  of 
Greece  ;  a  fleet  of  240  triremes  was  ordered  to  be  equipped ;  ail 
citizens  under  40  years  of  age  were  commanded  to  enrol  them- ) 
selves  for  service  ;  and  Leosthenes  was  directed  to  levy  an  army  f 
of  mercenaries.      Envoys  were  despatched  to  all  the  Grecian' 
states  to  announce  the  determination  of  Athens,  and  to  exhort ' 
them  to  struggle  with  her  for  their  independence.     This  call 
was  responded  to  in  the  Peloponnesus  only  by  the  smaller  states, 
whilst  Sparta,  Arcadia,  and  Achaia  kept  aloof     In  northerri 
Greece  the  confederacy  was  joined  by  most  of  the  states  except 
the  BoBotians  ;    and  Leosthenes  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  allied  forces. 

Phocion,  as  usual,  was  opposed  to  this  war,  thinking  the  forces 
of  Athens  wholly  inadequate  to  sustain  it.  Leostheiies  scoffed 
at  liiin,  and  asked  hini  "  What  he  had  ever  done  for  his  country, 
during  the  long  time  that  he  was  general  ?"  "  Do  you  reckon  it 
nothing,"  answered  Phocion,  "  that  the  Athenians  are  buried  in 
the  sepulchres  of  their  forefathers  ?"  And  when  Leosthenes 
continued  his  pompous  harangues,  Phocion  said  :  "  Young  man, 
your  speeches  resemble  cypress-trees,  which  are  indeed  large  and 
lofly,  but  produce  no  fruit."  "  Tell  us,  then,"  interrupted  Hy- 
perides, '•  what  will  be  the  proper  time  for  the  Athenians  to 
make  war  ?"  Phocion  answered :  "  Not  till  young  men  keep  with- 
in the  bounds  of  decorum,  the  rich  contribute  with  hberality,  and 
the  orators  desist  from  robbing  the  people." 

Tlie  allied  army  assembled  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Thermo- 
pylae. A«itipater  now  advanced  from  the  north,  and  offered 
battle  in  the  vale  of  the  Spercheus  ;  but  being  deserted  by  his 
Thessalian  cavaliy,  who  went  over  to  his  opponents  during  the 
heat  of  the  engagement,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat,  and  threw 
himself  into  Lamifi,  a  strong  fortress  on  the  Malian  gulf    Leos- 


856 


niSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLV. 


RC.  822. 


DEATH  OF  DEMOSTHENES. 


567 


Ihenes,  desirous  to  finish  the  war  at  a  blow,  pressed  the  siege 
with  the  utmost  vigour  ;  hut  his  assauUs  were  repulsed,  and  he 
was  compelled  to  resort  to  the  slower  method  of  a  blockade. 
From  this  town  the  contest  between  Antipater  and  the  allied 
Greeks  has  been  caUed  the  Lamian  War. 

4  5.  The  novelty  of  a  victory  over  the  Macedonian  arms  was 
received  with  boundless  exultation  at  Athens,  and  this  feeling  was 
raised  to  a  still  higher  pitch  by  the  arrival  of  an  embassy  from 
Antipater  to  sue  for  peace.    Phocion  was  bantered  unmercifully. 
He  was  asked  whether  he  would  not  like  to  have  done  such  great 
things  as  Leosthenes  ?  "  Certainly,"  said  he ;  "  but  I  should  not 
have  advised  the  attempting  of  them."     And  when  messenger 
after  messenger  announced  the  successes  of  the  Athenian  arms, 
he  exclaimed  sarcastily,  "  When  shall  we  have  done  conquer- 
ing ?"     The  Athenians  were  so  elated  with  their  good  fortune 
that  they  would  listen  to  no  terms  but  the  unconditional  surren- 
I  der  of  Ajitipater.     Meantime  Demosthenes,  though  still  an  exile, 
I  exerted  himself  in  various  parts  of  the  Peloponnesus  in  counter- 
acting the  envoys  of  Antipater,  and  in  endeavouring  to  gain 
I  adherents  to  the  cause  of  Athens  and  the  allies.     The  Athenians 
I  in  return  invited  Demosthenes  back  to  his  native  country,  and  a 
!  ship  was  sent  to  convey  him  to  Piraeus,  where  he  was  received 
with  extraordinary  honours. 

Meanwhile  Leonnatus,  governor  of  the  Hellespontine  Phrygia, 
had  appeared  on  the  theatre  of  war  with  an  army  of  20,000  ibot 
and  2500  horse.  Leosthenes  had  been  slain  at  Lamia  in  a  sally 
of  the  besieged  ;  and  Antiphilus,  on  whom  the  command  of  the 
allied  army  devolved,  hastened  to  offer  battle  to  Leonnatus 
before  he  could  arrive  at  Lamia.  The  hostile  armies  met  in  one 
of  the  plains  of  Thessaly,  where  Leonnatus  was  killed  and 
his  troops  defeated.  Antipater,  as  soon  as  the  blockade  of 
Lamia  was  raised,  had  pursued  Antiphilus,  and  on  the  day 
after  the  battle  he  effected  a  junction  with  the  beaten  army  of 
Leonnatus. 

Shortly  afterwards,  Antipater  was  still  further  reinforced  by 
the  arrival  of  Craterus  with  a  considerable  force  from  Asia  ; 
and  being  now  at  the  head  of  an  army  which  outnumbered  the 
forces  of  the  aUies,  he  marched  against  them,  and  gained  a 
decisive  victory  over  them  near  Crannon  in  Thessaly,  on  the 
7th  of  Augusst,  B.C.  322.  The  aUies  were  now  compelled  to 
sue  for  peace  ;  but  Antipater  refused  to  treat  with  them  except 
as  separate  states,  foreseeing  that  by  this  means  many  would 
be  detached  from  the  confederacy.  The  result  answered  his 
expectations.  One  by  one,  the  various  states  submitted,  till  at 
length  all  had  laid  down  their  arms.     Athens,  the  original  insti- 


gator of  the  insurrection,  now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  conqueror. 
As  Antipater  advanced,  Phocion  used  all  the  influence  which  he  I 
possessed  with  the  Macedonians  in  favor  of  his  countrymen ;  ' 
but  he  could  obtain  no  other  terms  than  an  unconditional  sur- 
render.    Ou  a  second  mission,  Phocion  received  the  final  demands 
of  Antipater ;  which  were,  that  the  Athenians  should  deliver  up  a 
certain  number  of  their  orators,  among  whom  were  Demosthenes 
and  Hyperides ;   that  their  political  franchise  should  be  limited 
by  a  property  qualification ;  that  they  should  receive  a  Macedo- 
nian garrison  in  Munychia,  and  that  they  should  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war.     Such  was  the  result  of  the  Lamian  war.     ^ 
$  6.  After  the  return  of  the  envoys  bringing  the  ultimatum  of 
Antipater,  the  sycophant  Demades  procured  a  decree  for  the 
death  of  the  denounced  orators.     Demosthenes,  and  the  other 
persons  compromised,  made  their  escape  from  Athens  before 
the  Macedonian  garrison  arrived,     ^gina  was  their  first  place 
of  refuge,  but  they  soon  parted  in  different  directions.     Hyperi-  ' 
des  fled  to  the  temple  of  Demeter  atHermione  in  Peloponnesus, 
whilst  Demosthenes  took  refuge  in  that  of  Poseidon  in  the  isle 
of  Calaurea,  near  Troezen.      But  the  satellites  of  Antipater, 
under  the  guidance  of  a  Thurian  named  Archias,  who  had  for- 
merly been  an  actor,  tore  them  from  their  sanctuaries.     Hype- 
rides was  carried  to  Athens,  and  it  is  said  that  Antipater  took 
the  brutal  and  cowardly  revenge  of  ordering  his  tongue  to  be 
cut  out,  and  his  remains  to  be  thrown  to  the  dogs.     Demosthenes 
contrived  at  least  to  escape  the  insuhs  of  the  tyrannical  con- 
queror.    Archias  at  first  endeavoured  to  entice  him  from  his 
sanctuary  by  the  blandest  promises.      But  Demosthenes,  fore- 
warned, it  is  said,  by  a  dream,  fixing  his  eyes  intently  on  him, 
exclaimed  :  "  Your  acting,  Archias,  never  touched  me  formerly,' 
nor  do  your  promises  now."      And  when  Archias  began  to 
employ  threats  :   "  Good,"  said  Demosthenes,  "  now  you  speak 
as  from  the  Macedonian  tripod  ;  before  you  were  only  playing  a 
part.     But  wait  awhile,  and  let  me  write  my  last  directions  to 
my  family."     So  taking  his  writing  materials,  he  put  the  reed 
into  his  mouth,  and  bit  it  for  some  time,  as  was  his  custom  when 
composing ;  after  which  he  covered  his  head  with  his  garment 
and  reclined  against  a  pillar.     The  guards  who  accompanied 
A.rchias,  imagining  this  to  be  a  mere  trick,  laughed  and  called 
hnn  coward,  whilst  Archias  began  to  renew  his  false  persuasions. 
Demosthenes  feeling  the  poison  work — for  such  it  was  that  he 
had  concealed  in  the  reed— now  bade  him  lead  on.     "  You  may 
now,"  said  he,  *'  enact  the  part  of  Creon,  and  cast  me  out  un- 
buried ;  but  at  least,  0  gracious  Poseidon,  I  have  not  polluted 
thy  temple  by  my  death,  which  Antipater  and  his  Macedonians 


658 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLV. 


B.C.  821. 


TREATY  OF  TRIPARADISUS. 


650 


would  not  have  Ecrupled  at."     But  whilst  he  was  endeavouring 
to  walk  out,  he  fell  down  by  the  altar  and  expired. 

§  7.  The  course  of  events  now  carries  us  back  to  the  East. 
Perdiccas  jjossessed  more  power  than  any  of  Alexander's  gene- 
rals, and  was  regarded  as  the  regent  ci"  the  empire.     He  had 
the  custody  of  the  infant  Alexander,  the  son  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  and  the  weak  Philip  Arrhidanis  was  a  puppet  in  his  hands. 
Perdiccas  had  at  first  courted  the  alliance  of  Antipater,  and  had 
even  married  his  daughter  Nicsea.     But  when  Olympias  oflercd 
him  the  hand  of  lier  daughter  Cleopatra,  if  he  would  assist  her 
against  Antipater,  Perdiccas  resolved  to  divorce  Nicsea  at  the 
first  convenient  opportunity,  and  espouse  Cleopatra  in  her  stead, 
believing  that  such  an  alliance  with  the  royal  family  would  pave 
his  way  to  the  Macedonian  throne,  to  which  he  was  now  aspir- 
ing.    His  designs,  however,  were  not  luiknown  to  Antigonus  and 
Ptolemy ;   and  when  he  attempted  to  bring  Antigonus  to  trial 
for  some  ofience  in  the  government  of  his  satrapy,  that  general 
made  his  escape  to  Macedonia,  where  he  revealed  to  Antipater 
the  full  extent  of  the  ambitious  schemes  of  Perdiccas,  and  thus 
at  once  induced  Antipater  and  Craterus  to  unite  in  a  league 
with  him  and  Ptolemy,  and  openly  declare  war  against  the  re- 
gent.    Thus  assailed  on  all  sides,  Perdiccas  resolved  to  direct 
his  arms  in  the  first  instance  against  Ptolemy.     In  the  spring  cf 
B.C.  321  he  accordingly  set  out  on  his  march  against  Egyj-t,  at 
the  head  of  a  formidable  army,  and  accompanied  by  Philip  Ar- 
rhidaeus,  and  Eoxana  and  her  infant  son.     He  advanced  without 
opposition  as  far  as  Pelusium,  but  he  found  tiie  banks  of  the  Nile 
strongly  fortified  and  guarded  by  Ptolemy,  and  was  repulsed  in 
repeated  attempts  to  force  the  passage  of  the  river ;  in  the  last 
of  which,  near  Memphis,  he  lost  great  numbers  of  men,  by  the 
depth  and  rapidity  of  the  current.     Perdiccas  had  never  been 
popular  with  the  soldier}',  and  these  disasters  completely  alien- 
ated their  aflections.     A  conspiracy  was  Ibrmed  against  him, 
and  some  of  his  chief  oflicers  murdered  him  in  his  tent. 

f  8.  The  death  of  Perdiccas  was  followed  by  a  fresh  distribu- 
tion of  the  provinces  of  the  empire.  At  a  meeting  of  the  gen- 
erals held  at  Triparadisus  in  J^^yria,  towards  the  end  of  the  year 
321  B.C.,  Antipater  was  declared  regent,  retaining  the  govern- 
ment of  Macedonia  and  Greece ;  Ptolemy  was  continued  in  the 
government  of  Egj^pt ;  Seleucus  received  the  satrapy  of  Baby- 
lon ;  whilst  Antigonus  not  only  retained  his  old  province,  but 
was  rewarded  with  that  of  Susiana. 

Antipater  did  not  long  survive  these  events.  He  died  in  the 
year  318,  at  the  advanced  age  of  80,  leaving  Polysperchon,  one 
of  Alexander's  oldest  generals  regent;  much  to  the  surprise  and 


mortification  of  his  son  Cassander,  who  received  only  the  second- 
ary dignity  of  Chiliarch,  or  commander  of  the  cavalry.  Cas- 
sander was  now  bent  on  obtaimng  the  regency ;  but  seeing  no 
hope  of  success  in  Macedonia,  he  went  over  to  Asia  to  solicit  the 
assistance  of  Antigonus. 

Polysperchon,  on  his  side,  sought  to  conciliate  the  friendship 
of  the  (jrrecian  states,  by  proclaiming  them  all  free  and  inde- 
pendent, and  by  abolishing  the  oligarchies  which  had  been  set 
up  by  Antipater.  In  order  to  enforce  these  measures,  Poly- 
sperchon prepared  to  march  into  Greece,  whilst  his  son  Alex- 
ander was  despatched  betbrehand  with  an  army  towards  Athens, 
to  compel  the  Macedonian  garrison  under  the  command  of  Nica- 
nor  to  evacuate  Muiiychia.  Nicanor,  however,  refused  to  move 
without  orders  from  Cassander,  whose  general  he  declared 
himself  to  be.  Phocion  was  suspected  of  intriguing  in  favour  of 
Nicanor,  and  being  accused  of  treason,  fled  to  Alexander,  now 
encamped  before  the  walls  of  Athens.  Alexander  sent  Phocion 
and  the  friends  who  accompanied  him  to  his  father,  who  was 
then  in  Pliocis ;  and  at  the  same  time  an  Athenian  embassy 
arrived  in  Polysperchon's  camp  to  accuse  Phocion.  A  sort  of 
mock  trial  ensued,  the  result  of  which  was  that  Phocion  was 
sent  back  to  Athens  in  chains,  to  be  tried  by  the  Athenian 
people.  The  theatre,  where  his  trial  was  to  take  place,  was  soon 
full  to  overflowing.  Phocion  was  assailed  on  every  side  by  the 
clamours  of  his  enemies,  which  prevented  his  defence  from  being 
heard,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death  by  a  show  of  hands. 
To  the  last  Phocion  maintained  his  calm  and  dignified,  but 
somewhat  contemptuous  bearing.  When  some  wretched  man 
spat  upon  him  as  he  passed  to  the  prison,  "  Will  no  one,"  said 
he,  "  check  this  fellow's  indecency  ?"  To  one  who  asked  him 
whether  he  had  any  message  to  leave  for  his  son  Phocus,  he  an- 
swered, *'  Only  that  he  bear  no  gnulge  against  the  Athenians." 
And  when  the  hemlock  which  had  been  prepared  was  found  in- 
surticient  for  all  the  condemned,  and  the  jailer  would  not  furnish 
more  unless  he  was  paid  for  it,  "  Give  the  man  his  money,"  said 
Phocion  to  one  of  his  friends,  "  since  at  Athens  one  cannot  even 
die  for  nothing."  He  died  in  b.c.  317,  at  the  age  of  85.  The 
Athenians  afterwards  repented  of  their  conduct  towards  Phocion. 
His  bones,  which  had  been  cast  out  on  the  frontiers  of  Megara, 
were  subsequently  brought  back  to  Athens,  and  a  bronze  statue 
was  erected  to  his  memory. 

^0.  Whilst  Alexander  was  negotiating  with  Nicanor  about 
the  surrender  of  Munychia,  Cassander  arrived  in  the  Piraius  with 
a  considerable  army,  with  which  Antigonus  had  supplied  him ; 
and  though  Polysperchon  himself  soon  came  up  with  a  large 


.   t 


I .  - 


MO 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLV. 


force,  he  found  the  fortifications  of  Pineus  too  strong  for  him 
Leaving,  therefore,  his  son  to  blockade  the  city,  Polysperchoii 
advanced  with  the  greater  part  of  his  army  into  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. Here  he  laid  siege  to  MegalojK)lis ;  hut  that  town  was 
defended  with  such  extraordinary  elibrts  tliat  Polysperchon 
was  compelled  to  withdraw.  His  ill  success,  as  well  as  the 
destruction  of  his  fleet  by  the  fleet  of  Cassander,  produced 
an  unfavourable  tuni  in  the  disposition  of  the  Greek  states 
towards  Polysperchon,  and  Athens  in  particular  abandoned  his 
alliance  for  that  of  Cassander,  who  established  an  oligarchical 
government  in  the  city  under  the  presidency  of  Demetrius  of 
Phalerus. 

At  the  same  time  Eurydice,  the  active  and  intriguing  wife  of 
Philip  ArrhidaBUS,  conceived  the  project  of  throwing  ofl"  the  yoke 
of  the  regent,  and  concluded  an  alliance  with  Cassander,  while 
she  herself  assembled  an  army  with  which  she  obtained  for  a 
time  the  complete  possession  of  Macedonia.  But  in  the  spring 
of  317  Polysperchon,  having  united  his  ibrces  with  those  of 
JEacides,  king  of  Epirus,  invaded  Macedonia,  accompanied  by 
Olympias.  Eurydice  met  them  with  equal  daring ;  but  when 
the  mother  of  Alexander  appeared  on  the  field,  surrounded  by  a 
train  in  bacchanalian  style,  the  Macedonians  at  once  declared  in 
her  favour,  and  Eurydice,  abandoned  by  her  own  troops,  fled  to 
Amphipolis,  where  she  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of  Olympias,  who 
put  both  her  and  her  husband  to  death,  with  circumstances  of 
the  greatest  cnielty.  She  next  wreaked  her  vengeance  on  the 
family  of  Antipater,  and  on  the  adherents  of  Cassander.  These 
events  determined  Cassander  to  proceed  with  all  haste  into  Ma- 
cedonia. At  his  approach  Olympias  threw  herself  into  Pydiia, 
together  with  Roxana  and  her  son.  Cassander  forthwith  laid 
Eiege  to  this  place  ;  and  after  a  blockade  of  some  months  it  sur- 
rendered in  the  spring  of  316.  Olympias  had  stipulated  that 
her  life  should  be  spared,  but  Cassander  soon  afterwards  caused 
her  to  be  murdered.  After  the  fall  of  Pydna  all  Macedonia  sub- 
mitted to  Cassander ;  who,  after  shutting  up  Roxana  and  her 
son  in  the  citadel  of  Amphipolis,  married  Thcssalonica,  a  half- 
sister  of  Alexander  the  Great,  witli  the  view  of  strengthening  his 
pretensions  to  the  throne. 

Shortly  afterwanls  Cassander  marched  into  Greece,  and  beqan 
the  restoration  of  Thebes  (ii.c.  315),  in  the  twentieth  year  after 
its  destruction  by  Alexander,  a  measure  highly  popular  with  the 
Greeks. 

HO.  A  new  war  now  broke  out  in  the  east.  Antigonus  hz.d 
become  the  most  powerful  of  Alexander's  successors.  He  had 
conquered  Eumenes,  who  had  long  defied  his  arms,  and  he  now 


B.C.  315. 


COALITION  AGAINST  ANTIGONUS. 


561 


began  to  dispose  of  the  provinces  as  he  thought  fit.  His  increas- 
ing power  and  ambitious  projects  led  to  a  general  coalition 
against  him,  consisting  of  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Cassander,  and 
Lysimachus,  the  governor  of  Thrace.  The  war  began  in  the  year 
315,  and  was  carried  on  with  great  vehemence  and  alternate 
success  in  Syria,  PhoBuicia,  Asia  Minor,  and  Greece.  After  four 
years  all  parties  became  exhausted  with  the  struggle,  and  peace 
was  accordingly  concluded  in  311,  on  condition  that  the  Greek 
cities  should  be  free,  that  Cassander  should  retain  his  authority 
in  Europe  till  Alexander  came  of  age,  that  Ptolemy  and  Lysi- 
machus should  keep  possession  of  Thrace  and  Egypt  respective- 
ly, and  that  Antigonus  should  have  the  government  of  all  Asia. 
The  name  of  Seleucus  does  not  occur  in  the  treaty. 

This  hollow  peace,  which  had  been  merely  patched  up  for  the 
convenience  of  the  parties  concerned,  was  not  of  long  duration. 
It  seems  to  have  been  the  immediate  cause  of  another  of  those 
crimes  which  disgrace  the  history  of  Alexander's  successors. 
Alexander,  who  had  now  attained  the  age  of  sixteen,  was  still 
shut  up  with  his  mother  Roxana  in  Amphipolis  ;  and  his  parti- 
sans, with  injudicious  zeal,  loudly  expressed  their  wish  that  he 
should  be  released  and  placed  upon  the  throne.  In  order  to 
avert  this  event  Cassander  contrived  the  secret  murder  both  of 
the  mother  and  the  son. 

Hi.  This  abominable  act,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have 
caused  a  breach  of  tho  peace.  Ptolemy  was  the  first  to  break 
it  (B.C.  310),  under  the  pretext  that  Antigonus,  by  keeping  his 
garrisons  in  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  and  the  islands,  had  not 
respected  that  article  of  the  treaty  which  guaranteed  Grecian 
freedom.  After  the  war  had  lasted  three  years,  Antigonus 
resolved  to  make  a  vigorous  effort  to  wrest  Greece  from  the 
hands  of  Cassander  and  Ptolemy,  who  held  all  the  principal 
towns  in  it.  Accordingly,  in  the  summer  of  307  b.c.  he  de- 
spatched his  son  Demetrius  from  Ephesus  to  Athens,  with  a  fleet 
of  250  sail,  and  5000  talents  in  money.  Demetrius,  who  after- 
wards obtained  the  surname  of  "  Poliorcetes,"  or  "  Besieger  of 
Cities,"  was  a  young  man  of  ardent  temperament  and  great 
abilities.  Upon  arriving  at  the  PirsBUs,  he  immediately  pro- 
claimed the  object  of  his  expedition  to  be  the  liberation  of 
Athens  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Macedonian  garrison.  Sup- 
ported by  the  Macedonians,  Demetrius  the  Phalerean  had  now 
ruled  Athens  for  a  period  of  more  than  ten  years.  Of  mean 
birth,  Demetrius  the  Phalerean  owed  his  elevation  entirely  to 
his  talents  and  perseverance.  His  skill  as  an  orator  raised  him 
to  distinction  among  his  countrymen  ;  and  his  politics,  which 
led  him  to  embrace  the  party  of  Phocion,  recommended  him  to 

2b* 


I 


•  'I 

il 


&62 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLT. 


Cassander  and  the  Macedonians.  He  cultivated  many  branches 
of  literature,  and  was  at  once  an  historian,  a  pliilosopher,  and 
a  poet ;  but  none  of  his  works  have  come  down  to  us.  During 
the  first  period  of  his  administration  he  appears  to  have  governed 
wisely  and  equitably,  to  have  improved  the  Athenian  laws,  ai;d 
to  have  adorned  the  city  with  uselul  buildings.*  But  in  spite  cf 
his  pretensions  to  philosophy,  the  possession  of  uncontrolled  pow- 
er soon  altered  his  character  for  the  worse,  and  he  became  re- 
markable for  luxury,  ostentation,  and  sensuality.  Hence  he  giad- 
ually  lost  the  popularity  which  he  had  once  enjoyed,  and  vihich 
had  prompted  the  Athenians  to  raise  to  him  no  lewer  than  oGO 
bronze  statues,  most  of  them  equestrian.  The  Athenians  heaid 
with  pleasure  the  proclamations  of  the  gen  of  Antigonus ;  his 
namesake,  the  Phalerean,  was  obliged  to  surrender  tlie  city  to 
him,  and  to  close  his  political  career  by  retiring  to  Thebes.  The 
Macedonian  garrison  in  Munychia  oHered  a  slight  resistance, 
which  was  soon  overcome.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  then  formal- 
ly amiounced  to  the  Athenian  assembly  the  restoration  of  their 
ancient  constitution,  and  promised  them  a  large  donative  of  corn 
and  ship-timber.  This  munificence  was  repaid  by  the  Athenians 
with  the  basest  and  most  abject  flattery.  Both  Demetrius  and 
his  father  were  deitied,  and  two  new  tribes,  those  of  Antigonias 
and  Demetrius,  were  added  to  the  existing  ten  which  derived 
their  names  from  the  ancient  heroes  of  Attica. 

{  12.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  did  not,  however,  remain  long  at 
Athens.  Early  in  306  b.c.  he  was  recalled  by  his  father,  and, 
sailing  to  Cyprus,  undertook  the  siege  of  Salamis.  Ptolemy  has- 
tened to  its  relief  with  140  vessels  and  1 0,000  troops.  The  bat- 
tle that  ensued  was  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals  of 
ancient  naval  warfare,  more  particularly  on  account  of  the  vast 
size  of  the  vessels  engaged.  Ptolemy  was  ccmpletely  deleated ; 
and  so  important  was  the  victory  deemed  by  Antigt)nus,  that  on 
the  strength  of  it  he  assumed  the  title  of  king,  which  he  also 
conferred  upon  his  son.  This  example  was  followed  by  Ptolemy, 
Seleucus,  and  Lysimachus. 

Encouraged  by  their  success  at  Cyprus,  Antigonus  and  Deme- 
trius made  an  attempt  upon  Egjpt,  which,  however,  proved  a 
disastrous  failure.  By  way  of  revenge,  Demetrius  undertook  an 
expedition  a^fainst  Rhodes,  which  had  refused  its  aid  in  the 
attack  upon  Ftolemy.  It  was  from  the  memorable  siege  of 
Hhodes  that  Demetrius  obtained  his   name   of  ••  Poliorcetes." 

*  A  census  which  Demetrius  took  of  the  population  of  Attica,  proba- 
bly in  309  B.C.,  the  year  of  his  archonship,  gave  21,000  freemen,  lo,OOU 
metiee,  or  resident  aliens,  and  the  amazing' number  of  400,000  slaves. 
The  wives  and  families  of  the  free  Dooulation  must  of  course  be  added 


B.C.  301. 


BATTLE  OF  IPSUS. 


563 


After  in  vain  attempting  to  take  the  town  from  the  sea-side,  by 
mc;aii3  of  floating  batteries,  from  which  stones  of  enormous 
weight  were  hurled  from  engines  with  incredible  force  against 
the  walls,  he  determined  to  alter  his  plan  and  invest  it  on  the 
land-side.  With  the  assistance  of  Epimachus,  an  Athenian  en- 
gineer, he  constructed  a  machine  which,  in  anticipation  of  its 
effect,  was  called  Helepolis,  or  "  the  city  taker."  This  was  a  square 
wooden  tower,  loO  feet  high,  and  divided  into  nine  stories,  tilled 
with  armad  men,  who  discharged  missiles  through  apertures  in 
the  sides.  When  armed  and  prepared  for  attack,  it  required  the 
strength  of  2300  men  to  set  this  enormous  machine  in  motion. 
But  though  this  formidable  engine  was  assisted  by  the  operation 
of  two  battering-rams,  each  150  feet  long  and  propelled  by  the 
labour  of  1000  men,  the  Rhodians  were  so  active  in  repairing 
the  breaches  made  in  their  walls,  that  after  a  year  spent  in  the 
vain  attempt  to  take  the  town,  Demetrius  was  forced  to  retire 
and  grant  tho  Rhodians  peace. 

M3.  Whilst  Demetrius  was  thus  employed,  Cassander  had 
made  great  progress  in  reducing  Greece.  He  had  taken  Corinth, 
and  was  besieging  Athens,  when  Demetrius  entered  the  Eurlpus. 
Cassander  immediately  raised  the  siege,  and  was  subsequently 
defeated  in  an  action  near  Thermopyla).  When  Demetrius  en- 
tered Athens,  he  was  received  as  belbre  with  the  most  extrava- 
gant flatteries.  He  remained  two  or  three  years  in  Greece,  during 
which  his  superiority  over  Cassander  was  decided,  though  no 
great  battle  was  fought. 

In  the  spring  of  301  b.c.  he  was  recalled  by  his  father  Anti- 
gjnus,  who  stood  in  need  of  his  assistance  against  Lysimachus 
and  Sjleucus.  In  the  course  of  the  same  year  the  struggle  be- 
twj^ii  Antigonus  and  his  rivals  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the 
battle  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  in  which  Antigonus  was  killed,  and 
his  army  completely  defeated.  Antigonus  had  attained  the  age 
of  81  at  the  time  of  his  death.  Demetrius  retreated  with  the 
remnant  of  the  army  to  Ephesus,  whence  he  sailed  to  Cyprus, 
and  afterwards  proposed  to  go  to  Athens ;  but  the  Athenians, 
alienated  by  his  lU-lbrtune  at  Ipsus,  refused  to  receive  him.  Se- 
leucus and  Lysimachus  shared  between  them  the  possessions  of 
Antigonus.  Lysimachus  seems  to  have  had  the  greater  part  of 
Asia  Minor,  whilst  the  whole  country  from  the  coast  of  Syria  to 
th3  Euphrates,  as  well  as  a  part  of  Phrygia  and  Cappadocia,  fell 
to  tho  share  of  Seleucus.  The  latter  founded  on  the  Orontes 
a  now  capital  of  his  empire,  which  he  named  after  his  father 
Antioch.  The  fall  of  Antigonus  secured  Cassander  in  the  pos- 
session of  Greece,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  any  formal 
treaty  was  entered  into  for  that  purpose . 


i 


B.a  204. 


Group  of  Dirce.    From  the  Museum  at  Naples. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

FROM    THE    BATTLE   OF    IPSUS    TO    TIIE    CONQUEST  OF    GREECE   BY 

THE  ROMANS. 

§  1.  Proceedinijs  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  lie  captures  Athens.  8  2. 
Obtains  the  Macedonian  crown.  Ilia  flight  and  death.  §3.  Lysimachus 
reigns  over  Macedonia.  He  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus.  8  4.  Se- 
leucus  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Ccraunus.  1  nvasion  of  the  Celts,  and 
death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  §  5.  AntlgonusGonatasascendstheMace- 
donian  throne.  Death  of  Fyrrhusof  Epirus.  Chremonidean  war.  §6. 
The  Achiean  League.  §  7.  State  of  Sparta.  Reforms  of  Agis  and  Cleo- 
menes.  The  Cleomenic  war.  §  8.  The  jEtolian  League.  §  9.  The 
SocialWar.  §10.  WarbetweenPhilipand  the  Romans.  §11.  Philopoo- 
men.  §  12.  Second  war  between  Philip  and  the  Romans.  Battle  of 
Cynoscephalffi.  §  13.  Defeat  of  Antiochus,  and  subjugation  of  the 
^tolians  by  the  Romans.  §  14.  Extension  of  the  Achaean  League. 
Conquest  of  Spartft.  Death  of  Philopoemen.  §  15.  War  between 
Perseus  and  the  Romans.  Conquest  of  Macedonia.  §16.  Proceedings 
of  the  Romans  in  Greece.  §  17.  Athens  and  Oropus.  War  between 
the  Acha?ans  and  Spartans.  §  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  RomanB» 
who  reduce  Greece  into  a  Roman  province. 

f  1.  After  his  repulse  from  Athens,  Demetrius  proceeded 
towards  Peloponnesus,  but  found  that  his  allies  in  that  quarter 
had  also  abondoned  him  and  embraced  the  cause  of  Cassander. 


DEMETRIUS  GAINS  MACEDONL^ 


565 


He  was,  however,  neither  ruined  nor  discouraged.     On  leaving 
the  Peloponnesus  (b.c.  300)  he  proceeded  to  the  Thracian  Cher- 
sonese, and  ravaged  the  territory  of  Lysimachus.     Whilst  en- 
gaged in  this  expedition  he  was  agreeably  surprised  by  receiv- 
ing an  embassy  from  Seleucus,  by  which  that  monarch  solicited 
his  daughter  Stratonice  in  marriage.    Demetrius  gladly  granted 
the  request,  and  found  himself  so  much  strengthened  by  this 
alliance,  that  in  the  spring  of  the  year  296  he  was  in  a  con- 
dition again   to   attack  Athens,  which   he  captured   after   a 
long  siege,   and  drove  out  the  bloodthirsty  tyrant  Lachares, 
who  had  been  established  there  by  Cassander.     Such  was  thq 
extremity  of  famine  to  which  the  Athenians  had  been  reduced, 
that  we  are  told  of  a  father  and  son  quarrelling  for  a  dead 
mouse ;  and  the  philosopher  Epicurus  supported  himself,  and 
the  society  over  which  he  presided,  by  dividing  amongst  them 
daily  a  small  quantity  of  beans.     On  becoming  master  of  the 
city,  Demetrius,  much  to  the  surprise  of  the  Athenians,  treated 
them  with  great  lenity  and  indulgence,  and  in  consideration  of 
their  distresses,  made  them  a  present  of  a  large  quantity  of  com. 
^  2.  Meanwhile  Cassander  had  died  shortly  before  the  siege  of 
Athens,  and  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Macedon  by  his 
eldest  son,  Philip  IV.*    But  that  young  prince  died  in  295,  and 
the  succession  was  disputed  between  his  two  brothers,  Antipater 
and  Alexander.     Their  mother  Thessalonica,  a  daughter  of  the 
great  Philip,  seems  to  have  been  their  guardian,  and  to  have 
attempted  to  arrange  their  disputes  by  dividing  the  kingdom 
between  them  ;  but  Antipater,  thinking  that  she  favoured  Alex- 
ander, slew  her  with  his  own  hand  in  a  fit  of  jealous  rage 
Alexander  now  called  in  the  aid  of  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epims,  as 
well  as  of  Demetrius,  who  was  in  the  Peloponnesus  with  his 
army.     Pyrrhus,  as  the  nearest,  was  the  first  to  respond  to  this 
call,  and  efiected  a  partition  of  Macedonia  between  the  two 
brothers ;  an  arrangement,  which,  as  it  weakened  a  neighbouring 
kingdom,  was  favourable  to  his  own  interests.     Shortly  after- 
wards (294)  Demetrius,  who  saw  in  the  distracted  state  of  Mace- 
donia  an  opening  for  his  own  ambitious  designs,  appeared  in 
that  country  with  his  forces.    Alexander  havhig  joined  him  with 
his  army,  Demetrius  caused  that  young  prince  to  be  assassinated 
and  was  saluted  king  by  the  troops.     Demetrius  reigned  over 
Macedonia,  and  the  greater  part  of  Greece,  about  seven  years 
He  aimed  at  recovering  the  whole  of  his  father's  dominions 
in  Asia ;  but  before  he  was  ready  to  take  the  field,  his  adver- 
saries,   alarmed    at    his   preparations,    detemiined   to   forestall 

*  Philip  Arrhidajus  is  called  Philip  IIL 


'®6ft 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CUAF.  XLVl 


B.C.  280. 


INVASION  OF  THE  CELTS. 


:it 


him.  In  the  spring  of  b.c.  287,  Ptolemy  sent  a  powerful  fleet 
against  Greece,  while  Pyrrhus  on  the  one  side  and  Lysimachus 
on  the  other  simultaneously  invaded  Macedoiua.  Demetrius  had 
completely  alienated  his  own  subjects  by  his  proud  and  haughty 
bearing,  and  by  his  lavish  expenditure  on  his  own  luxuries; 
while  Pyrrhus  by  his  generosity,  afiability,  and  daring  courage, 
had  become  the  hero  of  the  Macedonians,  who  looked  upon  him 
as  a  second  Alexander.  The  appearance  of  Pyrrhus  was  the 
signal  for  revolt :  the  Macedonian  troops  flocked  to  his  standard, 
and  Demetrius  was  compelled  to  fly.  Pyrrhus  now  ascended  the 
throne  of  Macedonia ;  but  his  reign  was  of  brief  duration  ;  and 
at  the  end  of  seven  months  he  was  in  turn  driven  out  by  Lysi- 
machus. Demetrius  made  several  attempts  to  regain  his  power 
in  Greece,  and  then  set  sail  for  Asia,  where  he  successively  endea- 
voured to  establish  himself  in  the  territories  of  Lysimachus,  and 
of  his  son-in-law  Seleucus.  Falling  at  length  into  the  hands 
of  the  latter,  ho  was  kept  in  a  kind  of  magnilicent  captivity  in  a 
royal  residence  in  SjTia ;  where,  in  283,  at  the  early  age  of  55, 
his  chequered  career  was  broi:ght  to  a  close,  jiartly  by  chagrin, 
and  partly  by  the  sensual  indulgences  with  which  he  endea- 
voured to  divert  it. 

§  3.  The  history  cf  Alexander's  successors  continued  to  be 
marked  to  the  end  by  the  same  ambition,  the  same  dissen- 
sions, and  the  same  crimes  which  had  stained  it  from  the  first. 
The  power  of  Lysimachus  had  been  greatly  increased  by  the 
acquisition  of  Macedonia  ;  and  he  now  found  himself  in  posses- 
sion of  all  the  dominions  in  Europe  that  had  formed  part  cf  tlie 
Macedonian  monarchy,  as  well  as  of  the  greater  part  of  Asia 
Minor.  Of  Alexander's  immediate  successors,  Lysimachus  and 
Seleucus  were  the  only  two  remaining  competitors  ibr  power; 
and  with  the  exception  of  Egypt,  those  two  sovereigns  divided 
Alexander's  empire  between  them.  In  Eg}'pt  the  aged  Ptolemy 
had  abdicated  in  285  in  favour  of  his  son  by  Berenice,  afterwards 
known  as  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  and  to  the  exclusion  of  his  eldest 
son,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  by  his  wife  Eurydice.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus 
quitted  Egypt  in  disgust,  and  fled  to  the  court  of  Lysimachus  ; 
and  although  Arsinoc,  the  wife  of  Lysimachus,  was  own  sister  to 
his  rival,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  he  succeeded  in  gaining  her  entire 
confidence.  Arsinoe,  jealous  of  her  stepson  Agathocles,  the  heir 
apparent  to  the  throne,  and  desirous  of  securing  the  succession 
for  her  own  children,  conspired  with  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  against 
his  life.  She  even  procured  the  consent  of  Lysimachus  to  his 
murder ;  and  after  some  vain  attempts  to  make  away  with  him 
by  poison,  he  was  flung  into  prison,  where  Ptolemy  Ceraunus 
despatched  him  with  his  own  hand.     Lysandra,  the  mother  cf 


507 


Agathocles,  fled  with  the  rest  of  her  family  to  Seleucus,  to  de- 
mand from  him  protection  and  vengeance  :  and  Seleucus,  induced 
by  the  hopes  of  success,  inspired  by  the  discontent  and  dissen- 
sions which  so  foul  an  act  had  excited  among  the  subjects  of 
Lysimachus,  espoused  her  cause.  The  hostilities  which  ensued 
between  him  and  Lysimachus  were  brought  to  a  termination 
by  the  battle  of  Corupedion,  fought  near  Sardis  in  281,  in  which 
Lysimachus  was  defeated  and  slain.  By  this  victory,  Macedo- 
nia, and  the  whole  of  Alexander's  empire,  with  the  exception  of 
Egypt,  southern  Syria,  Cyprus,  and  part  of  PhcBnicia,  fell  under 
the  sceptre  of  Seleucus. 

§  4.  That  monarch,  who  had  not  beheld  his  native  land  since 
he  first  joined  the  expedition  of  Alexander,  now  crossed  the 
Hellespont  to  take  possession  of  Macedonia.    Ptolemy  Ceraunus, 
who  after  the  battle  of  Corupedion  had  thrown  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  Seleucus,  and  had  been  received  with  forgiveness  and 
favour,  accompanied  him  on  this  journey.     The  murder  of  Aga- 
thocles^ had  not  been  committed  by  Ptolemy  merely  to  obhge 
Arsinoe.     He  had  even  then  designs  upon  the  supreme  power, 
which  he  now  completed  by  another  crime.    As  Seleucus  stopped 
to  sacrifice  at  a  celebrated  altar  near  Lysimachia  in  Thrace, 
Ptolemy  treacherously  assassinated  him  by  stabbing  him  in  the 
back  (280).    After  this  base  and  cowardly  act,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus, 
who  gave  himself  out  as  the  avenger  of  Lysimachus,  w  as,  by  one 
of  those  movements  wholly  inexplicable  to  our  modern  notions 
saluted  king  by  the  army ;  but  the  Asiatic  dominions  of  Seleucus 
fell  to  his  son  Antiochus,  surnamed  Soter.     The  crime  of  Ptole- 
my, however,  was  speedily  overtaken  by  a  just  punishment.     In 
the  very  same  year  his  kingdom  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace  was 
invaded  by  an  immense  host  of  Celts,  and  Ptolemy  fell  at  the 
head  of  the  forces  which  he  led  against  them.     A  second  inva- 
sion of  the  same  barbarians  compelled  the  Greeks  to  raise  a 
force  for  their  defence,  which  was  entrusted  to  the  command  of 
the  Athenian  Callippus  (b.c.  279).     On  this  occasion  the  Celts, 
attracted  by  the  report  of  treasures  which  were  now  perhaps 
little  more  than  an  empty  name,  penetrated  as  far  southwards 
as  Delphi,  with  the  view  of  plundering  the  temple.     The  god, 
It  IS  said,  vindicated  his  sanctuary  on  this  occasion  in  the  same 
supernatural  manner  as  when  it  was  attacked  by  the  Persians : 
It  IS  at  all  events  certain  that  the  Celts  were  repulsed  with  great 
loss,  including  that  of  their  leader  Brennus.     Nevertheless  some 
of  their  tribes  succeeded  in  establishing  themselves  near  the 
Danube;  others  settled  on  the  sea-coast  of  Thrace;  whilst  a 
third  portion  passed  over  into  Asia,  and  gave  their  name  to  the 
country  called  Galatia. 


568 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Cdap.  XLVI. 


f  5.  After  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraimiis,  Maceiloiiia  fell  for 
Borae  time  into  a  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion,  and  the  crown 
was  disputed  hy  several  pretenders.  At  length,  in  278,  Anti- 
gonus  Gonatas,  son  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  succeeded  in  es- 
tablishing himself  on  the  throne  of  Macedonia ;  and,  with  the 
exception  of  two  or  three  years  (274-272)  during  which  he  was 
temporarily  expelled  by  Pyrrhus,  he  continued  to  retain  posses- 
sion of  it  till  his  death  in  239.  The  struggle  between  Antigoims 
and  Pyrrhus  was  brought  to  a  close  at  Argos,  in  272.  Pyrrhus 
had  marched  into  the  Peloponnesus  with  a  large  force  in  order 
to  make  war  upon  Sparta,  but  with  the  collateral  design  of  re- 
ducing the  places  which  still  held  out  for  Antigonus.  Pyrrhus, 
having  failed  in  an  attempt  to  take  Sparta,  marched  against 
Argos,  where  Antigonus  also  arrived  with  liis  forces.  Both  ar- 
mies entered  the  city  by  opposite  gates ;  and  in  a  battle  which 
ensued  in  the  streets,  Pyrrhus  was  struck  from  his  horse  by  a 
tile  hurled  by  a  woman  from  a  house  top,  and  was  then  de- 
spatched by  some  soldiers  of  Antigonus.  Such  was  the  inglo- 
rious end  of  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  warlike  monarchs  of 
antiquity ;  whose  character  for  moral  virtue,  though  it  would 
not  stand  the  test  of  modern  scrutiny,  shone  out  conspicuously 
in  comparison  with  that  of  contemporary  sovereigns  ;  but  whose 
enterprises,  undertaken  rather  from  the  love  of  action  than  from 
any  well-directed  ambition,  were  rendered  abortive  by  their  de- 
sultory nature. 

Antigonus  Gonatas  now  made  himself  master  of  the  greater 
part  of  Peloponnesus,  which  he  governed  by  means  of  tyrants 
whom  he  established  in  various  cities.  He  then  appHed  himself 
to  the  reduction  of  Athens,  whose  defence  was  assisted  by  an 
Egyptian  fleet  and  a  Spartan  army.  This  war,  which  is  some- 
times called  the  Chrcmonidean  war,  from  the  Athenian  Chre- 
monides,  who  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  defending  the  city, 
lasted  six  or  seven  years,  and  reduced  the  Athenians  to  great 
misery.     Athens  was  at  length  taken,  probably  in  2G2. 

^  6.  While  all  Greece,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta,  seeriied 
hopelessly  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  Macedonia,  a  new  political 
power,  which  sheds  a  lustre  on  the  declining  period  of  Grecian 
history,  arose  in  a  small  province  in  Peloponnesus,  of  which  the 
very  name  has  been  hitherto  rarely  mentioned  since  the  heroic 
age.  In  Achaia,  a  narrow  slip  of  country  upon  the  shores  of 
the  Corinthian  gulf,  a  league,  chiefly  for  religious  purposes,  had 
existed  from  a  very  early  peri(xl  among  the  twelve  chief  cities 
of  the  province.  This  league,  however,  had  never  possessed 
much  political  importance,  and  it  had  been  finally  suppressed 
by  the  Macedonians.     At  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking 


B.C.  251. 


ACH.^AN  LEAGUE. 


569 


Antigonus  Gonatas  was  in  possession  of  all  the  cities  formerly 
belonging  to  the  league,  either  by  means  of  his  garrisons  or  of 
the  tyrants  who  were  subservient  to  him.    It  was,  however,  this 
very  oppression  that  led  to  a  more  efficient  revival  of  the  league. 
The  Achaean  towns,  now  only  ten  in  number,  as  two  had  been 
destroyed  by  earthquakes,  began  gradually  to  coalesce  again ;  a 
process  which  was  much  facihtated  after  Antigonus  had  with- 
drawn from  Greece  to  take  up  his  residence  at  Pella,  where  the 
afliiirs  of  Macedonia  chiefly  occupied  his  attention.    But  Aratus 
of  Sicyon,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  of  this  period 
of  Grecian  history,  was  the  man  who,  about  the  year  251  b.c, 
first  called  the  new  league  into  active  political  existence.   Aratus 
was  one  of  those  characters  who,  though  not  deficient  in  bold- 
ness  and  daring,  seem  incapable   of  exerting  these   qualities 
except  in  stratagems  and  ambuscades.     He  had  long  lived  in 
exile  at  Argos,  whilst  his  native  city  groaned  under  the  dominion 
of  a  succession  of  tyrants.     Having  collected  a  band  of  exiles, 
Aratus   surprised  Sicyon  in   the   night   time,    and   drove   out 
the  last  and  most  unpopular  of  these  tyrants.    Instead  of  seizing 
the  tyranny  for  himself,  as  he  might  easily  have  done,  Arati^ 
consulted  only  the  advantage  of  his  country,  and  with  this  view 
united  Sicyon  with  the  Achaian  league.     The  accession  of  so 
important  a  town  does   not  appear  to  have   altered  the   con- 
stitution of  the  confederacy.     The  league  was  governed  by  a 
Strategus,  or  general,  whose  functions  were  both  military  and 
civil ;  a  Grammatcus,  or  secretary,  and  a  council  oi ten  demiurgi. 
The  sovereignty,  however,  resided  in  the  general  assembly,  which 
met  twice  a  year  in  a  sacred  grove  near^Egium.     It  was  com- 
posed of  every  Achaian  who  had  attained  the  age  of  thirty,  and 
possessed  the  right  of  electing  the  officers  of  the  league,  and  of 
deciding  all  questions  of  war,  peace,  foreign  alliances,  and  the 
like.    In  the  year  245  b.c.  Aratus  was  elected  Strategus  of  the 
league,  and  again  in  243.     In  the  latter  of  these  years  he  suc- 
ceeded in  wresting  Corinth  from  the  Macedonians  by  another 
nocturnal  surprise,  and  uniting  it  to  the  league.     The  confe- 
deracy now  spread  with  wonderful  rapidity.     It  was  soon  joined 
by  TrcBzen,  Epidaurus,  Hermione,  and  other  cities ;    and  uhi- 
mately  embraced  Athens,  Megara,  ^Egina,  Salamis,  and  the  whole 
Peloponnesus,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta,  Elis,  and  some  of 
the  Arcadian  towns. 

k  7.  Sparta,  it  is  tme,  still  continued  to  retain  her  independ- 
ence, but  without  a  shadow  of  her  former  greatness  and  power. 
The  primitive  simplicity  of  Spartan  manners  had  been  com- 
pletely destroyed  by  the  collection  of  weahh  into  a  few  hands, 
and  by  the  consequent  progress  of  luxury.     The   number  of 


S70 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XLVl 


I  .^ 


I  i: 


Spartan  citizens  had  been  reduced  to  700  ;  but  even  of  these  there 
were  not  above  a  hundred  who  possessed  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  land  to  maintain  themselves  in  independence.  The  Spartan 
kin^s  had  ceased  to  be  the  patriotic  servants  and  generals  of  their 
country.  Like  the  comlottieri  of  more  modern  times,  they  were 
accustomed,  since  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  to  let  out 
their  services  to  the  highest  bidder  ;  and  no  longer  content  with 
the  simple  habits  of  their  forefathers,  they  repaired  to  foreign 
courts  in  order  to  squander  the  wealth  thus  acquired  in  lux- 
uries which  they  could  not  procure  at  home.  The  young  king, 
Agis  IV.,  who  succeeded  to  the  crown  in  244,  attempted  to 
revive  the  ancient  Spartan  virtue,  by  restoring  the  institutions 
of  Lycurgus,  by  cancelling  all  debts,  and  by  making  a  new  distri- 
bution of  lands ;  and  with  this  view  he  relinquished  all  his  own 
property,  as  well  as  that  of  his  family,  for  the  public  gccd. 
These  reforms,  though  promoted  by  one  ol'  the  Ephors,  were 
opposed  by  Leonidas,  the  colleague  of  Agis  in  the  monarchy, 
who  rallied  the  majority  of  the  more  wealthy  citizens  around 
him.  Agis  and  liis  party  succeeded,  however,  in  deposing  Leo- 
nidas, and  for  a  time  his  plans  promised  to  be  successful ;  but 
having  midertaken  an  exjiedition  to  assist  Aratus  against  the 
iEtolians,  the  opposite  party  took  advantage  of  his  absence  to 
reinstate  Leonidas,  and  when  Agis  returned,  he  was  put  to 
death  (241).  But  a  lew  years  afterwards,  Cleomenes,  the  son  of 
Leonidas,  succeeded  in  eli'ecting  the  relbrms  which  had  been 
contemplated  by  Agis ;  a  course  which  he  was  probably  induced 
to  take  by  the  widow  of  Agis,  whom  he  had  married.  It  was 
his  military  successes  that  enabled  Cleomenes  to  carry  out  his 
political  views.  Aratus,  in  his  zeal  for  extending  the  Achaean 
confederacy,  attempted  to  seize  the  Arcadian  towns  of  Orcho- 
merms,  Tegea,  and  Mantinea,  which  the  JEtolians  had  ceded  to 
Sparta,  whereupon  a  war  ensued  (227-226)  in  which  the  forces  of 
the  league  were  defeated  by  Cleomenes.  The  latter  then  sud- 
denly returned  home  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  aniiy,  and  after 
putting  the  Ephors  to  death,  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  reforms 
projected  by  Agis,  as  w^ell  as  several  others  which  regarded  mili- 
tary discipline.  The  efiect  of  these  new  measures  soon  became 
visible  in  the  increased  success  of  the  Spartan  arms.  Aratus 
was  so  hard  pressed  that  he  was  compelled  to  solicit  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Macedonians.  Botli  Antigonus  Gonatas  and  his  son 
Demetrius  IL — who  had  reigned  in  Macedonia  from  239  to  221) 
were  now  dead,  and  the  government  was  administered  by 


B.C 


Antigonus  Doson,  as  guardian  of  Philip,  the  youthful  son  of 
Demetrius  II.  Antigonus  Doson,  who  obtained  the  latter  sur- 
name from  his  readiness  in  making  promises,  was  the  grandson 


B.C.  220. 


^ETOLIAN  LEAGUE. 


6T1 


of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  and  the  nephew  of  Antigonus  Gonatas. 
The  Macedonians  compelled  him  to  accept  the  crown ;  but  he 
remained  faithful  to  his  trust  as  guardian  of  Philip,  whose  mo- 
ther he  married ;  and  though  he  had  children  of  his  own  by  her, 
yet  Philip  succeeded  him  on  his  death.  It  was  to  Antigonus 
Doson  that  Aratus  applied  for  assistance ;  and  in  223  the  Mace- 
donian king  marched  into  the  Peloponnesus  and  compelled  Cleo- 
menes to  retire  into  Laconia.  This  war  between  Cleomenes  and 
Aratus,  which  is  called  the  Cleomenic  war,  lasted  altogether 
about  six  years.  It  broke  out  in  227,  and  was  not  brought  to  a 
close  till  two  years  after  the  intervention  of  Doson.  After  his 
defeat  Cleomenes  raised  a  considerable  sum  by  allowing  6000 
Helots  to  purchase  their  freedom  ;  and  having  thus  recruited 
his  army,  he  in  the  following  year  attacked  and  destroyed  Mega- 
lopolis. He  afterwards  pushed  his  successes  up  to  the  very 
walls  of  Argos ;  but  in  221  he  was  totally  defeated  by  Antigonus 
Doson  in  the  fatal  battle  of  Sellasia  in  Laconia.  The  army  of 
Cleomenes  was  almost  totally  annihilated ;  he  himself  was  obliged 
to  fly  to  Egypt ;  and  Sparta,  which  for  many  centuries  had  re- 
mained unconquered,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victor. 

k  8.  Antigonus,  however,  did  not  live  long  to  enjoy  his  success. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year  he  was  recalled  to  Macedonia  by  an 
invasion  of  the  lUyrians,  which  he  repelled,  but  he  shortly  after- 
wards died  of  a  consumption.     He  was  succeeded  by  Phihp  V.. 
the  son  of  Demetrius  1 1.,  who  was  then  about  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen years  of  age.     His  youth  encouraged  the  iEtolians  to  make 
predatory  incursions  into  the  Peloponnesus.     That  people  were 
a  species  of  freebooters,  and   the   terror  of  their  neighbours ; 
yet  they  were  united,  like  the  Achseans,  in  a  confederacy  or 
league.     The  JEtolian  league  was  a  confederation  of  tribes  in- 
stead of  cities,  like  the  Ach^an.     Its  history  is  involved  in  ob- 
scurity ;  but  it  must  at  all  events  have  had  a  fixed  constitution 
even  in  the  time  of  Phihp  and  Alexander  the  Great,  since  Aris- 
totle wrote  a  treatise  on  it ;   and  after  the  death  of  Alexander 
we  find  the  League  taking  a  prominent  part  in  the  Lamian  war. 
The  diet  or  council  of  the  league,  called  the  Panatolicum,  assem- 
bled every  autumn,  generally  at  Thermon,  to  elect  the  strategus 
and  other  officers ;  but  the  details  of  its  afTairs  were  conducted 
by  a  committee  called  Apodeti,  who  seem  to  have  formed  a  sort 
of  permanent  council.    The  JEtolians  had  availed  themselves  of 
the  disorganised  state  of  Greece  consequent  upon  the  death  of 
A  exander  to  extend  their  power,  and  had  gradually  made  them- 
selves masters  of  Locris,  Phocis,  Bceotia,  together  Avith  portions 
of  Acarnania,  Thessaly,  and  Epinis.     Thus  both  the  Amphic- 
tyonic  Council  and  the  oracle  of  Delphi  were  in  their  power. 


i^t 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CnAP.  XLVl. 


They  had  early  wrested  Naiipactus  from  the  Achaeans,  and  had 
subsequently  acquired  several  Peloponnesian  cities. 

^  9.  Such  was  the  condition  of  the  jEtolians  at  the  time  of 
Philip's  accession.  Soon  after  that  event  we  find  them,  lu.iler 
the  leadership  of  Dorimachus,  engaged  in  a  series  of  freebooting 
expeditions  in  Messenia,  and  other  parts  of  Peloponnesus.  Aratus 
marched  to  the  assistance  of  the  Messcnians  at  the  head  of  the 
Achajan  forces,  but  was  totally  defeated  in  a  battle  near  Caphyae. 
The  Achffians  now  saw  no  hope  of  safety  except  through  the 
assistance  of  Philip.  That  young  monarch  was  ambitious  and 
enterprising,  possessing  considerable  military  ability,  and  much 
political  sagacity.  He  readily  listened  to  the  application  of  the 
Acha;ans,  and  in  220  entered  into  an  alliance  with  them.  The 
war  which  ensued  between  the  JEtolians  on  one  side,  and  the 
Achaeans,  assisted  by  Philip,  on  the  other,  and  which  lasted 
about  three  years,  has  been  called  the  Social  War.  Philip  gained 
several  victories  over  the  iEtolians,  but  he  concluded  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  them  in  217,  because  he  was  anxious  to  turn  his 
arms  against  another  and  more  formidable  power. 

MO.  The  great  struggle,  now  going  on  between  Rome  and 
Carthage,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole  civilized  world. 
It  was  evident  that  Greece,  distracted  by  intestine  quarrels, 
must  be  soon  swallowed  up  by  whichever  of  those  great 
states  might  prove  successful ;  and  of  the  two,  the  ambition  of 
the  Romans,  who  had  already  gained  a  footing  on  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  Adriatic,  was  by  far  the  more  formidable  to 
Greece.  Philip's  inchnation  to  take  part  in  the  great  struggle 
in  the  west  was  increased  by  the  news  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
Romans  at  the  lake  of  Trasimene ;  and  he  therefore  readily 
listened  to  the  advice  and  solicitations  of  Demetrius  of  Pharos, 
who  had  been  driven  by  the  Romans  from  his  Illyrian  domin- 
ions, and  who  now  appealed  to  him  for  assistance.  After  the 
conclusion  of  the  peace  with  the  JEtolians  Philip  prepared  a 
large  fleet,  which  he  employed  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
Romans,  and  in  the  following  year  (216)  he  concluded  a  treaty 
with  Hannibal,  which,  among  other  clauses,  provided  that  the 
Romans  should  not  be  allowed  to  retain  their  conquests  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Adriatic.  He  even  meditated  an  invasion 
of  Italy,  and  with  that  view  endeavoured  to  make  himself 
master  of  Apollonia  and  Oricum.  But  though  he  succeeded  in 
taking  the  latter  city,  the  Romans,  under  M.  Valerius  Lavinus, 
surprised  his  camp  whilst  he  was  besieging  Apollonia ;  and  as 
they  had  likewise  blockaded  the  mouth  of  the  river  Aous  with 
their  fleet,  Philip  was  compelled  to  bum  his  ships  and  retire. 
Meanwhile  Phihp  had  acted  in  a  most  arbitary  manner  in  the 


RC.  208. 


PHILOP(EMEN. 


578 


affairs  of  Greece  ;  and  when  Aratus  remonstrated  with  him  re- 
specting his  proceedings,  he  got  rid  of  his  former  friend  and  comi- 
sellor  by  means  of  a  slow  and  secret  poison  (b.c.  213). 

When  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  had  begun  to  recover  in  Italy, 
they  directed  their  attention  more  seriously  towards  Greece,  and 
in  the  year  211  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  iEtolians,  who 
were  now  weary  of  peace,  and  declared  war  against  Philip.     Be- 
fore the  end  of  the  year,  the  Romans  made  themselves  masters 
of  Zacynthus,  with  the  exception  of  the  capital ;  and  having  also 
wrested  (Eiiiadfe  and  Naxos  from  the  Acarnanians  transferred 
these  acquisitions  to  the  iEtolians,  and  retained  the  booty  for  them- 
selves, agreeably  to  the  treaty.     In  the  following  year  the  town  of 
Anticyra  and  the  island  of  ^gina  were  treated  in  a  similar  manner. 
Ml.  In  B.C.  209,  the  Achasans,  being  hard  pressed  by  the 
JEtolians,  were  again  induced  to  call  in  the  aid  of  Philip.     The 
spirit  of  the  Achaeans  was  at  this  time  revived  by  PhilipoBmen, 
one  of  the  few  noble  characters  of  the  period,  and  who  has  been 
styled  by  Plutarch  "  the  last  of  the  Greeks."     He  was  a  native 
of  Megalopolis  in  Arcadia,  and  had  already  distinguished  him- 
self in  the  Cieornenic  war,  and  especially  at  the  battle  of  Sellasia, 
which  was  mainly  won  by  a  decisive  charge  which  he  made,  with- 
out orders,  at  the  head  of  the  Megalopolitan  horse.     In  210  he 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Achaean  cavalry,  and  in 
208  he  was  elected  Strategus  of  the  League.     In  both  these 
posts  Philopcemen  made  great  alterations  and  improvements  in 
the  arms  and  discipline  of  the  Achaean  forces,  which  he  assimi- 
lated to  those  of  the  Macedonian  phalanx.     These  reforms,  as 
well  as  the  public  spirit  with  which  he  had  inspired  the  Acha?ans, 
were  attended  with  the  most  beneficial  results.     In  207  Philopoe- 
man  gained  at  Mantinea  a  signal  victory  over  the  Lacedajmoni- 
iiis,  who  had  joined  the  Roman  alliance ;  4000  of  them  were 
left  upon  the  field,  and  among  them  Machanidas,  who  had  made 
himself  tyrant  of  Sparta.     This  decisive  battle,  combined  with 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Romans,  who,  being  desirous  of  turning 
their  undivided  attention  towards  Carthage,  had  made  peace 
with  Philip  (205),  secured  for  a  few  years  the  tranquillity  of 
Greece.     It  also  raised  the  fame  of  Philopcemen  to  its  highest 
point ;   and  in  the  next  Nemean  festival,  being  a  second  "time 
general  of  the  league,  he  was  hailed  by  the  assembled  Greeks  as 
the  hberator  of  their  country. 

§  12.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  second  Punic  war,  the  Ro- 
mans renewed  their  enterprises  in  Greece,  for  which  the  conduct 
of  Phihp,  who  had  assisted  the  Carthaginians,  afforded  them 
ample  pretence.  .  Philip's  attempts  in  the  vEgean  sea,  and  in 
Attica,  had  also  caused  many  complaints  to  be  lodged  against  him 


if* 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Cbap.  XLVL 


B.C.  19T. 


BATTLE  OF  CYNOSCEPHAL^ 


5T5 


at  Rome ;  aiid  in  b.c.  200  the  Romans  declared  war  against 
him.  Athens,  which  he  had  besieged,  was  reheved  by  a  Ro- 
man fleet ;  but  beibre  he  withdrew,  Philip,  prompted  by  anger 
and  revenge,  displayed  his  barbarism  by  destroying  the  gardens 
and  buildings  in  the  suburbs,  including  the  Lyceum  and  the  tombs 
of  the  Attic  heroes ;  and  in  a  second  incursion  which  he  made 
with  large  reinforcements,  he  committed  still  greater  excesses. 
For  some  time,  however,  the  war  lingered  on  without  any  de- 
cided success  on  either  side.  But  in  198  the  consul  T.  Quinctius 
Flamininus  succeeded  hi  gaining  over  the  Achajau  league  to  the 
Roman  alliance ;  and  as  the  ^tolians  had  previously  deserted 
Phihp,  both  these  powers  fought  for  a  short  time  on  the  samo 
side.  In  197  the  struggle  between  tlie  Romans  and  Philip  was 
brought  to  a  termination  by  the  battle  of  Cynoscephala?,  near 
SScotussa,  ill  Thessaly,  which  decided  the  late  of  the  Macedonian 
monarchy.  Philip  was  obliged  to  sue  for  peace,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  ( 19G)  a  treaty  was  ratified  by  which  the  Macedonians 
were  compelled  to  renounce  their  supremacy,  to  withdraw  their 
garrisons  from  the  Grecian  towns,  to  surrender  their  fleet,  and 
to  pay  1 000  talents  for  the  expenses  of  the  Mar.  At  the  ensuing 
Isthmian  games,  Flamininus  solemnly  proclaimed  the  freedom 
of  the  Greeks,  and  was  received  by  them  with  overwhelming  joy  f 
and  gratitude.  The  Romans,  however,  still  held  the  fortresses 
of  the  Acrocorinthus,  Demetrias,  and  Chalcis ;  and  it  was  not 
till  194  that  they  showed  any  real  intention  of  carryhig  out  their 
promises  by  withdrawing  their  armies  from  Greece. 

H3.  The  -SltoUans,  dissatisfied  with  these  arrangements,  en- 
deavoured to  persuade  Nabis,  who  had  succeeded  Machanidas 
as  tyrant  of  Sparta,  Antiochus  III.,  king  of  Syria,  as  well  as 
Philip,  xo  enter  into  a  league  against  the  Romans.  But  Anti- 
ochus alone,  at  whose  court  Hannibal  was  then  residing  as  a 
refugee,  ventured  to  listen  to  these  overtures.  He  passed  over 
into  Greece  with  a  wholly  inadequate  force,  and  was  defeated  by 
the  Romans  at  Thermopylae  (b.c.  1 9 1 ).  The  ^tolians  were  now 
compelled  to  make  head  against  the  Romans  by  themselves. 
After  some  ineffectual  attempts  at  resistance,  they  were  reduced 
to  sue  for  peace,  which  they  at  length  obtained,  but  on  the  most 
humiliating  conditions  (b.c.  189).  These,  as  dictated  to  them 
in  Ambracia,  by  M.  Fulvius  NobiUor,  differed  but  little  from  an 
unconditional  surrender.  They  were  required  to  acknowledge 
the  supremacy  of  Rome,  to  renounce  all  the  conquests  they  had 
recently  made,  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  500  talents,  and  to  engage 
in  future  to  aid  the  Romans  in  their  wars.  The  power  of  the 
iEtolian  league  was  thus  for  ever  crushed,  though  it  seems  to 
have  eiisted,  in  name  at  least,  till  a  much  later  period. 


M4.  The  Achaean  league  still  subsisted,  but  was  destined 
before  long  to  experience  the  same  fate  as  its  rival.     At  first, 
indeed,  it  enjoyed  the  protection  of  the  Romans,  and  even  ac- 
quired an  extension  of  members  through  their  influence,  but  this 
protectorate  involved   a  state  of  almost  absolute  dependence. 
Philopoemen  also  had  succeeded,  in  the  year  192,   in  adding 
Sparta  to  the  League,  which  now  embraced  the  whole  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus.    But  Sparta  having  displayed  symptoms  of  insubor- 
dination, Philopoemen  marched  against  it  in  188,  and  captured 
the  city  ;  when  he  put  to  death  eighty  of  the  leading  men,  com- 
manded all  the  inhabitants  who  had  been  enfranchised  by  the 
recent  tyrants  to  leave  the  place  by  a  fixed  day,  razed  the  walls 
and  fortiticatious,  abolished  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus,   and 
compelled  the  citizens  to  adopt  the  democratic  constitution  of 
the  Achaeans.     Meanwhile,  the  Romans  regarded  with  satisfac- 
tion the  internal  dissensions  of  Greece,   which  they  foresaw 
would  only  render  her  an  easier  prey,  and  neglected  to  answer 
the  appeals  of  the  Spartans  for  protection.      In   183  the  Mes- 
senians,  under  the  leadership  of  Dinocrates,  having  revolted  from 
the  league,  Philopoemen,  who  had  now  attained  the  age  of  70,  led 
an  expedition  against  them  ;  but  having  fallen  from  his  horse  in 
a  skirmish  of  cavalry,  he  was  captured,  and  conveyed  with  many 
circumstances  of  ignominy  to  Messene,  where,  after  a  sort  of 
mock  trial,  he  was  executed.     His  fate  was  avenged  by  Lycortas, 
the  commander  of  the  Achaian  cavalry,  the  father  of  the  histo- 
rian Polybius.     In  the  following  year,  Lycortas,  now  Strategus, 
captured  Messene,  and  having  compelled  those  who  had  Iwjen 
concerned  in  the  death  of  Philopoemen  to  put  an  end  to  their  own 
lives,  conveyed  the  ashes  of  that  general  to  Megalopolis,  where 
they  were  interred  with  heroic  honours. 

§  15.  In  B.C.  179  Philip  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Perseus,  the  last  monarch  of  Macedonia.  The  latter  years  of  the 
reign  of  Philip  had  been  spent  in  preparations  for  a  renewal  of 
the  war,  which  he  foresaw  to  be  inevitable  ;  and  when  Perseus 
ascended  the  throne,  he  found  himself  amply  provided  with  men 
and  money  for  the  impending  contest.  But,  whether  from  a 
sincere  desire  of  peace,  or  from  irresolution  of  character,  he 
sought  to  avert  an  open  rupture  as  long  as  possible,  and  one  of 
the  first  acts  of  his  reign  was  to  obtain  from  the  Romans  a 
renewal  of  the  treaty  which  they  had  concluded  with  his 
father.  It  is  probable  that  neither  party  was  sincere  in  the  con- 
clusion of  this  peace,  at  least  neither  could  entertain  any  hope 
of  its  duration  ;  yet  a  period  of  seven  years  elapsed  before  the 
mutual  enmity  of  the  two  powers  broke  out  into  open  hostilities. 
Meanwhile,  Perseus  was  not  idle  ;  he  secured  the  attachment  of 


ili 


HISTORY  OF  GREECK 


Chap.  XLVL 


his  subjects  by  equitable  and  popular  measures,  and  fonned 
alliances  not  only  with  the  Greeks  and  the  Asiatic  princes,  but 
also  with  the  Thracian,  Illyrian,  and  Celtic  tribes  which  sur- 
rounded his  dominions.  The  Romans  naturally  viewed  these 
proceedings  with  jealousy  and  suspicion  ;  and  at  lenj^lli,  in  172, 
Perseus  was  formally  accused  beibre  the  Roman  senate,  by  Eu- 
menes,  king  of  Pergamus,  in  person,  of  entertaining  hostile  de- 
signs against  the  Roman  power.  The  murder  of  Eumenesnear 
Delphi,  on  his  return  homewards,  of  which  Perseus  was  suspected, 
aggravated  the  feeling  against  him  at  Rome,  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year  war  was  declared  against  him. 

Perseus  was  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  and  well-appointed 
army,  but  of  all  his  allies,  only  Cotys,  king  of  the  Odrysians, 
ventured  to  support  him  against  so  ibrmidablc  a  foe.  Yet  the 
war  was  protracted  three  years  without  any  decisive  result ;  nay, 
the  balance  of  success  seemed  on  the  whole  to  incline  in  favour 
of  Perseus,  and  many  states,  which  before  were  wavering,  now 
showed  a  disposition  to  join  his  cause.  But  liis  ill-timed  parsi- 
mony restrained  him  from  taking  advantage  of  their  otiers,  and 
in  168  the  arrival  of  the  consul,  L.  ^milius  Paulus,  completely 
changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  Perseus  was  driven  from  a  strong 
position  which  he  had  taken  up  on  the  banks  of  the  Enipeus, 
forced  to  retreat  to  Pydna,  and  finally  to  accept  an  engagement 
near  that  town.  At  first  the  scnied  ranks  of  the  phalanx 
seemed  to  promise  superiority ;  but  its  order  having  been  broken 
by  the  inequalities  t  f  the  ground,  the  Roman  legionaries  pene- 
trated into  the  disordered  mass,  and  committed  fearful  carnage, 
to  the  extent,  it  is  raid,  of  20,000  men.  Perseus  fled  first  to 
Pella,  then  to  AmphipoUs,  and  finally  to  the  sanctuary  of  the 
eacred  island  of  Samothrace,  but  was  at  length  obliged  to  sur- 
render himself  to  a  Roman  squadron.  He  was  carried  to  Rome 
to  adorn  the  triumph  of  Paulus  (167),  and  was  afterwards  cast 
into  a  dungeon  ;  from  w^hence,  however,  he  was  liberated  at  the 
intercession  of  his  conqueror,  and  pennitted  to  spend  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life  in  a  sort  of  honourable  captivity  at  Alba. 
Such  was  the  end  of  the  Macedonian  empire,  which  was  now 
divided  into  four  districts,  each  under  the  jurisdiction  of  an  oli- 
garchical council. 

§  16.  The  Roman  commissioners  deputed  to  arrange  the 
affairs  of  Macedonia  did  not  confine  their  attention  to  that  pro- 
vince, but  evinced  their  designs  of  bruiging  all  Greece  under  the 
Roman  sway.  In  these  views  they  were  assisted  by  various 
despots  and  traitors  in  different  Grecian  cities,  and  especially  by 
Calhcrates,  a  man  of  great  influence  among  the  Ach»ans,  and 
who  for  many  years  lent  liimself  as  the  base  tool  of  the  Romans 


B.C.  168. 


CONQUEST  OF  MACEDONIA. 


677 


to  effect  the  enslavement  of  his  country.  After  the  fall  of  Ma- 
cedonia, Callicrates  denounced  more  than  a  thousand  leading 
Achajans  who  had  favoured  the  cause  of  Perseus.  These,  among 
whom  was  Polybius  the  historian,  were  apprehended  and  sent 
to  Rome  for  trial.  Polybius  was  one  of  the  survivors,  who, 
after  a  captivity  of  seventeen  years,  were  permitted  to  return  to 
their  native  country.  A  still  harder  fate  was  experienced  by 
jEtolia,  BcBotia,  Acarnania,  and  Epinis.  In  the  last-named 
country,  especially,  no  fewer  than  seventy  of  the  ]  vincipal  towns 
were  abandoned  by  Paulus  to  his  soldiers  for  piling .,  and  150,000 
persons  are  said  to  have  been  sold  into  slaver^'. 

$  17.  An  obscure  quarrel  between  Athens  and  Oropus  was  the 
remote  cause  which  at  length  aflbrded  the  Romans  a  pretence 
for  crushing  the  small  remains  of  Grecian  independence  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Achaean  league.  For  some  time  Athens  had 
been  reduced  to  a  sort  of  political  mendicancy,  and  was  often 
fain  to  seek  assistance  in  her  distress  from  the  bounty  of  the 
Eastern  princes  or  of  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt.  In  the  year  156 
the  poverty  of  the  Athenians  became  so  urgent,  that  they  were 
induced  to  make  a  piratical  expedition  against  Oropus  Ibr  the 
purposes  of  plunder.  On  the  complaint  of  the  Oropians  the 
Roman  Senate  assigned  the  adjudication  of  the  matter  to  the 
Sicyonians,  who  condemned  the  Athenians  to  pay  the  large  fine 
of  500  talents.  In  order  to  obtain  a  mitigation  of  this  fine  the 
Athenians  despatched  to  Rome  (in  151)  the  celebrated  embassy 
of  the  three  philosophers — Diogenes  the  Stoic,  Critolaiis  the 
Peripatetic,  and  Carneades,  the  founder  of  the  third  Academy. 
The  ambassadors  were  nominally  successful,  since  they  obtained 
a  reduction  of  the  fine  to  100  talents ;  a  sum,  however,  still 
iriucli  greater  than  the  Athenians  were  in  a  condition  to  pay. 
The  subsequent  relations  between  Athens  and  Oropus  are  ob- 
scure ;  but  in  1 50  we  find  the  Oropians  complaining  of  a  fresh 
aggression,  which  consisted  in  an  attack  upon  some  of  their  citi- 
zens by  the  Athenian  soldiers.  On  this  occasion  the  Oropians 
appealed  for  protection  to  the  Achajan  league,  which,  however, 
at  first  declined  to  interfere.  The  Oropians  now  bribed  a  Spar- 
tan named  Menalcidas,  who  was  at  that  time  Strategus,  with  a 
present  of  10  talents  ;  and  Menalcidas  employed  the  corrupt  in- 
fluence of  Callicrates  to  procure  the  intervention  of  the  league. 
Menalcidas  having  subsequently  defrauded  Callicrates  of  the  sum 
which  he  had  promised  him,  the  latter  accused  him  of  having 
advised  the  Romans  during  liis  administration  to  cfiect  the 
detachment  of  Sparta  from  the  league.  Menalcidas  escaped 
condemnation  by  bribing  Diaus,  his  successor  in  the  office  of 
Strategus.     But  such  was  the  obloquy  incurred  by  Dia'us  through 

2C 


578 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLVL 


this  transaction,  that  in  order  to  divert  public  attention  from 
himself,  he  incited  the  Acha^ans  to  violent  measures  against 
Sparta,  which  ultimately  involved  the  league  in  a  fatal  struggle 
with  Eome.  His  pretext  for  making  war  on  the  Spartans  was, 
that  instead  of  appealing  to  the  league  respecting  a  boundary 
question,  as  they  ought  to  have  done,  they  had  violated  its  laws 
by  sending  a  private  embassy  to  Rome. 

H8.  The  Spartans,  feeling  themselves  incompetent  to  resist 
this  attack,  appealed  to  the  Romans  for  assistance  ;  and  in  147 
two  Roman  commissioners  were  sent  to  Greece  to  settle  these 
disputes.     These  commissioners  decided  that  not  only  Sparta, 
but  Corinth,  and  all  the  other  cities,  except  those  ol"  Achaia, 
should  be  restored  to  their  independence.     This  decision  occa- 
sioned serious  riots  at  Corinth.     All  the  Spartans  in  the  town 
were  seized,  and  even  the  Roman  commissioners  narrowly  es- 
caped violence.     On  their  return  to  Rome  a  fresh  embassy  was 
despatched  to  demand  satisfaction  for  these  outrages.     But  the 
violent  and  impolitic  conduct  of  Critolaiis,  then  Strategus  of  the 
league,  rendered  all  attempts  at  accommodation  fruitless,  and 
after  the  return  of  the  ambassadors  the  Senate  declared  war 
against  the  league.     The  cowardice  and  incompetence  of  Crito- 
laiis as  a  general  were  only  equalled  by  his  previous  insolence. 
On  the  approach  of  the  Romans  under  Metellus  from  Macedonia 
he  did  not  even  venture  to  make  a  stand  at  Thermopylae  ;  and 
being  overtaken  by  them  near  Scarphea  in  Locris,  he  was  totally 
defeated,  and  never  again  heard  of     Diseus,  who  succeeded  him 
as  Strategus,  displayed  rather  more  energy  and  courage.     But  a 
fresh  Roman  force  under  Mummius  having  landed  on  the  isth- 
mus, Biaeus  was  overthrown  in  a  battle  near  Corinth  ;  and  that 
city  was  immediately  evacuated  not  only  by  the  troops  of  the 
league,  but  also  by  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants.     On 
entering  it  Mummius  put  the  few  males  who  remained  to  the 
Bword  ;  sold  the  women  and  children  as  slaves  ;  and  having  car- 
ried away  all  its  treasures,  consigned  it  to  the  flames  (b.c.  146). 
Corinth  was  filled  with  masterpieces  of  ancient  art ;  but  Mum- 
mius was  so  insensible  of  their  surpassing  excellence,  as  to 
stipulate  with  those  who  contracted  to  convey  them  to  Italy, 
that  if  any  were  lost  in  the  passage,  they  should  be  replaced  by 
others  of  equal  value  I     Mummius  then  employed  himself  in 
chastising  and  regulating  the  whole  of  Grreece  ;  and  ten  commis- 
sioners were  sent  from  Rome  to  settle  its  future  condition.     The 
whole  country,  to  the  borders  of  Macedonia  and  Epirus,  was 
formed  into  a  Roman  province,  under  the  name  of  Achaia,  de- 
rived from  that  confederacy  which  had  made  the  last  strugglo 
Ibr  its  political  existence. 


Group  of  the  Laocoon. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

HISTORY  OF  GRECIAN  ART  FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  FELOPONNESIAIT 

WAR  TO  ITS  DECLINE. 

§1.  Later  school  of  Athenian  sculpture.  §2.  Scopas.  §3.  Praxiteles. 
§  4.  Sicyonian  school  of  sculpture.  Euphranor,  Lysippus.  8  5.  Sicyo- 
iiian  school  of  painting.  Euponipus,  Phaniphilus,  Apelles.  ^6.  Archi- 
tecture. §  7.  Period  after  Alexander  the  Great.  School  of  Rhodes. 
§  8.  Plunder  of  Greek  works  of  art  by  the  Romans. 

§  1.  After  the  close  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  what  is  called 
the  second  or  later  school  of  Attic  sculpture  still  continued  to 
assert  its  pre-eminence.  In  style  and  character,  however,  it  pre- 
sented a  marked  difference  from  the  school  of  the  preceding^ 
age.  The  excitement  and  misfortunes  which  had  attended  the 
war  had  worked  a  great  change  in  the  Athenians.  This  was 
communicated  to  their  works  of  art,  which  noAV  manifested 
an  expression  of  stronger  passion  and  of  deeper  feeling.  The 
serene  and  composed  majesty  which  had  marked  the  gods 
and  heroes  of  the  earlier  artists  altogether  vanished.  The  new 
school  of  sculptures  preferred  to  take  other  deities  for  their  sub- 
jects than  those  which  had  been  selected  by  their  predecessors ; 
and  Jove,  Hera,  and  Athena  gave  place  to  gods,  characterized  by 


!( 


I 


G80 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE 


Chap.  XLVH 


more  violent  feelings  and  passions,  such  as  Dionysus,  Aphrodite, 
and  Eros.  These  formed  the  favorite  subjects  of  the  later 
Athenian  school,  and  received  from  it  that  stamp  and  character 
of  representation  which  they  retained  through  the  succeeding 
period  of  classic  art.  A  change  is  also  observable  in  the  ma- 
terials employed,  and  in  the  technical  handling  of  them.  Tlic 
magnificently  adorned  chryso-deplianlifie  statues  almost  wholly 
disappear ;  marble  becomes  more  frequently  used,  especially  by 
the  Athenian  statuaries,  and  the  whole  execution  is  softer  and 
more  flowing. 

k  2.  The  only  two  artists  of  this  school  whom  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  mention  are  Scopas  and  Praxiteles.  Scopas  was  a  native 
of  Paros,  and  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourth  century 
B,c.  His  exact  date  can  not  be  ascertained,  nor  is  there  any- 
thing known  of  his  life,  except  in  connexion  with  his  works,  of 
which  some  specimens  still  remain.  Among  these  are  the  bas- 
reliefs  on  the  frieze  of  the  perystyle  which  surrounded  the  Mau- 
soleum, or  tomb  of  Mausolus,  at  Halicarnassus(5i^/;*w;?i),  some 
of  which  are  now  deposited  in  the  British  Museum  (Budrum 
Marbles).  Their  style  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  sculptures 
on  tb*?  frieze  of  the  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  which  is 
of  the  same  period  of  art.*  Both  are  of  high  excellence,  but 
inferior  to  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon.  Scopas,  however,  was 
more  famous  for  single  statues  and  detached  groups  than  ior 
architectural  sculpture.  His  statues  of  Aphrodite  were  very 
celebrated  in  antiquity.  That  of  the  victorious  Aphrodite  (Venus 
victrixj  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris  is  ascribed  to  his  chisel  by  many 
competent  judges.  But  the  most  esteemed  of  all  his  works  was 
a  group  representing  Achilles  conducted  by  the  marine  deities  to 
the  island  of  L^uce.  It  consisted  of  figures  of  Poseidon,  Thetis, 
and  Achilles,  surrounded  by  Nereids  on  dolphins,  huge  fishes 
and  hippocampi,  and  attended  by  Tritons  and  sea-monsters.  In 
the  treatment  of  the  subject  heroic  grandeur  is  said  to  have 
been  combined  with  grace.  A  group  better  known  in  modern 
times,  from  a  copy  of  it  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Florence,  is 
that  of  Niobe  and  her  children  slain  by  the  hands  of  Artemis 
and  Apollo.f  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  filled  the  pediment 
of  a  temple.  At  a  later  period  it  was  preserved  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo  Sosianus  at  Rome,  but  it  was  a  di.sputed  point  among  the 
Romans  whether  it  was  from  the  hands  of  Scopas  or  Praxiteles. 
In  the  noble  forms  of  the  countenances  grief  and  despair  are 
protrayed  without  distortion.  Another  celebrated  work  of  Scopas 
was  the  statue  of  the  Pythian  Apollo  playing  on  the  lyre,  which 


i 


1 


I 

( 


Chap.  XLVII. 


SCOPAS.    PRAXITELES. 


581 


*  See  below,  p.  584. 


f  Sec  drawing  on  p.  552. 


Augustus  placed  in  the  temple  which  he  built  to  Apollo  on  the 
Palatine,  in  thanksgiving  for  his  victory  at  Actium.  The  copy 
of  this  statue  in  the  Vatican  is  figured  on  p.  551.  Scopas  was 
an  architect  as  well  as  a  statuary,  and  built  the  temple  of 
Athena  Alea  at  Tagea,  in  Arcadia,  one  of  the  largest  and  most 
magnificent  in  the  Peloponnesus. 

§  3.  Praxiteles  was  contemporary  with  Scopas,  though  perhaps 
somewhat  younger.  Nothing  is  positively  known  of  his  history, 
except  that  he  was  at  least  a  citizen,  if  not  a  native,  of  Athens, 
and  that  his  career  as  an  artist  was  intimately  connected  with 
that  city.  He  excelled  in  representing  the  softer  beauties  of  the 
human  Ibrm,  and  especially  the  female  figure.  But  art  had  now 
sunk  from  its  lofty  and  ideal  majesty.  The  Cnidian  Aphrodite, 
the  master-piece  of  Praxiteles,  expressed  only  sensual  charms, 
and  was  avowedly  modelled  from  the  courtesan  Phr}'ne.  Yet 
such  was  its  excellence  that  many  made  a  voyage  to  Cnidus  on 
purpose  to  behold  it ;  and  so  highly  did  the  Cnidians  prize  it, 
that  they  refused  to  part  with  it  to  king  Nicomedes,  although  he 
oflered  to  pay  off  their  public  debt  in  exchange  for  it.  In  this 
work  Aphrodite  was  represented  either  as  just  entering  or  just 
quitting  the  bath  ;  and  it  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  instance 
in  which  any  artist  had  ventured  to  represent  the  goddess  en- 
tirely divested  of  drapery.  At  the  same  time  he  made  a  draped 
statue  of  the  goddess  lor  the  Coans,  which  however  never  enjoyed 
so  much  reputation  as  the  former,  though  Praxiteles  obtained 
the  same  price  for  it.  He  also  made  two  statues  of  Eros,  one  of 
which  he  deemed  his  masterpiece.  It  is  related  that  in  his  fond- 
ness for  Pliryne  he  promised  to  give  her  any  statue  she  might 
choose,  but  was  unwilling  to  tell  her  which  he  considered  his 
masterpiece.  In  order  to  ascertain  this  point  Phryne  sent  a 
message  to  Praxiteles  that  his  house  was  on  fire ;  at  which  news 
he  rushed  out  exclaiming  that  he  was  undone  if  the  fire  had 
touched  his  Satyr  or  his  Eros.  He  also  excelled  in  representing 
Dionysus  with  his  fauns  and  satyrs.  A  statue  of  Apollo,  known 
as  Apollo  Sauroctonos,  or  the  lizard-killer,  was  among  his  most 
famous  pieces.     It  was  in  bronze,  and  numerous  copies  of  it  are 

still  extant. 

§  4.  The  later  Athenian  school  of  sculpture  was  succeeded  by 
the  Sicyonian  school.  It  is  characterised  by  representations  of 
heroic  strength  and  of  the  form  of  athletae,  and  by  a  striving 
after  the  colossal.  Its  chief  artists  were  Euphranor  and  Lysippus. 
Euphranor  was  a  native  of  the  Corinthian  isthmus,  but  practised 
his  art  at  Athens.  He  appears  to  have  flourished  during  the 
time  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  and  beyond  the  period  of  Alexander's 
accession.     He  excelled  in  painting  as  well  as  in  statuary.     He 


082 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLVU 


Chap.  XLVIL 


APELLES. 


58S 


executed  figures  in  bronze  and  marble  of  all  sizes,  from  a  drink- 
ing-cup  to  a  colossal  statue.  One  of  his  most  celebrated  works 
was  a  statue  of  Paris.  Lysippus  was  a  native  of  Sicyon,  and 
flourished  during  the  reign  of  Alexander  the  Great.  He  was 
originally  a  mere  workman  in  bronze,  but  through  his  genius 
and  a  sedulous  study  of  nature  rose  to  the  highest  eminence  as 
a  statuary.  He  followed  the  school  of  Polycletus,  whose  Dory- 
phorus  formed  his  standard  model ;  but  by  this  course  of  study 
the  ideal  of  art  was  sacrificed  to  the  merely  natural.  Hercules, 
a  human  hero,  was  the  favourite  snbject  of  his  chisel ;  but  he 
deviated  from  former  models,  in  which  Hercules  was  endowed 
with  ponderous  strength,  and  represented  him  as  characterised 
by  strength  and  agility  combined.  This  type  was  adopted  by 
subsequent  artists.  The  celebrated  Farnese  Hercules  in  the 
Museum  at  Naples  is  probably  a  copy  of  one  of  his  works. 
Lysippus  excelled  in  portraits;  in  which  department  he  also 
adhered  to  his  principles  of  art,  and  followed  nature  so  closely 
as  to  portray  even  the  defects  of  his  subjects.  Thus,  in  his 
busts  of  Alexander,  he  did  not  omit  his  wry  neck.  Neverthe- 
less, that  monarch  was  so  pleased  with  his  performances,  that 
he  forbade  anybody  but  Lysippus  and  Apelles  to  represent  him. 
The  most  renowned  of  Lysippus's  statues  of  Alexander  was  that 
which  represented  him  brandishing  a  lance,  and  which  was  re- 
garded as  a  companion  to  the  picture  of  A]Delles,  in  which  ho 
wielded  a  thunderbolt. 

It  has  been  obsci-ved  that  the  features  of  Alexander  pervade 
most  of  the  heroic  statues  of  this  period.  Lysippus  worked 
principally  in  bronze.  One  of  his  most  celebrated  productions 
was  an  equestrian  group  of  the  chieftains  who  fell  at  the  battle 
of  the  Granicus.  His  works  were  very  numerous,  and  are  said 
to  have  amounted  to  1500. 

^  5.  With  regard  to  painting,  the  Asiatic  school  of  Zeuxis  and 
Parrhasius  was  also  succeeded  by  a  Sicyonian  school,  of  which 
Eupompus  may  be  considered  as  the  founder.  He  was  excelled, 
however,  by  liis  pupil  Pamphilus,  who  was  renowned  as  a  teacher 
of  his  art,  and  founded  a  sort  of  academy.  His  period  of  in- 
struction extended  over  ten  years,  and  his  fee  was  a  talent. 
The  school  of  Pamphilus  produced  several  celebrated  artists,  of 
whom  Apelles  was  by  far  the  greatest. 

Apelles  seems  to  have  been  a  native  of  Colophon,  in  Ionia; 
but,  as  we  have  said,  he  studied  ten  years  luider  Pamphilus  at 
Amphipolis ;  and  subsequently,  even  after  he  had  attained  some 
reputation,  under  Melanthius  at  Sicyon.  Thus  to  the  grace  and 
elegance  of  the  Ionic  school  he  added  the  scientific  accuracy  of 
the  Sicyonian.     The  greater  part  of  his  life  seems  to  have  been 


i 


i 


spent  at  the  court  of  Pella.  He  was  warmly  patronised  by  Alex- 
ander, who  frequently  visited  his  studio,  and,  as  mentioned 
before,  granted  him  the  exclusive  privilege  of  painting  his  por- 
trait. In  one  of  these  visits  Alexander  began  to  descant  on 
art,  but  exposed  his  ignorance  so  much  that  Apelles  gave  him  a 
polite  hint  to  be  silent,  as  the  boys  who  were  grinding  the 
colours  were  laughing  at  him.  He  appears  to  have  accompanied 
Alexander  in  his  eastern  expedition,  and  after  the  death  of  that 
monarch  to  have  travelled  through  the  western  parts  of  Asia. 
He  spent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  at  the  court  of  king  Ptolemy 
in  Egypt.  The  character  of  Apelles  presents  us  with  traits  quite 
the  reverse  of  the  silly  vanity  of  Zeuxis.  He  was  always  ready 
to  acknowledge  his  own  faults,  as  well  as  the  merits  of  others. 
In  fact,  there  was  only  one  point  in  which  he  asserted  his  supe- 
riority over  his  contemporaries,  namely,  grace  ;  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  this  was  no  vain  assumption.  He  was  not  ashamed 
to  learn  from  the  humblest  critics.  With  this  view  he  was 
accustomed  to  exhibit  his  unfinished  pictures  before  his  house, 
and  to  conceal  himself  behind  them  in  order  to  hear  the  cri- 
ticisms of  the  passers  by.  On  one  of  these  occasions  a  cobbler 
detected  a  fault  in  the  shoes  of  one  of  his  figures,  which  Apelles 
corrected.  The  next  time  he  passed,  the  cobbler,  encouraged 
by  the  success  of  his  criticism,  began  to  remark  upon  the  leg ; 
at  which  the  artist  lost  all  patience,  and  rushing  from  behind  his 
picture,  commanded  the  cobbler  to  keep  to  his  shoes.  Hence 
the  proverb,  "  Ne  sutor  ultra  crepidam," — let  the  cobbler  stick 
to  his  last.  His  conduct  towards  his  contemporary  Protogenes 
of  Rhodes  exhibits  a  generosity  not  always  found  among  rival 
artists.  On  arriving  at  Rhodes,  Apelles  saw  that  the  works  of 
Protogenes  were  scarcely  at  all  valued  by  his  countrymen  ;  where- 
upon he  offered  him  fifty  talents  for  one  of  his  pictures,  at  the 
same  time  spreading  the  report  that  he  meant  to  sell  it  again  as 
one  of  his  own.  Apelles  studied  with  the  greatest  industry,  and 
always  went  on  trying  to  improve  himself;  yet  he  knew  when 
to  leave  off  correcting  his  pictures,  and  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim 
that  over  care  often  spoiled  a  piece.  His  pictures  seem  to  have 
been  chiefly  on  moveable  panels,  and  he  was  probably  the  first 
who  used  a  sort  of  varnish  to  his  pictures  with  an  effect  some- 
what similar  to  that  of  the  modern  toning  or  glazing.  He  gene- 
rally painted  single  figures,  or  groups  of  only  a  few.  He  excelled 
in  portraits,  among  the  most  celebrated  of  which  was  that 
already  mentioned  of  Alexander  wielding  the  thunderbolt.  The 
hand  which  held  it  seemed  to  stand  out  of  the  panel ;  and,  in 
order  to  heighten  this  effect  of  foreshortening,  Alexander's  com- 
plexion was  made  dark,  though  in  reality  it  was  light.     The 


I 


584 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLVII 


price  paid  for  this  picture  was  twenty  talents.  But  the  most 
admired  of  aU  his  paintings  was  the  "Aphrodite  (Venus)  Ana- 
dyomene  '  *  or  Aphrodite  rising  from  the  Sea.  The  goddess 
was  represented  wringing  her  hair,  whilst  the  falling  drops  formed 
a  veil  around  her.  It  was  originally  painted  Ihr  the  temple  of 
iEsculapius  at  Cos,  and  was  afterwards  placed  by  Aucnistus  in 
the  temple  which  he  dedicated  to  Julius  Ca^'sar  at  Romc^Another 
figure  ot  Aphrodite,  also  painted  for  the  Coans,  Apelles  left  incom^ 
plete  at  his  death,  and  nobody  could  be  found  to  finish  it  By 
the  general  consent  of  the  ancients  Apelles  was  the  first  of  paint- 
ers, and  some  of  the  later  Latin  poets  use  his  name  as  a  svnonvme 
for  the  art  itself  ^ 

h  6.  The  architecture  of  this  periotl  was  marked  rather  by 
the  laying  out  of  cities  in  a  nobler  and  more  convenient  fashion 
and  by  the  increase  of  splendour  in  private  residences,  than  bv 
any  improvement  in  the  style  of  public  buildings  and  temples 
1  he  conquests  of  Alexander  caused  the  foundation  of  new  cities 
and  introduced  into  the  East  the  architecture  of  Greece      The 
two  finest  examples  of  cities  which  arose  in  this  manner  were 
Alexandria  in  Egypt,  and  Antioch  in  Syria.    The  regularity  of  its 
P\^"!  ^^'^'.^^^^^^^^  size  of  its  pubhc  buildings,  and  the  beauty  and 
solidity  ot  Its  private  houses,  rendered  Ale?:andria  a  sort  of  model 
city;  yet  It  was  probably  su-passed  by  Autioch  in  the  pleasincr 
nature  oi  the  impression  produced.     The  fittings  and  lli-niturc 
ol  the  apartments  kept  pace  with  the  increased  external  splen- 
dour of  private  dwellings.     This  age  was  also  distinguished  bv 
Its  splendid  sepulchral  monuments  :  the  one  to  the  memory  of 
her  husband  Mausolus,  erected  at  Halicamassus.  by  the  Carian 
queen  Artemisia,  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  sc^ven  wonders  of 
the  world.     It  was  adorned  with  sculptural  decorations  bv  the 
greatest  artists  of  the  later  Attic  school.     (See  p.  580  )     At  the 
same  time  temple  architecture  was  not  neglected  ;  but  the  simple 
aiid  solid  grandeur  of  the  Doric  order,  and  the  chaste  grace  of 
tlie  lomc,  began  to  give  place  to  the  more  florid  Corinthian 

One  of  the  most  graceful  monuments  of  this  period  still 
extant  is  the  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates.  at  Athens, 
vulgarly  called  the  Lantern  of  Demosthenes,  which  was  dedicated 
by  Lysicrates  in  b.c.  335,  as  we  learn  from  an  inscription  on  the 
architrave,  m  commemoration  of  a  victory  gained  by  the  chorus 
of  Lysicrates  m  the  dramatic  contests.  It  is  a  small  circular 
building  on  a  square  basement,  of  v/hite  marble,  and  covered  bv 
a  cupola  supported  by  six  Corinthian  columns  :  the  summit  of 
the  cupola  was  formerly  crowed  by  the  tripod,  which  Lysicrates 


Chap.  XLYIL 


ARCHITECTURR 


585 


had  gained  as  the  prize.  The  frieze  of  the  monument,  of  which 
there  are  casts  in  the  British  Museum,  represents  the  destruction 
of  the  Tyrrhenian  pirates  by  Dionysus  and  his  attendants.  A 
drawing  of  the  monument  is  given  on  p.  434,  and  portions  of 
the  frieze  are  figured  on  pp.  455,  456.  Another  extant  monu- 
ment of  this  period  at  Athens  is  the  Horologium  of  Andronicus 
Cyrrhestes,  probably  erected  about  u.c.  100,  and  vulgarly  called 
the  "  Temple  of  the  Winds,"  from  the  figures  of  the  Winds  upon 
its  faces.  It  is  an  octagonal  tower,  with  its  eight  sides  facing 
respectively  the  direction  of  the  eight  wuids  into  which  the 
Athenian  compass  was  divided.  The  directions  of  the  several 
sides  are  indicated  by  the  figures  and  names  of  the  eight  winds, 
which  were  sculptured  on  the  frieze  of  the  entablature.  On 
the  summit  of  the  building  there  stood  originally  a  bronze  fig- 
ure of  a  Triton,  holding  a  wand  in  his  right  hand,  and  turning 
on  a  pivot,  so  as  to  serve  for  a  weathercock.  (See  drawing  on 
p.  G43.) 

^  7.  After  the  age  of  Alexander,  Greek  art  began  visibly  to 
decline.  The  great  artists  that  had  gone  before  had  fixed  the 
ideal  types  of  the  ordinary  subjects  of  the  sculptor  and  painter, 
and  thus  in  a  manner  exhausted  invention  ;  whilst  all  the  tech- 
nical details  of  handling  and  treatment  had  been  brought  to  the 
highest  state  of  perfection  and  development.  The  attempt  to 
outdo  the  great  masterpieces  which  already  existed  induced  ar- 
tists to  depart  from  the  simple  grace  of  the  ancient  models,  and 
to  replace  it  by  striking  and  theatrical  efiect.  The  pomp  of  the 
monarchs  who  had  divided  amongst  them  the  empire  of  Alexan- 
der required  a  display  of  eastern  magnificence,  and  thus  also  led 
to  a  meretricious  style  in  art.  Nevertheless,  it  was  impossible 
that  the  innate  excellence  of  the  Greek  schools  should  disappear 
altogether  and  at  once.  The  perfect  models  that  were  always 
present  could  not  fail  to  preserve  a  certain  degree  of  taste ;  and 
even  after  the  time  of  Alexander,  we  find  many  works  of  great 
excellence  produced.  Art,  however,  began  to  emigrate  from 
Greece  to  the  coasts  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor :  Rhodes,  espe- 
cially, remained  an  eminent  school  of  art  almost  down  to  the 
Christian  era.  This  school  was  an  immediate  ofi^shoot  of  that 
of  Lysippus,  and  its  chief  founder  was  the  Rhodian  Chares,  who 
flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  B.C.  His 
most  noted  work  was  the  statue  of  the  Sun,  which,  under  the 
name  of  the  Colossus  of  Rhodes,  was  esteemed  one  of  the  seven 
wonders  of  the  world.  It  was  of  bronze,  and  1 05  feet  high.  It 
stood  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour  of  Rhodes ;  but  the  state- 
ment that  its  legs  extended  over  the  mouth  of  the  harbour  dees 
not  rest  on  any  authentic  foundation.     It  was  twelve  years  in 

2  c* 


Ill 


586 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CiiAP.  XI^VIL 


erecting,  at  a  cost  of  300  talents,  and  was  so  large  that  there 
were  few  who  could  embrace  its  thumb.     It  was  overthrown  by 
an  earthquake  56  years  after  its  erection.     But  the  most  beau- 
tiful work  of  the  Rhodian  school  at  this  period  is  the  famous 
group  of  the  Laocoon  in  the  Vatican,  so  well  known  by  its  many 
copies.     (See  drawing  on  p.  579.)     It  was  the  work  of  three 
Bculptors,  Agesander,  Polydorus,  and  Athenodorus.    In  this  group 
the  pathos  of  physical  suflering  is  expressed  in  the  highest  de- 
gree, but  not  without  a  certain  theatrical  air  and  straining  for 
effect,  which  the  best  age  of  Greek  art  would  have  rejected. 
To  the  same  school  belongs  the  celebrated  group  called  the  Far- 
nesian  bull,  in  the  Museum  at  Naples,  representing  Zethus  and 
Amphion  binding  Dirce  to  a  wild  bull,  in  order  to  avenge  their 
mother.     (See  drawing  on  p.  564.)     It  was  the  work  of  two 
brothers.  Apollonius  and  Tauriscus  of  Tralles.     About  the  same 
time  emment  schools  of  art  flourished  at  Pergamus  and  Ephesus. 
To  the  former  may  be  referred  the  celebrated  dying  gladiator  in 
the  Capitoline  Museum  at  Rome,  and  to  the  latter  the  Borghese 
gladiator  m  the  Louvre.     The  well-known  statue  of  Aphrodite 
at  Florence,  called  the  "  Venus  de  Medici,"  also  belongs  to  the 
same  period.     It  was  executed  by  an  Athenian  artist  named 
Cleomenes,  whose  exact  date  is  unknown,  but  who  lived  before 
the  capture  of  Corinth,  in  b.c.  146. 

§  8.  When  Greece  began  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans, 
the  treasures  of  Greek  art  were  conveyed  by  degrees  to  Rome,* 
where  ultnnately  a  new  school  arose.  The  triumphs  over  Phil- 
ip, Antiochus,  the  .^Etolians,  and  others,  but,  above  all,  the  cap- 
ture  of  Corinth,  and,  subsequently,  the  victories  over  Mithridates 
and  Cleopatra,  filled  Rome  with  works  of  art.  Tlie  Roman 
generals,  the  governors  of  provinces  (as  Verres),  and  finally,  the 
emperors,  continued  the  work  of  spoliation  ;*  but  so  prodigious 
was  the  number  of  works  of  art  in  Greece,  that,  even  in  the 
second  century  of  the  Christian  era,  when  Pausanias  visited  it 
Its  temples  and  other  public  buildings  were  still  crowded  with 
statuca  and  paintings. 

*  K-ero  alone  is  said  to  have  brought  600  statues  from  Delphi,  merel  v 
to  adorn  his  golden  house.  ^       "*cii,ij 


Bust  of  Aristotle. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

GRECIAN    LITERATURE    FROM    THE    END    OF    THE    PELOPONNESIAN 

WAR    TO    THE    LATEST    PERIOD. 

S  1.  The  drama.  The  Middle  comedy.  The  New  comedy:  Philemon, 
Menander.  §  2.  Oratory.  Circumstances  which  favoured  it  at  Athens. 
§  3.  Its  Sicilian  origin.  §  4.  The  ten  Attic  orators :  Antiphon,  Ando- 
cides,Lysia8,  Isocrates,  Isaeus,iEschines,  Lycurgus,Demosthenes,Hype- 
rides,  and  Dinarchus.  §  5.  Athenian  philosophy,  Plato.  §  6.  Sketch 
of  his  philosophy.  §  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics,  and  Cynics.  §  8.  The 
Academicians.  §  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  §  10.  The  Stoics 
and  Epicureans.  §  11.  The  Alexandrian  school  of  literature.  §  12.  Later 
Greek  writers:  Poly  bins,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus.Diodorus  Siculus, 
Arrian,  Appian,  Plutarch,  Josephus,  Strabo,  Pausanias,  Dion  Cassius, 
Lucian,  Galen.    §  1 3.  The  Greek  Scriptures  and  Fathers.    Conclusion. 

n.  In  reviewing  the  preceding  period  of  Greek  literature,  we 
have  already  had  occasion  to  notice  the  decline  of  tragedy  at 
Athens.  It  continued,  indeed,  still  to  subsist ;  but  after  the  great 
tragic  triumvirate  we  have  no  authors  who  have  come  down  to 
us,  or  whose  works  were  at  all  comparable  to  those  of  their 
predecessors.  There  are,  however,  a  few  names  that  should  be 
recorded ;  as  that  of  Agathon,  the  contemporary  and  friend  of 
Euripides,  whose  compositions  were  more  remarkable  for  their 
flowery  elegance  than  for  force  or  sublimity :  of  lophon,  the 
son  of  Sophocles,  whose  undutiful  conduct  towards  his  father 
has  been  already  mentioned,  the  author  of  50  tragedies,  which 
gained  considerable  reputation :  of  Sophocles,  the  grandson  of 
the  great  tragic  poet :  and  of  a  second  Euripides,  the  nephew  ol 
the  celebrated  one.  With  regard  to  comedy  the  case  was  dit- 
ferent.      After   the   days  of  Aristophanes   it   took,  indeed,  a 


II 


4' 


«8»  HISTORY  OF  GREECE  Chap.  XLVIU 

wholly  difTerent  form ;  but  a  forni  which  rendered  it  a  more 
perfect  imitation  of  nature,  and  established  it  as  the  model  of 
that  species  of  composition  in  every  civilized  nation  of  after- 
tunes      We  have  already  noticed,  in  the  plays  of  Aristophanes 
himself,  a  transition  from  the  genuine  Old  Comedy  to  the  Middle 
Comedy      The  latter  still  continued  to  be  in  some  degree  po- 
Jitical ;  but  persons  were  no  longer  introduced  upon  the  sta.rc 
under  their  real  names,  and  the  office  of  the  chorus  was  very 
much  curtailed      It  was,  in  fact,  the  connecting  link  between 
thj  Old  Comedy  and  the  New,  or  the  Comedy  of  Manners 
Ihe  most  distinguished  authors  of  the  Middle  Comedy   besides 
Aristophanes,  were  Antiphanes  and  Alexis.     The  Now  Comedv 
arose  after  Athens  liad   become  subject  to  the  Macedonians 
Pohtics  were  ..ow  excluded  from  the  stage,  and  the  materials 
ot  the  dramatic  poet  were  derived  entirely  from  the  fictitious 
adventures  of  pc^ns  in  private  life.      The  two  most  distin- 
guished writers  ol  this  school  were  Philemon  and  Menander 

cither  a  Cihcian  or  feyracusan,  but  came  at  an  eariy  a^e  to 
Athens.     He  is  considered  as  the  founder  of  the  New  Comedv 
which  was  soon  afterwards  brought  to  perfection  by  his  younger 
contemporary  Menander.    Philemon  was  a  prohfic  author,  and  is 
Baid  to  have  written  97  plays,  of  which  only  a  few  fia<rnients 
remain.    Menander  was  an  Athenian,  and  was  bom  in  b.c.  342 
Diopithes,  his  father,  commanded  the  Athenian  forces  on  the 
Hellespont,  and  was  the  person  defended  by  Demosthenes  in  one 
ol  his  extant  speeches.*     Menander  was  handsome  in  person, 
and  of  a  serene  and  easy  temper,  but  luxurious  and  efifemiuate 
m  his  habits.     Demetrius  Phalenis  was  his  friend  and  patron 

tour  of  P.ra,us.     He  wrote  upwards  of  100  comedies ;  yet  durin.» 
his  hfetmie  Im  dramatic  career  was  not  so  suceessliil  as  hil 
subsequent  fame  would  seem  to  promise,  and  he  gained  the  prize 
only  eight  times.     The  bwade/  humour  of  his  rival  PhilCn 
seems  to  have  told  with  more  efll^t  on  the  popular  ear      Z 
the  unammous  praise  of  posterity  made  ample  compensation  for 
this  injurious  neglect,  and  awakens  our  regret  for  the  loss  of  one 
01  the  most  elegant  writers  of  antiquity.     The  number  of  his 
fragments,  coUected  fmm  the  writing  of  various  auThors,low 
how  extensively  he  was  read ;  but  unfortunately  none  are  of 
sufficient  length  to  convey  to  us  an  adequate  idea  of  his  style 
and  gemus.     The  comedies,  indeed,  of  Plautus  and  Terence  rnav 
give  us  a  general  notion  of  the  New  Comedy  of  the  Greek^^S 


CiiAi*.  XLVIIL 


THE  NEW  COAIEDY. 


589 


which  they  were  confessedly  drawn ;  but  there  is  good  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  works  even  of  the  latter  Rcnian  writer  lell  far 
short  of  the  wit  and  elegance  of  Menander.  ' 

§  2.  The  latter  days  of  literary  Athens  were  chiefly  distin- 
guished by  the  genius  of  her  orators  and  philosophers.  Both 
rhetoric  and  philosophy  were  at  first  cultivated  exclusively  by 
the  sophists,  and,  till  the  time  of  Socrates,  remained  almost 
entirely  in  their  hands.  Socrates,  by  directing  the  attention  of 
philosophers  to  the  more  useful  questions  of  morals,  eflected  c 
separation  between  rhetoric  and  philosophy.  After  his  time  we 
find  various  schools  of  moral  philosophy  springing  up,  as  the 
Academicians,  Peripatetics,  Stoics,  &c.,  whilst  the  more  technical 
part  of  the  art  of  speaking  became  a  distinct  profession. 

The  extreme  democratical  nature  of  the  Athenian  institutions, 
especially  after  the  reforms  of  Pericles,  rendered  it  indispensable 
for  a  public  man  to  possess  some  oratorical  skill.  All  public 
business,  both  political  and  judicial,  was  transacted  by  the  citi- 
zens themselves  in  their  courts  and  public  assemblies.  The 
assembly  of  the  people  decided  all  questions  not  only  of  domestic 
policy,  but  even  those  which  concerned  their  foreign  relations. 
They  not  only  made  but  administered  the  laws  ;  and  even  their 
courts  of  justice  must  be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  public  assem- 
blies, from  the  number  of  dicasts  who  composed  them.  The 
vast  majority  of  those  who  met  either  in  the  public  assemblies 
or  in  the  courts  of  justice  were  men  of  no  political  cr  legal 
training.  The  Athenian  citizen  was  a  statesman  and  a  judge  by 
prerogative  of  birth.  Although  he  took  an  oath  to  decide  ac- 
cording to  the  laws,  he  was  far  from  considering  himself  bound 
to  make  them  his  study,  or  to  decide  according  to  their  letter. 
The  frequency  and  earnestness  with  which  the  orators  remind 
the  dicasts  of  their  oath  betray  their  apprehension  of  its  viola- 
tion. It  contained,  indeed,  a  very  convenient  clause  for  tender 
consciences,  as  it  only  bound  the  dicast  to  decide  according  to 
the  best  of  his  judgment ;  and  the  use  which  might  be  made 
of  this  loophole  by  a  clever  advocate  is  pointed  out  by  Aris- 
totle.* Hence  it  is  surprising  how  little  influence  the  written 
code  had  on  the  decision  of  a  case.  The  orators  usually  drew 
their  topics  from  extraneous  circumstances,  or  from  the  general 
character  of  their  adversary,  and  endeavoured  to  prejudice  the 
minds  of  their  audience  by  personal  reflections  wholly  foreign 
to  the  matter  in  hand,  and  which  modem  courts  would  not 
tolerate  for  a  moment.  In  addition  to  all  this,  the  natural  tem- 
perament of  the  Athenians  rendered  them  highly  susceptible 

♦  Rhetoric,  1,  15,  6. 


590 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


CuAP.  XLVIII. 


1 1t 


of  the  charms  of  eloquence.     They  enjoyed  the  intellectual  ria- 
wTj  a'bu^  "V»i  orators,  and  even  their  mutual  reproaches 

4  3   It  is  remarkable,  however,  that,  though  the  soil  of  Attica 
was  thus  naturally  adapted  to  the  cultivation  of  eloquence,  the 
first  regular  professors  of  it,  as  an  art,  were  foreignere.     Prota- 
|Dras  of  Abdera   who  visited  Athens  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
fifth  century  before  Chnst,  was  the  first  who  gave  lessons  in 
rhetonc  for  money.     He-  was  followed  by  Prodicus  of  Ceos,  and 
trorgias  of  Leontmi ;  the  latter  of  whom  especially  was  verv 
celebrated  as  a  teacher  of  rhetoric.     The  art,  however,  had  been 
^tabhshed  m  Sicily  before  the  time  of  Goigias  by  Corax  and  his 
pupil  Tisias.     Corax  has  been  regarded  as  the  founder  of  tech- 
mcal  oratory,  and  was  at  aU  events  the  first  who  wrote  a  treatise 
on  the  subject     The  appearance  of  Gorgias  at  Athens,  whither 
he  went  as  ambassador  from  Leontini,  in  427  B.C.,  produced 
a  great  seiisation  among  the  Athenians,  who  retained  him  in 
their  city  for  the  purpose  of  profiting  by  his  instructions.     His 
lectures  were  attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of  persons,  and  at- 
tracted many  from  the  schools  of  the  philosoph^s.     His  merit 
rnust  have  been  very  great  to  have  drawn  so  much  attention  in 
the  best  times  ol  Athens ;  and  we  are  told  by  Cicero  that  he  alone 
ot  all  the  sophists  was  honoured  with  a  golden,  and  not  merely 
a  gilt,  statue  at  Delphi.  ■' 

„„!„t»  ^''f»'^*  w'""*  ?'"*  established  a  native  school  of  elo- 
quence a  little  before  the  appearance  of  Gorgias  among  them. 

ii^^       u       °'  ^^^"  P™''-'«sed  orators  was  Antiphon  (b^rn  B.C. 
4bO).   who   stands  at  the  head  of  the  ten  contained  in  the 
A  exandnan  canon      Gorgias  seems  to  have  been  known  at 
Athens  by  his  works  before  he  appeared  there  in  person;   and 
one  of  the  chiel  objects  of  Antiphon  was  to  establish  a  more 
solid  s  y  e   in  place  of  his  dazzling  and  sophistical  rhetoric. 
Thucydides  was  among  the  pupUs  in  the  school  which  he  opened 
and  IS  said  to  have  owed  much  to  his  master.     Antiphon  was 
put  to  death  m4n  bx.  for  the  part  which  he  took  in  establishino 
the  oligarchy  of  the  Four  Hundred.    Fifteen  of  his  orations  have 
come  down  to  us. 

The  remaining  niiie>ttic  orators  contained  in  the  Alexandrian 
canon  were  Andocides,  Lysias,  Isocrates,  Isajus,  .Eschines,  Lv- 
curgus,  Demosthenes,  Hyperides,  and  Dinarchus.  Andocides 
who  has  been  already  mentioned  as  concerned  with  Alcibiades  in 
\  m"  "i^^^  Hermse,*  was  bom  at  Athens  in  b.c.  467,  and  died 
probably  about  391.   We  have  at  least  three  genuine  options  rf 

*  See  p.  334. 


Chap.  XLVIIL 


ATHENIAN  ORATORY. 


59] 


his,  which,  however,  are  Dot  distinguished  by  any  particular 
merit. 

Lysias,  also  bom  at  Athens  in  458,  was  much  superior  to 
him  as  an  orator,  but  being  a  nietic,  or  resident  aUen,  he  was 
not  allowed  to  speak  in  the  assemblies  or  courts  of  justice, 
and  therefore  wrote  orations  for  others  to  deUver.  Of  these  35 
are  extant,  but  some  are  incomplete,  and  others  probably  spu- 
rious. His  style  may  be  regarded  as  a  model  of  the  Attic  idiom, 
and  his  orations  are  characterized  by  indescribable  gracefulness, 
combined  with  energy  and  power. 

Isocrates  was  born  in  436.  After  receiving  the  instructions  of 
some  of  the  most  celebrated  sophists  of  the  day,  he  became  him- 
self a  speech  writer  and  professor  of  rhetoric  ;  his  weakly  consti- 
tution and  natural  timidity  preventing  him  from  taking  a  part 
himself  in  public  life.  His  style  is  more  periodic  than  that  of  the 
other  Attic  orators,  and  betrays  that  it  was  meant  to  be  read 
rather  than  spoken.  Although  pure  and  elegant  it  is  wanting 
in  simplicity  and  vigour,  and  becomes  occasionally  monotonous, 
through  the  recurrence  of  the  same  turns.  Isocrates  made  away 
with  himself  in  338,  after  the  fatal  battle  of  Chaeronea,  in  despair, 
it  is  said,  of  his  country's  fate.  Twenty-one  of  his  speeches 
have  come  down  to  us.  He  took  great  pains  with  his  compo- 
sitions, and  is  reported  to  have  spent  ten,  or,  according  to  others, 
fifteen  years  over  his  Panegyric  oration. 

Isaeus,  according  to  some,  was  a  native  of  Chalcis  ;  others  call 
him  an  Athenian ;  and  it  is  certain,  at  all  events,  that  he  came 
at  a  very  early  age  to  Athens.  His  exact  date  is  not  known,  but 
he  flourished  between  the  end  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  and  the 
accession  of  Philip  of  Macedon.  He  opened  a  school  of  rhetoric 
at  Athens,  and  is  said  to  have  numbered  Demosthenes  among 
his  pupils.  The  orations  of  Isajus  were  exclusively  judicial,  and 
the  whole  of  the  eleven  which  have  come  down  to  us  turn  on 
the  subject  of  inheritances. 

GfiEschines,  the  antagonist  of  Demosthenes,  we  have  abeady 
had  occasion  to  speak.  He  was  born  in  the  year  389,  and  was 
a  native  of  Attica,  but  of  low,  if  not  servile,  origin,  and  of  a 
mother  of  more  than  equivocal  reputation.  This,  however,  is 
the  account  of  Demosthenes  ;  and  ^schines  himself  tells  a  dif- 
ferent story.  He  was  successively  an  assistant  in  his  father's 
school,  a  gymnastic  teacher,  a  scribe,  and  an  actor ;  for  which 
last  profession  a  strong  and  sonorous  voice  peculiarly  quahfied 
him.  He  afterwards  entered  the  army,  where  he  achieved  more 
success  ;  for  besides  a  vigorous  athletic  form,  he  was  endowed 
with  considerable  courage.  The  reputation  which  he  gained  in  the 
battle  of  Tamynae  encouraged  him  to  come  forward  as  a  pubUc 


it 


««  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  Ch.p.  XlVUl 

Demosthenes  ^dSirwtarrjSrl^^^^^^^ 
their  respect  ve  sides   and  th^  v.«Ir  1'   "/.^.^^^^^i^g  speakers  on 

^schines  with  havms  received  t^\    ''"''f^f'"^''^"^^'^ 

second  embassy;  and  fhJ'S.  ortthrpaSt*"^  ? 
was  not  spoken— in  which  he  hm.mJ.*  .  Pamphlet*_for  it 
was  answered  in  ai^ther  btr  TJw  %t  *'"'  ''™"^'i<io». 

charge  is  unknot"  but  Tt  S>„^  to  have  J*?"  TJ''!-  "''  *'"^ 
popularity  of^schin'es.  WehrealreadladverteSToV   '^'""  '^ 
ment  of  Ctesiphon.  and  the  celebrrd  replT^^^^ 
his  speech*  CaronaA  After  the  badshmem  of  IS«'"'fv" 
occasion  (b  c   ^'iO\   li«  e,.^«*       "'iiiianiuuii  01  iiischines  on  this 

where  hiTmployid  hiXtf  ,7^','^"'"'  i"  ^""^  ■""*  ^aria, 
death  of  AlexCder  he  reLd  to  ^rf  '^""T'  ^""^  ">« 
school  of  eloquence  AichcS  War?,  h/''  "'"^  ^^^^Wi^hed  a 
and  which  hlld  a  ^iddL  placeXti  ITr  •^^■^.''.^''bra.ed, 

one  hand  and  the  ornate  aSc  styTeTn  fh  "othe?' H  Jd?  /'" 
oamos  in  314      As  nn  r.i.o*««  u        ^  ,     omer.     fic  died  in 

by  a  powerful^™"  icnonr  '  "'"^  '"'""''•  ^'"="  ''''''^'' 

diunt^  couri^n  tS^   hT  "TT'^^'l^'  '""^  *^«  "«'«*  ""- 

adversaries.  re^de::Li*Svtc7iSnSL':r"^^^^  l,*"''^ 
of  his  speeches  was  still  f.,wi,     JJ   .'""^^'^sistible.     Thcellcct 

almost  LSorcroScSlt"^'''"?"^  ^^  ""  ^""'J''''"'  «"<1 
that  his  orftio^^ei  detLd  LTv^o  '.''r?"'^  ^"•'P"^^'' 
which  we  now  posset  them      tk  I  ^^^*  '^''^"'^^ '°'«  "' 

were  carefullTr^^  fnr  ™.Kr  ^"^  ""^  ^  ""  '^""^^  *'«»'  they 
any  trifling  letostn  ?orm  aT"" '       *  ""  '^'  "**'"  '''""'' 


*  Ilcpi  vagairgeaCeiac. 


f  See  pp.  553,  554. 


Chap.  XLVIII. 


DEMOSTHENEa 


693 


audience  having  expressed  their  surprise  that  he  should  have 
been  defeated  alter  such  an  oration  :  "  You  would  cease  to  won- 
der," he  remarked,  "  if  you  had  heard  Demosthenes."  Sixty-one 
of  the  orations  of  Demosthenes  have  come  down  to  us  ;  though 
of  these  some  are  spurious,  or  at  all  events  doubtful.  The  most 
celebrated  of  his  political  orations  are  the  Philippics,  the  Olyn- 
thiacs,  and  the  oration  on  the  Peace  ;  among  the  private  ones, 
the  famous  speech  on  the  Crown. 

The  remaining  three  Attic  orators,  viz.,  Lycurgus,  Hyperides, 
and  Dinarchus,  were  contemporaries  of  Demosthenes.  Lycurgus 
and  Hyperides  both  belonged  to  the  anti-Macedonian  party,  and 
were  warm  supporters  of  the  })olicy  of  Demosthenes.  Of  Ly- 
curgus only  one  oration  is  extant ;  and  of  Hyperides  only  two, 
which  have  been  recently  discovered  in  a  tomb  in  Egypt.  Di- 
narchus, who  is  the  least  important  of  the  Attic  orators,  survived 
Demosthenes,  and  was  a  friend  of  Demetrius  Phalereus.  He  was 
an  opponent  of  Demosthenes,  against  whom  he  delivered  one  of 
his  three  extant  orations  in  relation  to  the  ali'air  of  Harpalus.* 

^  5.  Whilst  Attic  oratory  was  thus  attaining  perfection,  philo- 
sophy was  making  equal  progress  in  the  new  direction  marked 
out  for  it  by  Socrates.  Of  all  the  disciples  of  that  original  and 
truly  great  philosopher,  Plato  was  by  far  the  most  distinguished, 
Plato  was  born  at  Athens  in  429  B.C.,  the  year  in  which  Pericles 
died.  By  Ariston,  his  iather,  he  was  said  to  be  descended  from 
Codrus,  the  last  of  the  Athenian  kings  ;  whilst  the  family  of  his 
mother  traced  a  relationship  with  Solon.  His  own  name,  which 
was  originally  Aristocles,  is  said  to  have  been  changed  to  Plato 
on  account  of  the  breadth  of  his  shoulders.f  He  was  instructed 
in  music,  grammar,  and  gymnastics,  by  the  most  celebrated 
masters  of  the  time.  His  first  literary  attempts  were  in  epic, 
lyric,  and  dithyrambic  poetry  ;  but  his  attention  was  soon  turned 
to  philosophy  by  the  teaching  of  Socrates,  whose  lectm-es  he 
began  to  frequent  at  about  the  age  of  twenty.  From  that  time 
till  the  death  of  Socrates  he  appears  to  have  lived  in  the  closest 
intimacy  with  that  philosopher.  After  that  event  Plato  with- 
drew to  Megara,  and  subsequently  undertook  some  extensive 
travels,  in  the  course  of  which  he  visited  Gyrene,  Egypt,  Sicily, 
and  Magna  GraBcia.  His  intercourse  with  the  elder  Dionysius 
at  Syracuse  has  been  already  related.?  His  absence  from 
Athens  lasted  about  twelve  years ;  on  his  return,  being  then 
upwards  of  forty,  he  began  to  teach  in  the  gymnasium  of  the 
Academy,  and  also  in  his  garden  at  Colonus.  His  instructions 
were  gratuitous,   and  his   method,   like    that   of  his    master, 


*  See  pp.  654,  555. 


\  frAarvf. 


X  See  p.  489. 


694  mSTOEY  OF  GREECE  Ciu,.  XLVIIL 

Socrates,  seems  to  have  been  by  interrogation  and  dialogue  His 
doctrines,  however,  were  too  recondite  for  the  popular  ear,  and 
his  lectures  were  not  very  numerously  attended.  But  he  had 
a  narrower  circle  of  devoted  admirers  and  disciples,  consistii .  of 
about  twenty-eight  persons,  who  met  in  his  private  house;  over 
the  vestibule  of  which  was  inscribed-"  Let  no  one  enter  who  is 
gnorant  of  geometry."     The  most  distinguished  of  this  little 

A  I.  V,  u?  ""'""  ^P*'"«'PP»«.  his  "ephew  and  successor,  and 
Anstotle.  But  even  among  the  wider  circle  of  his  hearore,  who 
did  not  properly  form  part  of  his  school,  were  some  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  the  age,  as  Chabrias,  Iphicrates,  Timothe- 

Wtr^'°"'rK*f''!'''''?-  ^^"*"  Demosthenes  attended  his 
lectures  ,s  doubtful.  In  these  pursuits  the  remainder  of  his 
long  hfe  was  spent,  relieved,  however,  by  two  voyages  to  Sicily  * 

rJlL^t^""  "^T  ^  '"Pf ^^  principally  as  a  moral  and  political 
philosopher,  and  as  a  dialectician  :  as  a  physical  inquircVhe  du 
no   shme.  ^nd  the  Tima^^s  is  his  only  work  in  thai  branch  of 
philo^phy.     His  dialectic  method  was  a  development  of  that  of 
boo-a  es ;  and  though  he  did  not.  like  Aristofle,  produce  any 

ZT^   rf     *"  ""'i!*'^.  '^^^J^*^*'  '^  '^  exemplified  in  most  of  his 
works,  but  especially  m  the  The^tetus,  Sophistes,  Parmenides 

cTl'nf  pVrr'^KT  ^^^.«r«  -^^^-     The  fundamental  pS 

.  ciple  of  Plato  s  philosophy  is  the  belief  in  an  eternal  and  self- 

existent  cause,  the  origin  of  all  things.     From  this  divine  being 

emanate  not  only  the  sou  s  of  men.  which  are  also  immortal,  buf 

tha   of  the  umvei^  Itself,  which  is  supposed  to  be  animated  by 

a  divine  spirit.     The  material  objects  of  our  sight  and  other 

senses  are  mere  fleeting  emanations  of  the  divme  idea;  it  is 

only  this  Idea  itself  that  is  realhj  existent  ;t  the  objects  of 

rv^rr-^!;''^/^"^^'^'"''^  appearances,  taking  their  forms 

vKrr  TV"  '^' '^''^^-     "^"^^  ''  ^^"^^«  '^^'  i"  Plato's 

birth,  when  it  was  able  to  contemplate  real  existences,  and  all 
our  ideas  ni  this  world  are  mere  reminiscences  of  their  true  and 
eternal  patterns.     These  principles,  when  applied  to  the  inve^^ 

«iill?«i  "^T^  j^""""'  ^"^'^^^^S  a  genus-as,  for  instance. 

manktnd,  comprehending  all  individual  men--^r..,  comprehend 
mg  every  species  of  tree,  and  so  forth-were  not  r^ere  ?^4o  to 
faTtr^^'f "  of  thinking,  but  denoted  ^.^Z  "^Lteir^et  n 
fact  the  only  true  existences,  as  being  the  expressions  of  the 

•  Sen  pp.  491,  492.      f  rd  Svrcc  5v.     t  rd  yiyvO/^eva.      §  ,,i0e^,,. 


CoAP,  XLVIIL 


PLATO. 


595 


eternally  pre-existent  idea.  In  this  matter  he  seems  to  have  de- 
parted from  Socrates ;  and,  indeed,  the  reader  who  should  seek 
the  philosophy  of  Socrates  in  the  writings  of  Plato  would  often 
be  led  very  far  astray,  Socrates  believed  in  a  divine  cause,  but 
the  doctrine  of  ideas  and  other  figments  with  which  Plato  sur- 
rounded it  seem  to  have  been  his  own. 

As  a  moral  and  political  philosopher  the  views  of  Plato  were 
sublime  and  elevated,  but  commonly  too  much  tinged  with  his 
poetical  and  somewhat  visionary  cast  of  mind  to  be  of  much 
practical  utility.  They  are  speculations  which  may  awake  our 
admiration  as  we  read  them,  but  which  for  the  most  part  it 
would  be  difficult  or  impossible  to  put  in  practice.  His  belief 
in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  naturally  led  him  to  establish  a 
lofty  standard  of  moral  excellence,  and  like  his  great  teacher,  he 
constantly  inculcates  temperance,  justice,  and  purity  of  life.  His 
political  views  arc  developed  in  the  Republic  and  the  Laws.  The 
former  of  these  works  presents  us  with  a  sort  of  Utopia,  such  as 
never  has  existed,  and  never  could  exist.  The  main  feature 
of  his  system  is  the  subordination,  or  rather  the  entire  sacri- 
fice of  the  individual  to  the  state.  The  citizens  are  divided 
into  three  classes,  in  fanciful  analogy  with  the  faculties  of  the 
soul.  Thus  the  general  body,  or  working  class,  represents  the 
passions  and  appetites  ;  the  tvill  is  typified  by  the  military  order, 
which  is  to  control  the  general  mass,  but  which  is  in  turn  to  be 
thoroughly  subservient  to  the  government,  whose  functions  cor- 
respond with  those  of  the  intellect,  or  rational  faculty.  With 
such  views  Plato  was  naturally  inimical  to  the  unrestricted  demo- 
cracy of  Athens,  and  inclined  to  give  a  preference  to  the  Spartan 
constitution.  In  the  Laws,  however,  he  somewhat  relaxed  the 
theory  laid  down  in  the  Republic,  and  sought  to  render  it  of  more 
practical  operation.  Thus  he  abandons  in  that  work  the  strict 
separation  of  classes,  sets  some  limits  to  the  power  of  the  goveni- 
m3iit,  and  attempts  to  reconcile  freedom  and  absolutism  by 
mingling  mjuarchy  with  democracy. 

k  7.  Plato,  as  we  have  said,  visited  Megara  after  the  death  *)f 
Socrate.5,  wliere  other  pupils  of  that  philosopher  had  also  taken 
refuge.  Among  these  the  most  famous  was  Euclides,  who  must 
not  be  contbunded  with  the  great  mathematician  of  Alexandria. 
Euclides  founded  the  sect  called  from  his  residence  the  Me- 
garic,  and  which  from  the  attention  they  paid  to  dialectics  were 
also  entitled  Dialectici  and  Eristici  (or  the  litigious).  Two  other 
otlshoots  of  the  Socratic  school  were  the  Cyrenaics  and  Cynics. 
Tiie  former  of  these  sects  were  founded  by  Aristippus  of  Cyrene 
in  Africa,  the  latter  by  Antisthenes.  Aristippus,  though  a  hearer 
of  Socrates,  wandered  far  from  the  precepts  of  his  great  master. 


'fi96 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


Chap.  XLVIH, 


He  was  fond  of  luxurious  living  and  sensual  gratifications,  which 
Jie  held  to  be  slianielul  only  when  they  obtained  so  uncontrolled 
an  empire  over  a  man  as  to  render  him  their  entire  slave.     His 
chief  maxim  was  to  discover  the  art  of  extracting  pleasure  from 
all  the  circumstances  of  life,  and  to  make  prosperity  and  ad- 
versity ahkc  subservient  to  that  end.     8uch  tenets  made  him  a 
lavourite  with  the  clever  and  cultivated  man  of  the  world,  and 
we  hnd  him  more  than  once  approvingly  alludetl  to  by  Horace  * 
Antisthenes  was  an  Athenian,  and  also  a  pupil  of  Socrates     He 
taught  m  the  Cynosarges,  a  gymnasium  at  Athens  designed  lor 
Atheman  boys  born  ol  ibreign  mothers,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
his  own  case.     It  was  frrom  this  gymnasium  that  the  sect  he 
iounded  was  called  the  Cynic,  though  some  derive  the  name  from 
their  dog-.like  habits   which  led  them  to  neglect  all  the  decent 
usages  of  society.     It  was  one  of  the  least  important  of  the 
philosophical  schools.     One  of  its  most  remarkable  members  was 
Uiogenes  of  binope,  whose  interview  with  Alexander  the  Great 
at  Corinth  we  have  had  occasion  to  relate.f     No  writings  of  any 
ol  the  three  last-mentioned  sects  have  survived. 

§  8.  Such  were  the  most  celebrated  miiior  schools  which  sprancr 
fmm  the  teachnig  of  Socrates.     The  four  principal  schools  werS 
tHe  Academicians,  who  owed  their  origin  to  Plato  •  the  Peri 
F^f^eto,  founded  by  his  pupil  Aristotle ;  the  Epicureans,  sonamed 
Irom  their  master  Epicurus;  and  the  Stoics,  founded  by  Zeno 

bpeusippus  Plato's  nephew,  became  the  head  of  the  Academy 
after  his  uncle  s  death.     Under  him  and  his  immediate  sue 
cessors,  as  Xenocrates,  Polemon,  Crates,  and  Grantor,  the  doc- 
trines of  Plato  were  taught  with  little  alteration,   and  these 
professors  formed  what  is  called  the  old  Academy.     The  Middle 
Academy  begins  with  Arcesilaus,  who  flourished  towards  the 
close  of  the  3rd  century  b.c,  and  who  succeeded  to  the  chair  on 
the  death  of  Grantor.     Under  him  the  doctrines  of  the  Academy 
imderwent  some  modification.     He  appears  to  have  directed  his 
inquiries  almost  exclusively  to  an  investigation  of  the  grounds  of 
imowledge,  and  to  have  approached  in  some  degree  the  Pyrrhon- 
ists   or   Sceptics.     The   Platonic   doctrines   suflbred   a   further 
change  m  the  hands  of  Garneades,  the  founder  of  the  new  Aca- 

Aunc  m  Anstippi  furtim  praecepta  relabor 
M  milu  res  nou  me  rebus  subjuiigere  conor." 

.„ ,        .  Hon.  Ep.  i.  1.  la. 

And  again: — 

"  Omnis  Aristippiim  decuit  color  et  status  et  res." 

lb.  17,  2a 
t  See  p.  627. 


Chap.XLVIII.    ACADEMICIANa    PERIPATETICS. 


697 


demy.  Garneades  flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the  2nd 
century  B.C.  Under  him,  doubt  and  hesitation  began  still  more 
strongly  to  characterise  the  teaching  of  the  Platonists.  His 
distinguished  tenet  was  an  entire  suspension  of  assent,  on  the 
ground  that  truth  has  always  a  certain  degree  of  error  combined 
with  it ;  and  so  far  did  he  carry  this  principle,  that  even  GUto- 
machus,  his  most  intimate  pupil,  could  never  discover  his  mas- 
ter's real  tenets  on  any  subject. 

k  9.  But  of  all  the  Grecian  sects,  that  of  the  Peripatetics, 
founded  by  Aristotle,  had  the  greatest  influence  so  far  as  the 
researches  of  the  intellect  are  concerned  ;  and  this  not  merely 
in  antiquity,  but  even  perhaps  to  a  still  greater  extent  in  modem 
times,  and  especially  during  what  are  called  the  middle  ages. 
Aristotle  was  bom  in  384  B.C.,  at  Staglra,  a  sea-port  town  of 
Ghalcidice,  whence  he  is  frequently  called  the  Stagirite.  His 
iather  Nicomachus  was  physician  to  Amyntas  II.,  king  of  Mace- 
donia. At  the  age  of  17,  Aristotle,  who  had  then  lost  both  father 
and  mother,  repaired  to  Athens.  Here  he  received  the  instructions 
of  Heraclides  Ponticus,  and  other  Socratics ;  and  when,  about 
three  years  after  his  arrival  at  Athens,  Plato  returned  to  that 
city,  Aristotle  immediately  attended  his  lectures.  Plato  consi- 
dered him  his  best  scholar,  and  called  him  "  the  intellect  of  his 
school."  Aristotle  spent  twenty  years  at  Athens,  during  the 
last  ten  of  which  he  established  a  school  of  his  own ;  but  during 
the  whole  period  he  appears  to  have  kept  up  his  connexion  with 
the  Macedonian  court.  On  the  death  of  Plato  in  347,  Aristotle 
quitted  Athens,  and  repaired  to  Atameus,  in  My  si  a,  where  he 
resided  two  or  three  years  with  Hermias,  a  former  pupil,  who 
had  made  himself  dynast  of  that  city  and  of  Assos,  and  whose 
adopted  daughter  he  married.  Atarneus  being  threatened  by 
the  Persians,  into  whose  hands  Hermias  had  fallen,  Aristotle 
escaped  with  his  wife  to  Mytilene,  and  in  342  accepted  the  invi- 
tation of  Philip  of  Macedon  to  undertake  the  instruction  of  his 
son  Alexander.  Philip  treated  the  philosopher  with  the  greatest 
respect,  and  at  his  request  caused  the  city  of  Stagira  to  be  re- 
built, which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Olynthian  war.  It  was 
here,  in  a  gymnasium  called  the  NymphsBum,  that  Aristotle 
imparted  his  instructions  to  Alexander,  as  well  as  to  several 
other  noble  youths.  In  335,  after  Alexander  had  ascended  the 
throne,  Aristotle  quitted  Macedonia,  to  which  he  never  re- 
turned. He  again  took  up  his  abode  at  Athens,  where  his 
friend  Xenocrates  was  now  at  the  head  of  the  Academy.  To 
Aristotle  himself  the  Athenians  assigned  the  gj'mnasium  called 
the  Lyceum  :  and  from  his  habit  of  delivering  his  lectures  whilst 
walking  up  and  down  in  the  shady  walks  of  this  place,  his  school 


1 


I 


«W  HISTORY  OF  GKEECK.  Cual.  XLVJU 

a  Klect  class  ol  pupils,  called  esotencA  and  these  lectures  wer-. 
caUed  «cr<«ma<jc,t  m  contradistinction  to  Leu.g  written  aid 
pubbshed^    His  afternoon  lectures  were  delivered  to  a  w.d« 

to  W  h    "^T  !''T'''"'  '^f"'^''  '^™"-'^^-  *    "i«  "-^'h^d  appears 

^JI  f  ^  f",'*^''-  ^*  "^"^  ^"""e  the  thirteen  years  in 
which  he  presided  over  the  Lyceum  that  he  compcsed  the 
peater  part  of  his  w;orks,  and  prosecuted  his  researches  in  na! 
toal  history  m  which  he  was  most  liberally  assisted  by  the  mu- 
mficence  ol  Alexander.  The  latter  portion  of  Aristotle's  life  was 
wdbrtunate.  He  appears  to  have  lost  from  seme  unknown  cause 
the  fnendship  of  Alexander ;  and,  after  the  death  of  that  monarch^ 
toe  disturbances  which  ensued  in  Greece  proved  uniiivourable  to 

^i^nf»^  "f  '''""*r.   ^""'^  threatened  with  a  prosecution 
lor  impiety,  he  escaped  from  Athens  and  retired  to  Chalcis;  but 

*llT^r     Tu*"^  *"  ^^^^  «  l"'*  "''^"<^.  ""d  deprived  ol-  all 
tne  rights  and  honours  which  he  previously  eniovcd     He  died  at 

wL  2^  f  f'r  :l'^  "^'t  y^"  "'"'"^  "S-  1"  ;:rson  Ar^tot  e 
^M  short  and  slender,  with  small  eyes,  and  something  of  a  lisp 

His  manners  were  characterised  by  briskness  and  vivacity,  and  ifc 

*^0f  ant'"'^^'^  ^"?*'T  '°^''  '^''''  "'"J  ""t^^d  appearance! 
Ul  all  the  philosophical  systems  of  antiquity,  that  ol' Aristotle 

72t'  "'"^'f'^  '°  '^  ^''"''^''''^  ""»"'"'■  """'k-d.  It  was 
and  nf  .h^  "  ^''^.''-d  accurate  observation  of  human  nature 
and  of  the  external  world ;  but  whilst  it  sought  the  practical 

cli^    f't  ^i""'  "^'"^^  '^^  **'""'f"'  ""•'  «°We.    hI  work 
E!  rhM  "^f"  "^*"^'•  """"'•  '""^  P^'itical  philosophy, 

h^tory,  rhetonc,  cnticism.  &c. ;  indeed  there  is  scarcely  a  branch 

cm W  A^"  "^  «"''  ^  ^"^  ""*  ""iTfehcnsivc  genius  did  not 
fi^^^lh^  attempt  to  give  an  accomit  of  these  works  would 
^.^^f  the  hmits  of  the  present  work.  His  greatest  claim 
to  our  admiratiou  ,s  as  a  logician.     He  perlected  and  brought 

MZf^T^T^  "i  't  '^''^^**"=  ""  ^'""'^  had  been 
Snn ?•  .^  ^"''f  ""^  ^'''*"'  ""d  wrought  them  by  his 
additions  into  so  complete  a  system,  that  he  may  be  regarded  as 
at  once  the  founder  and  perfecter  of  logic  as  an  art,  which  even 
dowri  to  our  own  days  h=u  been  but  vfry  little  improver 

Citi.^'  ilttf^r  :?*  r  ^^"""*  ^'^  ^°""''<^  ^y  Zeno,  a  native  of 
k  «Z,^-  iff  "^  '^yP™'-  ^he  exact  date  of  Zeno's  birth 
IS  uncertam;  but  he  seems  to  have  gone  to  Athens  about  the 

promenade.  ^        "sell  Deing  called  o  TregnraToc,  or  ih$ 

i  unooauanKoc  c«.m.«./».*^«*^^       n     *  **^**''"5P''^of,  inner,  intitnate. 
4  uagoufianKo^,  cmmmmicatcd  orolhj.  §  kiurtqiKi^,  external. 


Chap.  XLVIII. 


STOICS.    EPICUREANa 


699 


beginning  of  the  3rd  century  (b.c.  299)  ;  a  visit  which,  according 
to  some  accounts,  was  owing  to  his  having  been  shipwrecked  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Piraeus.  At  Athens  he  first  attached  him- 
self to  the  Cynics,  then  to  the  Megarics,  and  lastly  to  the  Acade- 
micians ;  but  after  a  long  course  of  study  he  opened  a  school  of 
his  own  in  the  Poecile  Stoa,  or  painted  porch,  whence  the  name 
of  his  sect.  The  speculative  doctrines  of  Zeno  were  not  marked 
by  much  originality.  He  inculcated  temperance  and  self-denial, 
and  his  practice  was  in  accordance  with  his  precepts.  The  want 
of  reach  in  the  Stoic  tenets,  which  did  not  demand  so  much 
refined  and  abstract  thought  as  those  of  many  other  sects,  as 
well  as  the  outward  gravity  and  decorum  which  they  inculcated, 
recommended  their  school  to  a  large  portion  of  mankind,  espe- 
cially among  the  Romans,  by  whom  that  sect  and  the  Epicurean 
were  the  two  most  universally  adopted.  Two  of  the  most  ill  us* 
trious  writers  on  the  Stoic  philosophy,  whose  works  are  extant, 
are  Epictetus  and  the  Emperor  M.  Aurelius. 

Epicurus  was  born  at  Samos  in  342,  of  poor  but  respectable 
Athenian  parents.  He  followed  at  first  the  profession  of"  a 
schoolmaster,  and  after  spending  some  time  in  travelling,  settled 
at  Athens  at  about  the  age  of  35.  Here  he  purchased  a  garden, 
apparently  in  the  heart  of  the  city,  where  he  estabhshed  his  phi- 
losophical school.  He  seems  to  have  been  the  only  head  of  a 
sect  who  had  not  previously  gone  through  a  regular  course  of 
study,  and  prided  himself  on  being  self-taught.  In  physics  he 
adopted  the  atomic  theory  of  the  Pythagoreans  and  Ionics ;  in 
morals  that  of  the  Cyrenaic  school,  that  pleasure  is  the  highest 
good  ;  a  tenet,  however,  which  he  explained  and  dignified  by 
showing  that  it  was  mental  pleasure  that  he  intended.  His  works 
liave  perished,  but  the  main  substance,  both  of  his  physical  and 
religious  doctrines,  may  be  derived  from  Lucretius,  whose  poem 
De  Rerwn  Natura  is  an  exposition  of  his  principal  tenets.  The 
ideas  of  atheism  and  sensual  degradation  with  which  the  name 
of  Epicurus  has  been  so  frequently  coupled  are  founded  on  igno- 
rance of  his  real  teaching.  But  as  he  denied  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  and  the  interference  of  the  gods  in  human  aflairs, — 
though  he  held  their  existence, — his  tenets  were  very  liable  to 
be  abused  by  those  who  had  not  sufficient  olevation  of  mind  to 
love  virtue  for  its  own  sake. 

§11.  We  have  thus  traced  the  progress  of  Grecian  literature 
from  its  earliest  dawn  till  it  was  brought  to  perfection  by  the 
master-minds  of  Athens.  After  the  death  of  Alexander,  Grecian 
literature  did  not  become  extinct :  there  was  a  vitality  about  it 
that  insured  its  subsistence  for  several  ages,  though  not  in  its 


'1 


600 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLVIIL 


fomier  splendour.     Alexandria,  now  the  emporium  of  commerce, 
became  also  the  chief  seat  of  learning,  where  it  was  fostered  by 
the  munificence  and  favour  of  the  first  Ptolemies.     It  was  her© 
that  literature  became  a  profession,  supported  by  the  foundation 
of  noble  and  extensive  libraries,  and  cultivated  by  a  race  of 
grammarians  aad  critics.     These  men  were  of  great  assistance 
to  hterature  by  the  critical  care  which  they  bestowed  on  editions 
of  the  best  authors,  and  by  the  invention  of  many  aids  to  faci- 
litate the  labours  of  the  student,  as  better  systems  of  grammar, 
punctuation,  &c.     One  of  the  most  eminent  of  them  was  Aris- 
tophanes of  Byzantium,  chief  librarian  at  Alexandria  in  the  reigns 
of  the  second  and  third  Ptolemies,  and  who  founded  there  a  school 
of  grammar  and  criticism.     It  was  he  and  his  pupil  Aristarchus 
who  were  chiefly  concerned  in  forming  the  canon  of  the  Greek 
classical  writers  ;  and  in  their  selection  of  authors  they  displayed 
for  the  most  part  a  correct  taste  and  sound  judgment.    To  Aris- 
tophanes is  ascribed  the  invention  of  the  Greek  accents.     Aris- 
tarchus is  chiefly  renovmed  as  the  editor  of  the  Homeric  poems 
in  the  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them.     From  their  school 
proceeded  many  celebrated  grammarians  and  lexicographers.    It 
must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  this  was  the  sole  species  of 
literature  which  flourished  at  Alexandria.     Theocritus,  the  most 
charming  pastoral  jioet  of  antiquity — of  which  species  of  compo- 
sition he  was  the  inventor — though  a  native  of  8)Tacuse,  lived 
for  some  time  at  Alexandria,  where  he  enjoyed  the  patronage  of 
Ptolemy  IL     His  contemporaries  and  imitators,  Bion  of  Smyrna, 
and  Moschus  of  Syracuse,  also  wrote  with  much  grace  and  beauty. 
This  school  of  poetry  was  afterwards  cultivated  with  success  by 
Virgil,  Tibullus,  and  others  among  the  llomans.     At  Alexandria 
also  flourished  Callimachus,  the  author  of  many  hymns,  elegies, 
and  other  poems,  which  were  much  admired  at  Rome,  and  were 
translated  and  imitated  by  Catullus  and  Propertius.     Amongst 
numerous  other  jxHits  we  can  only  mention  Apollonius  Ilhodius, 
the  author  of  an  epic  poem  on  the  exploits  of  the  Argonauts ; 
and  Aratus,  who  composed  two  poems  on  astronomy  and  na- 
tural phenomena.      Among  the  Alexandrine  writers  on  pure 
science,  the  mathematician  Euclid  (Euclides)  stands  conspicuous, 
whose  elements  of  geometry  still  fonn  the  text-book  of  our 
schools.     He  flourished  during  the  time  of  the  first  Ptolemy 
(B.C.  323—283). 

^  i  12.  The  list  of  Greek  writers  down  to  ths  extinction  of  the 
Greek  empire  might  be  indefinitely  enlarged;  but  our  limits 
would  only  permit  us  to  present  the  reader  with  a  barren  list  of 
names ;  and  we  therefore  content  ourselves  with  selecting  for 
notice  a  few  of  the  most  eminent. 


CHAP.  XLVril. 


LATER  GREEK  WRITERS. 


601 


The  historian  Polybius  (b.c.  204 — 122)  has  aiready  been  men- 
tioned as  taking  a  part  in  the  final  struggle  of  his  comitry  with 
Rome.  His  History,  though  the  greater  part  of  it  has  unfortu- 
nately perished,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  remains  of  antiquity. 
His  long  residence  among  the  Romans  aflx)rded  him  an  oppor- 
tunity of  studying  their  annals  ;  and  from  the  period  of  the 
second  Punic  war  he  has  been  very  closely  followed  by  Livy. 

Another  Greek  writer  of  Roman  history  was  Dionysius  of  Ha- 
licarnassus,  who  flourished  in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century 
B.C.  He  spent  a  considerable  part  of  his  life  at  Itorae,  and  de- 
voted himself  to  the  study  of  the  history  and  antiquities  of  that 
city,  on  which  he  wrote  a  book,  a  considerable  part  of  which  is 
still  extant.  He  was,  however,  a  better  critic  than  historian, 
and  we  still  possess  several  of  his  treatises  in  that  department 
of  literature. 

Diodorus,  called  from  his  country  Siculus,  or  the  Sicihan,  also 
lived  at  Rome  in  the  time  of  Julius  and  Augustus  Caesar.  He 
was  the  author  of  a  universal  history  in  40  books,  called  The 
Historical  Library,  of  which  15  books  are  still  extant. 

Arrian,  of  Nicomedia  in  Bithynia,  who  lived  in  the  first  century 
of  our  era,  wrote  an  account  of  Alexander's  expedition,  as  well 
as  several  works  on  philosophical  and  other  subjects. 

Appian  of  Alexandria  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan,  Hadrian, 
and  Antoninus  Pius,  and  was  the  author  of  a  Roman  history. 

One  of  the  best  and  most  valuable  Greek  writers  of  this  time 
was  Plutarch,  the  biographer  and  philosopher.  He  was  a  native 
of  Chseronea  in  Boeotia.  The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  unknown, 
but  it  must  have  been  about  the  middle  of  the  first  century  of 
our  era.  He  passed  a  considerable  time  in  Rome  and  Italy ;  but 
it  was  late  in  his  life  before  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of 
Roman  Hterature,  and  he  appears  never  to  have  completely  mas- 
tered the  language.  The  later  years  of  his  life  seem  to  have  been 
spent  at  Chajronea,  where  he  discharged  several  magisterial 
otfices,  and  filled  a  priesthood.  His  Lives,  if  not  the  most  au- 
thoritative, are  certainly  one  of  the  most  entertaining  works  ever 
written.  They  have  perhaps  been  more  frequently  translated 
than  any  other  book,  and  have  been  popular  in  every  age  and 
nation.  Besides  his  Lives,  Plutarch  was  the  author  of  a  great 
number  of  treatises  on  moral  and  other  subjects. 

About  the  same  time  flourished  Josephus,  the  Jewish  liistorian, 
who  was  born  at  Jerusalem  a.d.  37.  Though  a  Hebrew,  the 
Greek  style  of  Josephus  is  remarkably  pure. 

Strabo,  the  celebrated  geographer,  Avas  a  native  of  Amasia  in 
Pontus,  and  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius.  His 
valuable  work  on  geography,  which  also  contains  many  important 

2D 


602 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Chap.  XLVIIl 


*'iii 


historical  facts,  still  exists  pretty  nearly  entire,  though  the  text 
is  often  corrupt. 

Pausanias,  author  of  the  Description  of  Greece,  is  supposed  to 
have  heen  a  native  of  Lydia,  and  flourished  in  the  second  cen- 
tury of  our  sera.  His  account  of  Greece  is  of  considerable  value, 
for  many  of  the  great  works  of  Grecian  art  were  extant  when  he 
travelled  through  the  country,  and  he  appears  to  have  described 
them  with  fidelity  as  well  as  minuteness. 

•  Dion  Cassius,  the  historian,  was  bom  at  Nicaa  in  Bithynia, 
A.D.  155.  His  history  of  Kome  in  80  books  extended  from  the 
earhest  times  to  a.d.  229.  It  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  very  im- 
perfect state,  but  is  still  a  valuable  authority  lor  the  history  of 
the  latter  republic  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  empire. 

Lucian,  one  of  the  wittiest  and  most  entertainuig  of  ancient 
writers,  and  who,  from  his  sparkhng  style,  his  turn  of  mind,  and 
his  disregard  for  authority,  may  be  compared  to  Swift  or  Voltaire, 
was  bom  at  8amosata,  probably  about  a.d.  120.  Of  his  numer- 
ous works,  the  best  known  are  his  Biaiogucs  of  the  Dead,  which 
have  been  universally  esteemed,  not  only  ibr  their  wit,  but  also 
for  their  Attic  grace  of  diction. 

We  cannot  close  this  imjierfect  list  of  Greek  profane  writers 
without  mentioning  the  name  of  Galen,  the  celebrated  physician. 
Galen  was  born  at  Pergamus  in  Mysia,  a.d.  130.  He  completed 
his  education  at  Smyrna,  Corinth,  and  Alexandria,  after  which  he 
undertook  some  extensive  travels.  He  seems  to  have  visited  Rome 
at  least  twice,  and  attended  on  the  emperors  M.  Aurehus  and  L. 
Verus.  The  writings  of  Galen  formed  an  epoch  in  medical  science, 
and  after  his  time  all  the  previous  medical  sects  seem  to  have 
become  merged  in  his  followers  and  imitators. 

k  13.  But  the  Greek  language  was  not  merely  destined  to  be 
the  vehicle  of  those  civihsing  influences  which  flow  from  the 
imagination  of  the  sublimest  poets  and  the  reasonings  of  the 
most  profound  philosophers.  The  still  more  glorious  mission 
was  reserved  for  it,  of  conveying  to  mankind  through  the  Gospel 
that  certain  prospect  of  a  hie  to  come,  which  even  the  wisest  of 
the  Grecian  sages  had  beheld  only  as  in  a  glass,  darkly.  Three 
at  least  of  the  lour  Gospels  were  written  in  the  Greek  tongue,  as 
well  as  the  greater  portion  of  those  scriptures  which  compose 
^  the  New  Testament.  We  have  already  alluded  to  the  facilities 
which  the  conquests  of  Alexander  afibrded  to  the  spreading  of 
the  Gospel ;  nor  were  there  wanting  in  subsequent  ages  men 
who  assisted  its  extension  by  their  writings.  Even  the  works 
of  an  author  like  Lucian  were  subservient  to  this  end,  by  casting 
ridicule  on  the  gods  of  paganism,  and  thus  preparing  the  minds 
of  men  lor  the  reception  of  a  purer  doctrine.     Among  the  Greek 


Chap.  XLVIIL 


CONCLUSION. 


603 


Fathers  of  the  Church  were  many  men  of  distinguished  talent ; 
as  Justin  Martyr,  one  of  the  earliest  of  the  Christian  writers, 
Clemens  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  many 
others ;  especially  Joannes,  surnamed  Chrysostomus,  or  the 
goldeti-moutlied,  from  the  power  of  his  eloquence. 

The  Greek  language  and  literature  continued  to  subsist  till 
the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  in  1453.  Even  that 
shock  did  not  entirely  destroy  their  vitality.  The  many  learned 
Greeks  who  then  took  refuge  in  Italy  were  the  means  of  reviving 
the  study  of  their  tongue,  then  almost  entirely  neglected,  in  the 
West,  and  especially  at  Florence,  under  the  auspices  of  Cosmo 
de'  Medici,  who  appointed  Johannes  Argyropulus,  one  of  these 
refugees,  preceptor  to  his  son  and  nephew.  Maximus  Planudes, 
Manuel  Moschopulus,  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  Theodore  Gaza,  and 
others,  assisted  in  this  work ;  and  through  these  men  and  their 
successors,  and  particularly  through  the  labours  of  Aldus  Manu- 
tius,  the  Venetian  printer,  who  flourished  in  the  same  century, 
the  chief  masterpieces  of  Grecian  literature  have  been  handed 
down  and  made  intelligible  to  us. 


Bust  of  the  poet  Menander. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


Book  L— MYTHICAL  AGE. 
B.C. 

1184.  Capture  of  Troy. 

1124.  Emigration  of  the  Boeotians  IVom  Thessaly  into  Boeotia. 
1104.  Return  of  the  HeraclidjB.    Conijuest  of  I'eloponnesus  by  the  Dorian*. 
1050.  Cumie  founded. 
850.  Probable  age  of  ilomer. 


776. 
747. 
743. 
734. 
723. 
720. 
710. 
708. 
700. 
693. 
690. 
685. 
683. 


670. 
668. 
IMM. 

657. 
655. 
644. 
630. 

624. 
613. 
610. 
600. 
596. 
695. 
594. 
591. 
589. 
586. 

583. 
581. 
579. 
572. 
560. 

559. 
556. 
548. 

544. 


Book  Il.-GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

Commencement  of  the  Olympiads.    Age  of  Lycurgus. 

Phidon.  tyrant  of  Argos,  celebrates  the  8th  Olympic  games. 

Beginning  of  the  first  Messenian  war. 

Syracuse  founded  by  Archias  of  Corinlh. 

End  of  the  first  Messenian  War. 

Sybaris,  in  Italy,  founded  by  the  Achaeans. 

Croton,  in  Italy,  founded  by  the  Achieans. 

Tarentum  founded  by  the  Lacedsmonian  Parthenii,  imder  Phalanthus. 

Archilochus  of  Paros,  the  iambic  poet,  flourished. 

Simonides  of  Amorgos,  the  lyric  poet,  flourished. 

Foundation  of  Gela  in  Sicily. 

The  beginning  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 

First  annual  Archon  at  Athens.    Tyrtaeus,  the  Athenian  poet,  came  to  Sparta 

after  the  first  success  of  the  Messenians,  and  by  his  martial  songs  roused  the 

fainting  courage  of  the  Laceda'n»onians. 
Alcman,  a  native  of  Sardis  in  Lydia,  and  the  chief  lyric  poet  of  Siiarta,  flourished. 
End  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 
A  sea-fight  between  the  Corinthians  and  Corcyrsans,  the  most  ancient  sea-fight 

recorded.    Zaleucus,  the  lawgiver  in  Locri  Epizephyrii,  flourished. 
Byzantium  founded  by  the  Megarians. 

The  Bacchiadie  expelled  from  Corinth.    Cypselus  begins  to  reign. 
Pantaleon,  king  of  Pisa,  celebrates  the  Olympic  games. 
Cyrene  in  Libya  founded  by  Battus  of  Thera. 
Periander  succeeds  Cypselus  at  Corinth.     Arion  flourished  in  the  reign  of 

Periander. 
Legislation  of  Dracon  at  Athens. 
Attempt  of  Cylon  to  make  himself  master  of  Athens. 
Sappho,  Alcieus,  and  Stesichorus  flourislted. 
Massilia  in  Gaul  founded  by  the  Phocaeans. 
Epimenides,  the  Cretan,  came  to  Athens. 

Commencement  of  the  Cirrhajan  or  Sacred  War,  which  lasted  10  years. 
Legislation  of  Solon,  who  was  Athenian  archon  in  this  year. 
Clrrha  taken  by  the  Amphictyons. 

Commencement  of  the  government  of  Pittacus  at  M>-tilene. 
The  conquest  of  the  Cirrhieans  completed,  and  the  Pythian  games  celebrated 

The  beven  Wise  Men  flourished. 
Death  of  Periander. 
Agrigentum  (bunded. 
The  dynasty  of  the  Cypselida?  ended. 
Pittacus  resigns  the  government  of  Mytilene. 

The  war  between  Pisa  and  Elis  ended  by  the  subjection  of  the  PisKans. 
Pisastratus  usurps  the  government  of  Athens.    Ibycus  of  Rheeium,  the  Ivrie 

poet,  flourished.  o       ,  j 

Cyrus  begins  to  reign  in  Persia. 
Simonides  of  Ceos,  the  lyric  poet,  bora. 
The  temple  of  Delphi  burnt.    Anaximcnes  flourished. 
Sardis  taken  by  Cyrus  and  the  Lydian  monarchy  overthrown.    Hipponax,  tlM 

Iambic  poet,  nourished. 
Phcreeydes  of  Syros,  the  philosopher,  and  Theognis  of  Mcgara.  the  jwct,  flourished. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


605 


B.C. 

539.  Ibycus  of  Rhegium,  the  lyric  poet,  flourished. 

538.  Babylon  taken  by  Cyrus.    Xenophanes  of  Colophon,  the  philosopher,  flourished. 

635.  Thespis  the  Athenian  first  exhibits  tragedy. 

532.  Polycrates  becomes  tyrant  of  Sainos. 

531 .  The  philosopher  Pytliagoras  and  the  poet  Anacreon  flourished. 

529.  Death  of  Cyrus,  and  accession  of  Canibyses  as  king  ot  Persia. 

527.  Death  of  Pisastratus,  33  years  after  his  first  usurpation. 

625.  Cambyses  conquers  ^gypt  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign.    Birth  of^schylus. 

523.  ClKjeriius  of  Athens  exhibits  tragedy. 

522.  Polycrates  of  Samos  put  to  death.  Birth  of  Pindar.  Death  of  Cambyses, 
usurpation  of  the  Magi,  and  accession  of  Darius  to  the  Persian  throne,  lle- 
catKus,  the  historian,  flourished. 

514.  Hipparchus,  tyrant  of  Athens,  slain  by  Ilarmodius  and  Aristogiton. 

611.  Phrynichus,  the  tragic  poet,  flourished. 

510.  Expulsion  of  llippias  and  his  family  from  Athens.  The  ten  tribes  instituted  at 
Athens  by  Clisthenes. 

504.  Charon  of  Lampsacus,  the  historian,  flourished. 

501.  Naxos  besieged  by  Arislagoras  and  the  Persians.  Upon  the  failure  of  this  at- 
tempt Aristagoras  determines  to  revolt  from  the  Persians. 

500.  Aristagoras  solicits  aid  from  Athens  and  Sparta.  Birth  of  Anaxagoras  the 
philosopher.  First  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  The  lonians,  assisted  by  the 
Athenians,  burn  Sardis.    jEschylus,  aged  25,  first  exhibits  tragedy. 

499.  Second  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt. 

498.  Third  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  Aristagoras  slain  in  Thrace.  Death  of 
Pythagoras. 

497.  Fourth  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  Histiaeus  comes  down  to  the  coast.  Birth  o.f 
llellanicus  of  Mytilene,  the  historian. 

496.  Fifth  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.    Birth  of  Sophocles. 

495.  Sixth  and  last  year  oi  the  Ionian  revolt.  The  lonians  defeated  in  a  naval  battle 
near  Miletus,  and  Miletus  taken. 

493.  The  Persians  take  the  islands  of  Chios,  Lesbos,  and  Tenedos.  Miltiades  flies 
from  the  Chersonesus  to  Athens. 

492.  Manloiiius,  the  Persian  general,  invades  Europe,  and  unites  Macedonia  to  the 
Persian  empire. 

491 .  Darius  sends  heralds  to  Greece  to  demand  earth  and  water.  Demaratus,  king  of 
Sparta,  deposed  by  the  intrigues  of  his  colleague  Cleomenes.   He  flies  to  Darius. 

490.  Datis  and  Artaphernes,  the  Persian  generals,  invade  Europe.  They  take  Eretria 
in  Eub(Ea  and  land  in  Attica.  They  are  defeated  at  Marathon  by  the  Athenians 
under  the  command  of  Miltiades.  jEschylus  fought  at  the  battle  of  Marathon, 
set.  35.    War  between  Athens  and  ^gina. 

489.  Miltiades  attempts  to  conquer  Paros,  but  is  repulsed.  He  is  accused,  and,  un- 
able to  pay  the  fine  in  which  he  was  condemned,  is  thrown  into  prison,  where 
he  died. 

486.  Revolt  of  Egypt  from  the  Persians  in  the  fourth  year  after  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

485.  Xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  succeeds  Darius.    Gelon  becomes  master  of  SjTacuse. 

484.  Egypt  reconquered  by  the  Persians.  Herodotus  born.  jEschylus  gains  the 
prize  in  tragedy. 

483.  Ostracism  of  Ari'stides. 

481.  Theniistocles  the  leading  man  at  Athens. 

480.  Xerxes  invades  Greece.  He  set  out  from  Sardis  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring. 
The  battles  of  Thermopylse  and  Artemisium  were  fought  at  the  time  of  the 
Olympic  games.  The  Athenians  deserted  their  city,  which  was  taken  by 
Xerxes.  The  battle  of  Salamis,  in  which  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  was  destroyed, 
was  fought  in  the  autumn. 
Birth  of  Euripides. 

479.  After  the  return  of  Xerxes  to  Asia,  Mardonius,  who  was  left  in  the  conrmiand 
of  the  Persian  army,  passed  the  winter  in  Thessaly.  In  the  spring  he  marches 
southward  and  occupies  Athens  ten  months  after  its  occupation  by  Xerxes. 
At  the  battle  at  Platsea,  fought  in  September,  he  is  defeated  by  the  Greeks  under 
the  command  of  Pausanias.  On  the  same  day  the  Persian  fleet  is  defeated  off 
Mycale  by  the  Greek  fleet  Sestos  besieged  by  the  Greeks  in  the  autunm,  and 
surrendered  in  the  following  spring. 

478.  Sestos  taken  by  the  Greeks.  The  history  of  Herodotus  terminates  at  the  siege 
of  Sestos. 


Book  HI.-THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE  PELOPONNESIAN 

WAR. 

478.  In  consequence  of  the  haughty  conduct  of  Pausanias,  the  maritime  allies  place 
themselves  under  the  supremacy  of  Athens.     Commencement  of  the  Athe- 


606 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


StC« 


476 


471 

4m. 

468. 
467. 

4m. 

465. 

4A4 

463. 
461. 

460. 

458. 
457. 


4S6. 
455. 


liii! 


454 
452, 

448. 


447. 
445. 


444 
441 

440; 


439. 
437. 
436. 
435. 


nian  ascendency  or  empire,  which  lasted  about  70  years— 65  before  the  nila 
5^/     ^***«niaa  aflairs  in  Sicily,  73  before  the  capture  of  Athens  by  Lysau- 

Cinion,  commanding  the  forces  of  the  Athenians  and  of  the  aUics,  expels  the 
Persians  from  ETon  on  the  Strymon,  and  then  takes  the  island  ol  Scyros.  where 
the  bones  ot  Theseus  are  discovtred.  * 

Sinionidcs,  a-l.  80,  gains  the  prize  in  the  dithyrambic  chorus. 

Iheim.siocicH,  biiiushed  by  osiriuisin,  fioes  to  Argos.  Pausanias  convicted  of 
ln?ason  and  put  to  ikalh.     Thucydides  the  historian  born. 

Pericles  liegm.s  to  take  part  in  public  allairs,  40  years  belore  bis  death 

MyceniB  destroyed  by  the  Argives.     Heath  of  Anstides.    Socrates  born.    Souh 
ocles  gamed  his  hrst  tragic  victory.  "^ 

Sinionides,  a;t.  «0,  died. 

Naxos  revolted  and  subdued.    Great  victory  of  Cimon  over  the  Persians  at  the 
river  Eurymedon,  in  Pamphylia.    Theniistocles  tiles  to  Persia. 

Revolt  of  Thasos.    Ueaih  of  Xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  and  accession  of  Arta- 
xerxes  I.  .«••••» 

Earthquake  at  Sparta,  and  revolt  of  the  Helots  and  Messenians.    Cimon  marches 

to  the  assistance  ol"  the  Lacedemonians.    Zeno  of  Elea  flourished 
Thasos  subdued  by  Cimon. 

Cimon  marches  a  second  lime  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedemonians,  but  his 
oflers  are  declined  by  the  latter,  and  the  Athenian  troops  sent  back.   Ostracism 
ol  Cimon.    Pericles  at  the  head  of  public  aflairs  at  Athens. 
Revolt  of  Inaros,  and  first  year  of  the  Egyptian  war,  which  lasted  6  years.    The 

Athenians  sent  assistance  to  the  Egyptians. 
The  Oresteia  of  .f:8cliylus  perfbrnied, 

BatUes  in  the  Megarid  between  the  Athenians  and  Corinthians.  The  Lacedaf- 
niomans  march  into  Doris  to  assist  the  Dorians  against  the  Phocians  tm 
their  return  they  are  attacked  by  the  Athenians  a>.  'i  aiia-.-a,  but  the  latter  are 
defeated.  The  Athenians  commence  building  their  long  waUs,  which  were 
completed  in  the  Ibllouing  year. 
The  Athenians,  commanded  by  Myronides,  defeat  the  Thebans  at  (Enophvia 
Recall  of  Cimon  from  exile.    Death  of  ^schvlus,  set.  69  " 

The  Messenians  conquered  by  the  Laceda-monrans  in  the  tenth  year  of  the  war 
lolmides,  the  Athenian  general,  settles  the  expelled  Messenians  at  Naupactus" 
i>ee  B.C.  464.     Tohnides  sails  round  Peloponnesus  with  an  Athenian  fleet  and 
does  great  injury  to  the  Peloponnesians. 
End  of  the  Egyptian  war  in  the  sixth  year.     See  b.c.  460.    All  Egvpt  conquered 
by  the  Persians,  except  the  Marshes,  where  Amyrtajus  continued  to  hold  out 
for  some  years.    See  b.c.  449. 
Euripides  Kt.  25  first  gains  the  prize  in  tragedy. 
Campaign  of  Pericles  at  Sicyon  and  in  Acarnania. 
Cratinus,  the  comic  writer,  flourished. 

Five  years*  truce  between  the  Athenians  and  Peloponnesians,  made  throueh  the 

intervention  of  Cimon.  »«  «*« 

Anaxagoras  lei.  50  withdraws  from  Athens,  aaer  residing  there  30  years 

Renewal    of  the   war    with    Persia.      The    Athenians    tend    assistance   to 

Amyrtjfius.     Death  of  Cimon  and  victory  of  the  Athenians  at  Salamis  in 

Cyprus. 

Sacred  War  between  the  Delphians  and  Phocians  for  the  possession  of  the  oracle 
and  temple.  The  Lacedaemonians  assisted  the  Delphians,  and  the  Athenians 
the  Phocians. 

The  Athenians  defeated  at  Chsronea  by  the  Bceotians. 

Revolt  of  Eubtea  and  Megara  trom  Athens.    The  five  years'  tru'-e  having  Ex- 
pired (see  B.C.  450),  the  Lacedemonians,  led  by  Pleistoanax,  invade  Attica 
After  the  Lacedrnmonians  had  retired,  Pericles  recovers  Eubcea.    The  30  years' 
truce  between  Athens  and  Sparta. 

Pericles  begins  to  have  the  sole  direction  of  public  affairs  at  Athens.  Thucv- 
dides,  the  son  of  Milesias,  the  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party,  ostracised    ' 

The  Athenians  send  a  colony  to  Thurii  in  Italy.  Herodotus  Kt.  41,  and  Ly'sias 
aet.  15,  accompany  this  colony  to  Thurii. 

Euripides  gains  the  first  prize  in  tragedy. 

Sarnos  revolts  from  Athens,  but  is  subdued  by  Pericles  in  the  ninth  month, 
hophock's  Sit.  55  was  one  of  the  ten  Athenian  generals  who  fought  aganst 

Athens  at  the  height  of  its  glory. 
Colony  of  Agnon  to  Amphipolis. 
Cratinus,  the  comic  poet,  gains  the  prize. 

War  between  the  Corinthians  and  Corcyrapans  on  account  of  Epidamnus.  Tha 
Connthians  defeated  by  the  Corcyrteans  in  a  sea-fight. 


1.0. 
434. 
433. 

432. 


431. 


430. 
429. 


428. 
427. 


426. 
425. 

424. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


eo7 


423. 
422. 

421. 

490. 
419. 

418. 


The  Corintltians  make  great  preparations  to  carry  on  the  war  with  vigour. 

The  Corcyrieans,  and  Corinthians  send  embassies  to  Athens  to  solicit  assistance. 
The  Athenians  form  a  defensive  alliance  with  the  Corcyraeans. 

The  Corcyrfeans,  assisted  by  the  Athenians,  defeat  the  Corinthians  in  the  spring. 
In  the  same  year  Potida;a  revolts  from  Athens.  Congress  of  the  Peloponne- 
sians in  the  autumn  to  decide  upon  war  with  Athens. 

Anaxagoras,  prosecuted  for  impiety  at  Athens,  withdraws  to  Lampsacus,  where 
he  died  about  four  years  afterwards. 

Aspasia  prosecuted  by  the  comic  poet  Ilermippus,  but  acquitted  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Pericles. 

Prosecution  and  death  of  Phidias. 

First  year  of  the  Peloponncsian  war.  The  Thebans  make  an  attempt  upon 
Plataea  two  months  before  midsummer.  Eighty  days  afterwards  Attica  is  in- 
vaded by  the  Peloponnesians.  Alliance  between  the  Athenians  and  Sitalces, 
king  of  Thrace. 

Hellenicus  set.  65,  Herodotus  aet.  53,  Thucydides  aet.  40,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  Peloponncsian  war. 

The  Medea  of  Euripides  exhibited. 

Second  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Second  invasion  of  Attica.  The  plague 
rages  at  Athens. 

Third  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Potidaea  surrenders  to  the  Athenians 
after  a  siege  of  more  than  two  years.  Naval  actions  of  Phormio  in  the  Corin- 
thian gulph.    Commencement  of  the  siege  of  Plataea. 

Death  of  Pericles  in  the  autumn. 

Birth  of  Plato,  the  Philosopher. 

Eupolis  and  Phrynichus,  the  comic  poets,  exhibit. 

Fourth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Third  invasion  of  Attica.  Revolt  of  all 
Lesbos,  except  Methymna.     Mytilene  besieged  towards  the  autumn. 

Death  of  Anaxagoras,  aet.  72. 

Fifth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Fourth  invasion  of  Attica.  Mytileno 
taken  by  the  Athenians  and  Lesbos  recovered.  The  demagogue  Cleon  begins 
to  have  great  influence  in  public  affiairs.  Plataea  surrendered  to  the  Pelopon- 
nesians. Sedition  at  Corcyra.  The  Athenians  send  assistance  to  the  Leon- 
tines  in  Sicily. 

Aristophanes,  the  comic  poet,  first  exhibits. 

Gorgias  ambassador  from  Leontim  to  Athens. 

Sixth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  The  Peloponnesians  do  not  invade  Attica 
in  consequence  of  an  earthquake. 

Lustration  of  Delos. 

Seventh  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Fifth  invasion  of  Attica.  Demosthenes 
takes  possession  of  Pylos.  The  Spartans  in  the  island  of  Sphacteria  surren- 
dered to  Cleon  72  days  afterwards. 

Accession  of  Darius  Nothus. 

The  Acharnians  of  Aristophanes. 

Eighth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Nicias  ravages  the  coast  of  Laconia  and 
captures  the  island  of  Cythera.  March  of  Brasidas  into  Thrace,  who  obtains 
possession  of  Acanthus  and  Amphipolis.  The  Athenians  defeated  by  the 
Thebans  at  Delium. 

Socrates  and  Xenophon  fought  at  the  battle  of  Delium. 

Thucydides,  the  historian,  commanded  at  Amphipolis. 

The  knights  of  Aristophanes. 

Ninth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.     Truce  for  a  year. 

Thucydides  banished  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  Amphipolis.  He  was  20 
years  in  exUe. 

The  Clouds  of  Aristophanes  first  exhibited. 

Tenth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.    Hostilities  in  Thrace  between  the  Lace 
d«nionians  and  Athenians.     Both  Brasidas  and  Cleon  fall  in  battle. 

The  Wasps  of  Aristophanes  and  second  exhibition  of  the  Clouds. 

Death  of  Cratinus. 

Protagoras,  the  sophist,  comes  to  Athens. 

Eleventh  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Truce  for  50  years  between  the 
Athenians  and  Lacedsemonians.  Though  this  truce  was  not  formally  declared 
to  be  at  an  end  till  B.C.  414,  there  were  notwithstanding  frequent  hostilities 
meantime. 

Twelfth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Treaty  between  the  Athenians  and  Ar- 
gives  effected  by  means  of  Alcibiades. 

Thirteenth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.  Alcibiades  marches  into  Pelopon- 
nesus. 

The  Peace  of  Aristophanes. 

Fourteenth  year  of  the  Peioponnesian  war.    The  Athenians  send  a  force  into 


008 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


I.e. 


417. 
416. 

4ia. 


414. 


413. 


413. 


411 


I 


410. 

409. 
408. 

407. 


400. 


405. 


404. 


I 


Peloponnesus  to  assist  the  Argives  against  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  are  do 
feated  at  the  battle  ofMantineia.    Alliance  between  Sparta  and  Argos. 
FifteentJi  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

Sixteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  The  Athenians  conquer  Melos. 
Seventeenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  The  Athenian  exjiedition  against 
Sicily.  It  sailed  after  midsummer,  commanded  by  Nicias,  Alcibiades,  and 
Lamachus.  Mutilation  of  the  Ilerms  at  Athens  before  the  fleet  sailed.  The 
Athenians  take  Catana.  Alcibiades  is  recalled  home :  he  makes  his  escape, 
and  takes  refuge  with  the  Lacedipmonians. 
Andocides,  the  orator,  imprisoned  on  the  mutilation  of  the  IlermtB.    lie  escapes 

by  turning  informer. 
Eighteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Second  campaign  in  Sicily.    The 
Athenians  invest  Syracuse.    Gylippus  the  Lacedajmonian  comes  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Syracusans. 
The  Birds  of  Aristophanes. 
Nineteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Invasion  of  Attica  and  fortification 

of  Decelea,  on  the  advice  of  Alcibiades. 
Third  campaign  in  Sicdy.    Demosthenes  sent  with  a  large  force  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Athenians.     Total  destruction  of  the  Athenian  army  and  tlect. 
Nicias  and  Demosthenes  surrender  and  are  put  to  death  on  the  12th  or  13th  of 
September,  U5  or  17  days  after  the  eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  took  place  on  the 
27th  of  August. 
Twentieth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    The  Lesbians  revolt  ft-om  Athens 
Alcibiades  sent  by  the  Laced«monians  to  Asia  to  form  a  treaty  with  the  Per- 
sians.   He  succeeds  in  his  mission  and  forms  a  treaty  with  Tissaphemes,  and 
urges  the  Athenian  allies  in  Asia  to  revolt. 
The  Andromeda  of  Euripides. 
.  Twenty-first  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Democracy  abolished  at  Athens, 
and  the  government  entrusted  to  a  council  of  Four  Hundred.    This  council 
holds  the  government  four  months.    The  Athenian  army  at  Samos  recalls  AI- 
cibia<les  from  exile  and  appoints  him  one  of  their  generals.     He  is  afterwards 
recalled  by  a  vote  of  the  people  at  Athens,  but  he  remained  abroad  for  the  next 
four  years  at  the  head  of  the  Athenian  forces.    Mindarus,  the  Lacedaemonian 
admiral,  defeated  at  Cynosscma. 
Antiphon,  the  orator,  had  a  great  share  in  the  establishment  of  the  Four  Hundred. 

After  their  downfal  he  is  brought  to  trial  and  put  to  death. 
The  history  of  Thucydides  suddenly  breaks  ofiTin  the  middle  of  this  year. 
The  Lysistraia  and  Thesmophoriazusce  of  Aristophanes. 
Lysias  returns  from  Thurii  to  Athens. 
Twenty-second  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Mindarus  defeated  and  slain  by 

Alcibiades  at  Cyzicus. 
Twenty-third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 
The  Philoctetes  of  Sophocles. 

Twenty-fourth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Alcibiades  recovers  Byzantium. 
The  Ores/M  of  Euripides. 
The  Plutus  of  Aristophanes. 

Twenty-fifth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Alcibiades  returns  to  Athens. 
Lysander  appointed  the  Lacedaemonian  admiral  and  supported  by  Cyrus,  who 
this  year  received  the  government  of  the  countries  on  the  Asiatic  coast.    An- 
liochus,  the  Lieutenant  of  Alcibiades,  defeated  by  Lysander  at  Notium  in  the 
absence  of  Alcibiades.     Alcibiades  is  in  consequence  banished,  and  ten  new 
generals  appointed. 
Twenty-sixth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Callicratidas,  who  succeeded 
Lysander  as  Lacedsemonian  admiral,  defeated  by  the  Athenians  in  the  sea- 
fight  off  the  Arginussae  islands.     The  Athenian  generals  condemned  to  death 
because  they  had  not  picked  up  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  th« 
battle. 
Dionysius  becomes  master  of  Syracuse. 
Death  of  Euripides  and  Sophocles. 

Twenty-seventh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Lvsander  defeats  the  Athenians 
offiEgospotami,  and  takes  or  destroys  all  their  fieet  with  the  exception  of  eight 
ships  which  fled  with  Conon  to  Cyprus. 
The  Frogs  of  Aristophanes. 

Twenty-eighth  and  last  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Athens  taken  by  Ly. 

Sander  in  the  spring  on  the  16th  of  the  month  Munychion.    Democracy  aboU 

ished,  and  the  government  entrusted  to  thirty  men,  usually  called  the  Thirty 

X  ymtiis. 

The  Thirty  Tyrants  held  their  power  for  eight  months,  till  Tlirasybidus  occupied 

Phyle  and  advanced  to  the  Pira;us. 
Death  of  Alcibiades  during  the  tyranny  of  the  Thirty. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 
Book  IV.— THE  SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 


609 


B.C. 

406. 


40L 


400 
399 


398. 
397. 
396. 

395. 


394. 


393. 
391. 

390. 

389. 

388 


387. 
386. 
385. 
384. 

382. 


381 


Thrasybulus  and  his  party  obtain  possession  of  the  Piraeus,  from  whence  they 
carried  on  war  for  several  months  against  the  Ten,  the  successors  of  the 
Thirty.    They  obtain  possession  of  Athens  before  July ;  but  the  contest  be- 
tween the  parties  was  not  finally  concluded  till  September. 
Thucydides,  set.  68,  returns  to  Athens. 

Expedition  of  Cyrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes.  lie  falls  in  the  battle  of 
Cunaxa,  which  was  Ibught  in  the  autumn.  His  Greek  auxiliaries  commence 
their  return  to  Greece,  usually  called  the  retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand. 

First  year  of  the  war  of  Lacedaemon  and  Elis. 

Xenophon  accompanied  Cyrus,  and  afterwards  was  the  principal  general  of  the 
Greeks  in  their  retreat. 

The  (Edipus  at  Colonus  of  Sophocles  exhibited  after  his  death  by  his  grandson 
Sophocles. 

Return  of  the  Ten  Thousand  to  Greece. 

Second  year  of  the  war  of  Lacedaemon  and  Elis. 

The  speech  of  Andocides  on  the  Mysteries. 

The  Lacedaemonians  send  Thimbron  with  an  army  to  assist  the  Greek  cities  in 
Asia  against  Tissaphernes  and  Pharnabazus.  The  rsmainder  of  the  Ten 
Thousand  incorporated  with  the  troops  of  Thimbron.  In  the  autumn  Thim- 
bron was  superseded  by  Dercyllidas. 

Third  and  last  year  of  the  war  of  Lacedaemon  and  Elis. 

Death  of  Socrates,  set.  70. 

Plato  withdraws  to  Megara. 

Dercyllidas  continues  the  war  in  Asia  with  success. 

Dercyllidas  still  continues  the  war  in  Asia. 

Agesilaus  supersedes  Dercyllidas.  First  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia.  He 
winters  at  Ephesus. 

Second  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia.  He  defeats  Tissaphernes,  and  becomes 
master  of  Western  Asia.  Tissaphernes  superseded  by  Tithraustes,  who 
sends  envoys  into  Greece  to  induce  the  Greek  states  to  declare  war  against 
Lacedsinon.  Commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Greek  states  against  Lacedae- 
mon.   Lysander  slain  at  Haliartus. 

Plato,  »t.  34,  returns  to  Athens.  ,     ^      ,  ^    ^  ^  ^    ,      :. 

Agesilaus  recalled  from  Asia  to  fight  against  the  Greek  states,  who  had  declared 
war  against  Lacedaemon.  He  passed  the  Hellespont  about  midsummer,  and 
was  at  the  entrance  of  Boeotia  on  the  14th  of  August.  He  defeats  the  allied 
forces  at  Coronea.  A  little  before  the  latter  battle  the  Lacedaemonians  also 
gained  a  victory  near  Corinth  ;  but  about  the  same  time  Conon,  the  Athenian 
admiral,  and  Pharnabazus,  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  Pisander,  the  Spar- 
tan admiral,  off'Cnidus. 

Xenophon  accompanied  Agesilaus  from  Asia  and  fought  against  his  country  at 
Coronea.  He  was  in  consequence  banished  from  Athens.  He  retired  under 
Lacedaemonian  protection  to  Scillus,  where  he  composed  his  works. 

Sedition  at  Corinth  and  victory  of  the  Lacedaemonians  at  Lechaeum.  Pharna- 
bazus and  Conon  ravage  the  coasts  of  Peloponnesus.  Conon  begins  to  restore 
the  long  walls  of  Athens  and  the  fortifications  of  the  Pira;us. 

The  Lacedaemonians  under  Agesilaus  ravage  the  Corinthian  territory,  but  a 
Spartan  mora  is  cut  to  pieces  by  Iphicrates. 

The  EcclesiazusoB  of  Aristophanes. 

Expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Acarnania. 

Speech  of  Andocides  "  On  the  Peace."    He  is  banished. 

Expedition  of  Agesipolis  into  Argolis.  The  Persiana  again  espouse  the  cause 
of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  Conon  is  thrown  into  prison.  The  Athenians  as- 
sist Evagoras  of  Cyprus  against  the  Persians.  Thrasybulus,  the  Athenian 
commander,  is  defeated  and  slain  by  the  Lacedaemonian  Teleutias  at  Aspendus. 

Agyrrhius  sent  as  the  successor  of  Thr&sybulus  to  Aspendus  and  Iphicrates  to 
the  Hellespont. 

Plato,  aet.  40,  goes  to  Sicily :  the  first  of  the  three  voyages. 

Antalcidas,  the  Lacedaemonian  con»maiider  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  opposed  to 
Iphicrates  and  Chabrias. 

The  second  edition  of  the  Plutua  of  Aristophanes. 

The  peace  of  Antalcidas. 

Restoration  of  the  Plataea,  and  independence  of  the  towm  of  Bceoti«. 

Destruction  of  Mantinea  by  the  Lacediemonians  under  Agesipolia. 

Birth  of  Aristotle. 

First  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

Phoebidas  seizes  the  Cadmea,  Vho  citadel  of  Thebes. 

Birth  of  Demosthenes. 

Second  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

2d* 


B.C 

380, 


mSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


379. 
378. 


3<  J . 
376. 


375. 
874. 


373. 


372. 
371. 


Third  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

The  PanegtfTtcus  ol  Isocrates. 

Fourth  and  last  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

The  Cadmea  recovered  by  the  Tluban  exiles  in  the  winter. 

CleomlirotiKs  sent  into  Uceotia  in  the  middle  of  winter,  but  retumetl  without  ef- 
fectmg  anything.  The  Lacediemonian  Sphodrias  makes  an  attempt  upon  the 
PirsBUs.  The  Athenians  form  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans  against  Sparta. 
First  expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Btjeotia. 

Death  of  Lystas. 

Second  expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  BfBotia. 

Cleombrotus  marches  into  Bceotia,  and  sustains  a  slight  repulse  at  the  passes 
of  Ciihacron. 

The  Lacediemonian  fleet  conquered  by  Chahrias  off  Naxos,  and  the  Athenians 
recover  the  dominion  uf  the  sea. 

Cleotnhrotus  sent  into  Phocis,  which  had  been  invaded  by  the  Thebans,  who 
withdraw  into  their  own  country  on  his  arrival. 

The  Athenians,  jealous  of  the  Thebans,  conclude  a  peace  with  Lacedsemon. 
Timotheus.  the  Athenian  commander,  takes  Corcvra,  and  on  his  return  to 
Athens  restores  the  Zacynihian  exiles  to  their  country.  This  leads  to  a  re- 
newal of  the  war  between  Athens  and  Lacedxmon. 

Second  destruction  of  Plala;a. 

Jason  elected  Tagus  of  Thessaly. 

The  Lacedsemonians  attempt  to  regain  possession  of  Corcyra,  and  send  Mnasip- 
pus  with  a  force  for  the  purpose,  but  he  is  defeated  and  slain  by  the  CorcyrjB- 
ans.  Iphicrates,  with  Callistratus  and  Chabrias  as  his  colleagues,  sent  to 
Corcyra. 

Prosecution  of  Timotheus  by  Callistratus  and  Iphicrates.  Timotheus  is  ac- 
quitted. 

Timoiheus  goes  to  Asia.    Iphicrates  continued  in  the  command  of  a  fleet  in  the 

Ionian  sea. 
Congress  at  Sparta,  and  general  peace  (called  the  Peace  of  Callias),  from  which 
the  Thebans  were  excluded,  because  they  wi»uld  not  grant  tlie  independence 
of  the  nu;otian  towns. 
The  Lacediemoiiians,  commanded  by  Cleombrotus,  invade  Bffiotia,  but  are  de- 

ffeated  by  the  Thebans  under  Epamlnondas  at  the  battle  of  Leuctra.    Com- 
mencement of  the  Thcban  Supremacy. 
Foundation  of  Megalopolis. 
Expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Arcadia. 
Jason  of  Phera;  slain.    Atter  the  interval  of  a  year,  Alexander  of  Phene  succeeds 

to  his  power  in  Thessaly. 
First  invasion  of  Peloiwnnesus  by  the  Thebans.    They  remain  in  Peloponnesus 

four  months,  and  found  Messene. 
Embassy  of  Pelopidas  to  Persia. 
Second  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans. 
Expedition  of  Pelopidas  to  Thessaly.    He  is  imprisoned  by  Alexander  of  Phene. 

but  Epaminondas  obtains  his  release. 
Archidamus  gains  a  victor}'  over  the  Arcadians. 
Death  of  the  elder  Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  at^er  a  reign  of  38  years. 
Third  invasion  of  Peloiwnnesua  by  the  Thebans. 
The  Archidamus  of  Isocrates. 
War  between  Arcadia  and  Elis. 
Second  campaign  of  the  war  between  Arcadia  and  Elis.    Battle  of  Olymnia  at 

the  time  ol  the  games. 
Fourth  invasion  oi  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans.    Battle  of  Mantinea,  in  June 

in  which  Epanunondas  is  killed.  ' 

Xenophon  brought  down  his  Greek  historj-  to  the  battle  of  Mantinea 
A  general  peace  between  all  the  belligerents,  with  the  exception  of  the  Lacedaj- 

monians,  because  the  latter  would  not  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the 

jVlessen  lans. 

'^o'mSm  T*  ***  ^^^*  ***  '^*'*'  Tachos,  and  dies  1.1  the  winter  when  preparing 
Birth  of  Dinarchus,  the  orator. 

War  between  the  Athenians  and  Olynthians  for  the  jyossession  of  Amphipolis. 
runotheus,  the  Athenian  general,  repidsed  at  Amphipolis. 

Book  Y.-TIIE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

Wk  Accession  of  Philip,  king  of  Macedonia,  ml.  23.  He  defeats  Argieus,  who  ;aid 
claim  to  the  throne,  declares  AmphiHm  a  free  city,  and  makes  peac^  with  the 
Athenians.    He  then  defeats  the  P»onians  and  lUyrians 


370, 


367. 


36«. 

3S5« 

362. 
361. 


360 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


611 


B.C. 

358. 
357. 


356. 


years 
355. 

354. 

353. 

352. 


Amphipolis  taken  by  Philip.    Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into  Kuboea. 
Chios,  Rhodes,  and  Byzantium  revolt  from  Athens.    First  year  of  the  Social 

War.  mu  w 

The  Phocians  seize  Delphi.     Commencement  of  the  Sacred  War.    The  Thebans 

and  the  Locrians  are  the  chief  opponents  of  the  Phocians. 
Dion  sails  from  Zacynthus  and  lands  in  Sicily  about  September. 
Second  year  of  the  Social  War. 
Birth  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Philip  and  Olympias,  at  the  time  of  the  Olympic 

games. 
Potidtea  taken  by  Philip,  who  gives  it  to  Olynthus. 
Dionysius  the  younger  expelled  from  Syracuse  by  Dion,  aRer  a  reign 


of  13 


349. 

348. 
347. 


346. 


345. 
344. 


343. 


342. 


341. 


339. 


338. 


336. 
335. 


334. 


Third  and  last  year  of  the  Social  War.  Peace  concluded  between  Athens  and 
her  former  allies. 

Trial  and  condemnation  of  Timotheus. 

Demosthenes  begins  to  si)eak  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people. 

Philip  seizes  upon  Pagas«,  and  begins  to  besiege  Methone. 

Death  of  Dion.  ^    ,        ^ 

Philip  takes  Methone  and  enters  Thessaly.  He  defeats  and  slays  Onomarchus, 
the  Phocian  general,  expels  the  tyrants  from  Phera;,  and  becomes  master  of 
Thessaly.  He  attempts  to  pass  Thermopylae,  but  is  prevented  by  the  Athen- 
ians. 

War  between  Laceda^mon  and  Megalopolis. 

The  first  Philippic  of  Demosthenes. 

The  Olynthians,  attacked  by  Philip,  ask  succour  from  Athens. 

The  Olynthiac  orations  of  Demosthenes. 

Olynthian  war  continued. 

Olynthus  taken  and  destroyed  by  Philip.  ,      .     v 

Death  of  Plato,  a;t.  82.  Speusippus  succeeds  Plato.  Aristotle,  upon  the  death 
of  Plato,  went  to  Atarneus. 

Peace  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 

Philip  overruns  Phocis  and  brings  the  Sacred  War  to  an  end,  after  it  had  lasted 
10  years.    All  the  Phocian  cities,  except  Abae,  were  destroyed. 

Oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Peace. 

Speech  of  jEschines  against  Timarchus. 

Timoleon  sails  from  Corinth  to  Syracuse,  to  expel  the  tyrant  Dionysius. 

Aristotle,  after  three  years'  stay  at  Atarneus,  went  to  Mytilene. 

The  second  Philippic  of  Demosthenes. 

Timoleon  completes  the  conquest  of  Syracuse. 

Disputes  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 

The  speech  of  Demosthenes  respecting  Halonnesus. 

The  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ^schines  llEpi  UapaiTpeafieiag. 

Philip's  expedition  to  Thrace.  He  is  opposed  by  Diopithes,  the  Athenian  gen- 
eral at  the  Chersonesus. 

Aristotle  comes  to  the  court  of  Philip. 

Isocrates,  a;t.  94,  began  to  compose  the  Panathenaic  oration. 

Birth  of  Epicurus. 

Philip  is  still  in  Thrace,  where  he  wintered.  ^.  „,. . 

The  oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Chersonesus,  and  the  third  and  fourth  Phu- 
ippics. 

Philip  besieges  Selymbria,  Periiithus,  and  Byzantium. 

Renewal  of  the  war  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians.  Phocion  compels  Philip 
to  raise  the  siege  both  of  Byzantium  and  Perinthus. 

Xenocrates  succeeds  Speusippus  at  the  Academy. 

Philip  is  chosen  general  of  the  Amphictyons  to  carry  on  the  war  against  Am- 
phissa.  He  marches  through  Thermopylae  and  seizes  Elatea.  The  Athenians 
form  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans ;  but  their  united  forces  are  defeated  by 
Philip  at  the  battle  of  Chneronea,  fought  on  the  7th  of  Metageitnion  (August). 
Philip  becomes  master  of  Greece.  Congress  at  Corinth,  in  which  war  is  de- 
clared by  Greece  against  Persia,  and  Philip  appointed  to  conduct  it. 

Death  of  Isocrates,  jet.  98. 

Death  of  Timoleon. 

Murder  of  Philip,  and  accession  of  his  son  Alexander,  aet.  20. 
Alexander  marches  against  the  Thracians,  Triballi,  and  lllynans.    While  he  is 
engaged  in  this  war  Thebes  revolts.    He  forthwith  marches  southwards  and 

destroys  Thebes.  ,.    tt  »  .      .v 

Alexander  commences  the  war  against  Persia.    He  crosses  the  Hellespont  in  the 

spring,  defeats  the  Persian  satraps  at  the  Granicus  in  May,  and  conquers  the 

western  part  of  Asia  Minor. 
Aristotle  returns  to  Athens 


Wl 


612 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


B.C. 

333. 
333. 


331. 


330. 


329. 

338. 
327. 


326. 
325. 
324. 
323. 


323. 


SSI. 

3ia 

317. 
317. 

315. 


Alexander  Bubdiiea  Lycia  in  the  winter,  collects  his  forces  at  Gordium  in  the 

spring,  and  defeats  Darius  at  Issus  late  in  the  autumn. 
Alexander  takes  Tyre,  after  a  siege  of  seven  months,  in  July.    He  takes  Gaza 
in  September,  and  then  marches  into  Egypt,  which  submits  to  him.    In  tliu 
winter  he  visits  the  oracle  of  Amnion,  and  gives  orders  for  the  foundation  ot 
Alexandria. 
Alexander  sets  out  from  Memphis  in  the  spring,  marches  through  Phcenicia  and 
Syria,  crosses  the  Euphrates  at  Thapsacus  in  th..-  middle  of  the  sunmier,  atiti 
defeats  Darius  again  at  Arbela  or  Gaugamela  on  the  1st  of  October,    lie  win- 
tered at  Persepolis. 
In  Greece  Agis  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Antipater. 

Alexander  marches  into  Media,  and  takes  Eehalana.    From  thence  he  sets  out 
in  pursuit  of  Darius,  who  is  slain  by  Bessus.    After  the  death  of  Darius,  Al- 
exander conquers  Ilyrcania,  and  marches  in  pursuit  of  Bessus  tiirougU  Drau- 
giana  and  Arachosia,  towards  Bactria. 
The  speech  of  ^schines  against  Ctesiphon,  and  the  speech  of  Demosthenes  on 

the  Crown.    j£schines,  after  his  failure,  withdrew  to  Asia. 
Philemon  began  to  exhibit  comedy  during  the  reign  of  Alexander,  a  little  earlier 

than  Menaiidor. 
Alexander  marches  across  the  Paropamisus  in  the  winter,  passes  the  Oxus, 
takes  Bessus,  and  reaches  the  Jaxartes,  where  he  founds  a  city,  Alexandria 
Eschate.    He  subsequently  crosses  the  Jaxartes  and  defeats  the  Scythians. 
lie  winters  at  Bacira. 
Alexander  is  employed  during  the  whole  of  this  campaign  in  the  conquest  of  Sog- 

diana. 
He  marries  Roxana,  the  daughter  of  Oxyartcs,  a  Bactrian  prince. 
At\er  the  subjugation  of  Sogdiana  Alexander  returns  to  Uactra,  from  whence  he 
marches  to  invade  India.     lie  crosses  the  Ilydaspes  and  defeats  Porus.     He 
continues  his  inarch  as  far  as  the  Hyphasis,  but  is  there  compelled  by  his 
troops  to  return  to  the  Ilydaspes.     In  the  autumn  he  begins  to  sail  down  the 
Hydaspes  and  the  Indus  to  the  Ocean,  which  he  reached  in  July  in  the  follow- 
ing year. 
Alexander  returns  to  Persia,  with  part  of  his  troops,  through  Gedrosia.    He 
sends  Nearchus  with  the  tlcet  to  sail  from  the  mouths  of  the  Indus  to  the  Per- 
sian gulph.    Nearchus  accomplishes  the  voyage  in  129  days. 
Alexander  reaches  Susa  at  the  beginning  of  the  year.    Towards  the  close  of  it 
he  visits  Ecbaiana,  where  Hephajstion  dies.    Ilarpalus  comes  to  Athens,  ana 
bribes  many  of  the  Greek  orators. 
Alexander  reaches  Babylon  in  the  spring. 
Demosthenes,  accused  of  having  received  a  bribe  from  Ilarpalus,  is  condenmed 

to  pay  a  fine  of  50  talents.    He  withdraws  to  Trcezen  and  ^gina. 
Death  of  Alexander  at  Babylon,  in  June,  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years  and  eight 

months. 
Division  of  the  satrapies  among  Alexander's  generals. 

The  Greek  states  make  war  against  Macedonia,  usually  called  the  Lamian  war. 
Leosthenes,  the  Athenian  general,  defeats  Antipater,  and  besieges  Lamia,  in 
which  Antipater  had  taken  refuge.    Death  of  Leosthenes. 
Demosthenes  returns  to  Athens. 

Leonnatus  comes  to  the  assistance  of  Antipater,  but  is  defeated  and  slain.     Cra- 

terus  comes  to  the  assistance  of  Antipater.     Defeat  of  the  confederates  at  the 

battle  of  Crannon  on  the  Tih  of  August.    End  of  the  Lamian  war.    Munychia 

occupied  by  the  Macedonians. 

Death  of  Demosthenes  on  the  14th  of  October. 

Death  of  Aristotle,  a;t.  63,  at  Chalcis,  whither  he  had  withdrawn  from  Athens  a 

few  months  before. 
Perdiccas  invades  Egypt,  where  he  is  slain  by  his  own  troops.    Partition  of  the 

provinces  at  Triparadisus. 
Menander,  set.  20,  exhibits  his  first  comedy. 
Death  of  Antipater,  after  appointuig  Polysperchon  regent,  and  his  son  Cassander 

chiliarch. 
War  between  Cassander  and  Polysperchon  in  Greece.    The  Athenians  put  Pho- 
cion  to  death.    Athens  is  conquered  by  Cassander,  who  places  it  under  the 
government  of  Demetrius  Phalereus. 
Death  of  Philip  Arrhidieus  and  Eurydice. 

Olympias  returns  to  Macedonia,  and  is  besieged  by  Cassander  at  Pydna 
Antigonus  becomes  master  of  Asia.     Cassander  takes  Pydna,  and  puts  Olympias 

to  death.    He  rebudds  Thebes. 
Coalition  of  Seleucus,  Ptolemy,  Cassander,  and  Lysimachus  against  Amiaonus. 

First  year  of  the  war. 
Polenion  succeeds  Xeiiocratt's  at  iho  Aradeniy. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLK 


618 


B.C. 

314.  Second  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 

Death  of  the  orator  .(Eschines,  set.  75. 
313.  Third  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 
312.  Fourth  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 

311.  General  peace.    Murder  of  Roxana  and  Alexander  IV.  by  Cassander. 
310.  Ptolemy  appears  as  hberator  of  the  Greeks.    Renewal  of  hostilities  between  hint 

and  Antigonus. 
308.  Ptolemy's  expedition  to  Greece. 

307.  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Antigonus,  becomes  master  of  Athens.    Demetrius  Pha- 
lereus leaves  the  city. 
30&  Demetrius  recalled  from  Athens.    He  defeats  Ptolemy  in  a  great  sea-fight  off 
Salamis  in  Cyprus.    After  that  battle  Antigonus  assumes  the  title  of  king,  and 
his  example  is  followed  by  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Lysimachus,  and  Cassander. 
Epicurus  settles  at  Athens,  where  he  teaches  about  36  years. 
305.  Rhodes  besieged  by  Demetrius. 

304.  Demetrius  makes  peace  with  the  Rhodians,  and  returns  to  Athens. 
303.  Demetrius  carries  on  the  war  in  Greece  with  success  against  Cassander. 
302L  War  continued  m  Greece  between  Demetrius  and  Cassander. 
301.  Demetrius  crosses  over  to  Asia. 

Battle  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  about  the  month  of  August,  in  which  Lysimachus  and 
Seleucus  defeat  Antigonus  and  Demetnus.  Antigonus,  set.  81 ,  falls  in  the  battle. 
297.  Demetrius  returns  to  Greece,  and  makes  an  attempt  upon  Athens,  but  is  re- 
pulsed. 
Death  of  Cassander  and  accession  of  his  son  Philip  IV. 
295.  Death  of  Philip  IV.  and  accession  of  his  brother  Antipater. 
Demetrius  takes  Athens. 

Civil  war  in  Macedonia  between  the  two  brothers,  Antipater  and  Alexander. 
Demetrius  becomes  king  of  Macedonia. 
291.  Death  of  Menander,  set.  52. 
290.  Demetrius  takes  Thebes  a  second  time.    He  celebrates  the  Pythian  games  at 

Athens. 
287.  Coalition  against  Demetrius.     He  is  driven  out  of  Macedonia,  and  his  dominions 
divided  between  Lysimachus  and  Pyrrhus. 
Demetrius  sails  to  Asia. 

Pyrrhus  driven  out  of  Macedonia  by  Lysimachus  after  seven  months*  possession. 
286.  Demetrius  surrenders  himself  to  Seleucus,  who  keeps  him  in  captivity. 
285.  Ptolemy  II.  Philadelphus  is  associated  in  the  kingdom  by  his  father. 
283.  Demetrius,  set.  54,  dies  in  captivity  at  Apamea  in  Syria. 

Death  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  set.  84. 
281.  Lysimachus  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus,  at  the  battle  of  Corupedion. 
280.  Seleucus  murdered  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  seven  months  after  the  death  of  Ly- 
simachus. 
Antiochus  I.,  the  son  of  Seleucus,  becomes  king  of  Asia,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  king 

of  Thrace  and  Macedonia. 
Irruption  of  the  Gauls  and  death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus. 
Rise  of  the  Achaean  league. 
279.  The  Gauls  under  Brennus  invade  Greece,  but  Brennus  and  a  great  part  of  his 

army  are  destroyed  at  Delphi. 
278.  Antigonus  Gonatas  becomes  king  of  Macedonia. 
273.  Pyrrhus  invades  Macedonia,  and  expels  Antigonus  Gonatas. 
272.  Pyrrhus  invades  Peloponnesus,  and  perishes  in  an  attack  on  Argos.    Antigonus 

regains  Macedonia. 
962.  Death  of  Philemon,  the  comic  poet,  set.  97. 
251.  Aratus  delivers  Sicyon,  and  unites  it  to  the  Achaean  League. 
243.  Aratus,  a  second  time  general  of  the  Achaean  League,  delivers  Corinth  from  the 

Macedonians. 
341.  Agis  IV.,  king  of  Sparta,  put  to  death  in  oonsequence  of  his  attempts  to  reform 

the  state. 
239.  Death  of  Antigonus,  and  accession  of  his  son,  Demetrius  II. 
236.  Cleomenes  111.  becomes  king  of  Sparta. 
229.  Death  of  Demetrius  II.,  and  accession  of  Antigonus  Doson,  who  was  left  by 

Demetrius  guardian  of  his  son  Philip. 
227.  Cleomenes  commences  war  against  the  Achaean  League. 
226.  Cleomenes  carries  on  the  war  with  success  against  Aratus,  who  is  again  the 

general  of  the  Achaean  League. 
225i   Reforms  of  Cleomenes  at  Sparta. 

224.  The  Achaeans  call  in  the  assistance  of  Antigonus  Doson  against  Cleomenes. 
221.  Antigonus  defeats  Cleomenes  at  Sellasia,  and  obtains  possession  of  Sparta. 
Cleomenes  sails  to  Egypt,  where  he  dies.    Extinction  of  the  royal  line  of  the 
Heraclidae  at  Sparta. 


i 
I 


614 


B.C. 


217. 
216. 
213. 
211. 
SOS. 


207. 

905. 

200. 
197. 
196. 
192. 


191. 

189. 

188. 

183. 

179. 
171. 
168. 

167. 

IM. 
147. 
146. 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Death  ofAiitigonns  Doson,  and  accession  of  Philip  V.,  aet  17. 

The  Achaeans  and  Aratus  are  defeated  by  the  jfliolians.    The  Achsans  apply  for 

assistance  to  Philip,  who  espouses  their  cause.    Commencement  of  the  Social 

War. 
Third  and  last  year  of  the  Social  War.    Peace  concluded. 
Philip  concludes  a  treaty  with  Hannibal. 
Philip  removes  Aratus  by  poison. 
Treaty  between  Rome  and  the  ^f:tolians  against  Philip. 
Philip  marches  into  Peloponnesus  to  assist  the  Aclueans. 
Philopoemen  is  elected  general  of  the  Ach«an  League,  and  effects  important  r©- 

forms  m  the  army. 
Philopcemen  defeats  and  slays  Machanidas,  tjTant  of  Lacedaemon,  at  the  battle 

of  Mantinea. 
The  JEtolians  make  peace  with  Philip.    Philip's  treaty  with  Rome. 
War  between  Philip  and  Rome. 
Philip  defeated  at  the  battle  ofCynoscephalaj. 
Greece  declared  free  by  Flamininus  at  the  Isthmian  games. 
Lacedipmon  is  added  by  Philopoemen  to  the  Achfean  League. 
Antiochus  comes  into  Greece  to  assist  the  .£tolians  against  the  Romans.    IIo 

winters  at  Chalcis. 
Antiochus  and  the  ^tollans  defeated  by  the  Romans  at  the  battle  of  Thermopylae. 
The  Romans  besiege  Ambracia,  and  grant  peace  to  the  .Etolians. 
Philoptemen,  again  general  of  the  Acheean  League,  subjugates  Sparta,  and  ab- 
rogates the  laws  of  Lycurgus. 
The  Messenians  revolt  from  the  Achsan  League.    They  capture  and  put  to 

death  Philopcemcn. 
Death  of  Philip  and  accession  of  Perseus. 
War  between  Perseus  and  Rome. 
Defeat  and  capture  of  Perseus  by  JCmilius  Paultis. 
Division  of  Macedonia. 
One  thousand  of  the  principal  Achaeans  are  sent  to  Rome.    Polybius  is  among 

the  Achtean  exiles. 
Embassy  of  the  three  philosophers  to  Rome.    Return  of  the  Acheean  exiles. 
War  between  Rome  and  the  Achxans. 
Destruction  of  Corinth  by  Mummius.    Greece  becomes  a  Roman  province. 


Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth.  On  the  obverse  the  head  of  Antoninus  Pius ;  on  the  reverse 
Iho  port  of  Cenchreae.  The  letters  C.L.I.  Cor.  stand  for  Colonia  Laus  .Julia  Corin- 
tlius,  the  name  given  to  the  city  when  Julius  Caesar  founded  a  colony  there  in  b.c.  46. 


APPENDIX 


BY    THE    AMERICAN    EDITOR. 


rivers  r 


GEOGRAPHICAL  OUTLINE. 

(FROM  HEEREN.) 

Greece  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Cambur.ian  mount* 
ains,  which  separate  it  from  Macedonia;  on  tlie  Boundaries 
south  and  east  by  the  ^gajan,  on  the  west  by  the  lu-  o'  Greece : 
nian  Sea.  Greatest  length  from  south  to  north  =  220  geogr. 
miles,  greatest  breadth  from  west  to  east,  =  140  ^^  dimen- 
^geogr.  miles.  Superficial  contents,  =  29,600  square  sions: 
miles. — Principal  rivers :  the  Peneus,  which  discharges  its  wa- 
ters into  the  iEgaian,  and  the  Achelous,  which  flows  into 
the  Ionian  Sea.  Advantages  in  respect  to  fertility,  result- 
ing from  the  mildness  of  the  climate,  between  37 — 40°  N.  lat. ; 
from  the  number  of  small  streams ;  from  the  qualities  physical  ad- 
and  variety  of  soil,  in  which  this  country  has  been  so  vantages, 
much  more  blessed  by  nature  than  any  other  of  similar  extent, 
that  every  branch  of  cultivation  may  be  prosecuted  equally  and 
in  conjunction. — Advantages  in  reference  to  navigation  and 
commerce :  situated  in  the  vicinity  of  the  three  quarters  of  the 
world,  on  three  sides  washed  by  the  sea,  and  by  reason  of  its 
irregular,  indented  coast,  abounding  with  commodious  ports  and 
havens. 

It  may  be  divided  into  Northern  Greece,  from  the  north 
boundary  to  the  chain  of  (Eta  and  Pindus,  between  the         . 
Ambracian  Gulf  west,  and  the  Maliac  east.     Central 
Greece,  or  Hellas,  down  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth :    and  the 
southern  peninsula,  or  Peloponnesus. 

Northern  Greece  comprises  two  countries  ;  Thessa-  northerx 
ly  east,  Epirus  west.  Greece. 

1.  Thessaly,  the  largest  and  one  of  the  most  fruitful  of  the 
Grecian   countries.      Length  from  north  to   south  60   geogr. 


l;^. 


'iHii 


II 


i< 


I 


616 


APPENDIX 


miles;  breadth  from  west  to  east  64  geogr.  miles.  Rivers'; 
TiMSMaiy.  *^®  Peneus,  Apidanus,  and  several  smaller  streams. 
Mountains ;  Olympus,  residence  of  the  fabulous  gods, 
and  Ossa  in  the  north ;  the  chain  of  (Eta,  Othrys,  and  Pindus 
in  the  south.  Division  into  five  provinces  :  1.  Estiseotis  :  cities ; 
Gomphi,  Azorus.  2.  Pelasgiotis :  cities ;  Larissa,  Gonni,  the 
vale  of  Tempe.  3.  ThessaUotis :  cities ;  Pliarsalus,  etc.  4. 
Phthiotis:  cities;  Pherae,  etc.  5.  The  foreland  of  Magnesia, 
with  a  city  of  the  same  name.  Other  territories,  such  as  Per- 
ihsebia,  etc.  for  instance,  derived  their  names  from  the  non- 
Greek  races  who  inhabited  them. 

2.  Epirus.     Next  to  Thessaly,  the  largest,  although  one  of 
Epirus   *^?  ^^^^  cultivated  countries  of  Greece  :   48 — 60  geogr. 
miles  long,  and  the  same  in  breadth.     Divisions  :  Molos- 
sis;  city,  Ambracia :  Thesprotia;  city,  Buthrotum ;  in  the  in- 
terior, Dodona. 

Cewthai.       Central   Greece,   or   Hellas,   comprises   nine   coun- 
Gbebci.   tries. 

1.  Attica,  a  foreland,  extending  towards  the  southeast,  and 
Attica.  gr*^dually  diminishing.     Length,  60  geogr.  miles ;  great- 

*  est  breadth,  24  geogr.  miles.  Rivers ;  Ilissus,  Cephis- 
sus.  Mountains;  Hymettus,  Pentehcus,  and  the  headland  of 
Sunium.  City ;  Athens,  with  the  harbours  Piraeus,  Phalereus, 
and  Munychius ;  in  the  other  parts  no  towns,  but  hamlets,  %o/, 
such  as  Marathon,  Eleusis,  Decelea,  etc. 

2.  Megaris,  close  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth.     The  smallest  of 
MegariB.  ^^®  Grecian  countries ;    16  geogr.  miles  long,  and  from 

*  4 — 8  broad.     City,  Megara. 

3.  BoBotia,  a  mountainous  and  marshy  country,  52  geotrr. 

BcBotia.  "^^*^^  ^^^'  ^"^  ^^^  28—32  broad.  Rivers;  Asopus, 
Ismenus,  and  several  smaller  streams.  Mountains  ;  He- 
licon, Citheron,  etc.  Lake  ;  Copais. — BoBotia  was,  of  all  the 
Grecian  countries,  that  which  contained  the  greatest  number  of 
cities,  each  having  its  own  separate  territory.  Among  these, 
the  first  in  importance,  and  frequently  mistress  of  the  rest,  was 
Thebes  on  the  Ismenus.  The  others,  PlataeaB,  Tanagra,  Thes- 
piae,  Chaironea,  Lebadea,  Leuctra,  and  Orchomenus,  are  all  cel- 
ebrated in  Grecian  history. 

4.  Phocis.  smaller  than  Attica ;    48  geogr.  miles  long,  from 


APPENDIX. 


617 


4 — 20    broad.      River ;    Cephissus.      Mountain ;    Parnassus. 
Cities  ;  Delphi,  on  Parnassus,  with  the  celebrated  oracle         . 
of  Apollo ;  Crissa,  with  the  harbour  of  Cirrha,  and,  up 
the  country,  Elatea.     The  other  cities  are  insignificant. 

5,  6.  The  two  countries  called  Locris.  The  eastern  on  the 
Euripus,  territory  of  the  Locri  Opuntii  and  Epicnemidii,  Locris  ist 
is  the  lesser  of  the  two ;  being  but  little  larger  than  ^'^  ^• 
Megaris.  City  ;  Opus  :  pass,  Thermopylae.  The  western  Lo- 
cris on  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  station  of  the  Locri  Ozolae,  is  from 
20 — 24  geogr.  miles  long,  and  from  16 — 20  broad.  Cities; 
Naupactus  on  the  sea,  Amphissa  up  the  country. 

7.  The  small  country  of  Doris,  or  the  Tetrapolis  Dorica,  on 
the  south  side  of  Mount  (Eta,  from  8 — 12  geogr.  miles       . 
long,  and  the  same  in  breadth. 

8.  ^tolia,   somewhat  larger   than   Boeotia ;    from   40 — 52 
geogr.  miles  long,  and  from   28 — 32  broad ;    but  the 

least  cultivated  country  of  all.     Rivers  ;  Achelous,  which 

skirts  Acamania,   and  the  Evenus.      Cities;    Calydon,  Ther- 

mus. 

9.  Acarnania,  the  most  western  country  of  Hellas,  32  geogr. 
miles  lonff,  and  from  16 — 24  broad.     River  ;  Achelo-   , 

us.     Cities ;  Argos  Amphilochicum,  and  Stratus. 


The  Peninsula  of  Peloponnesus  contains  eight  coun-  pelopon- 
tries.  KEsijs. 


1.  Arcadia,  a  mountainous  country,  abounding  in  pastures, 
and  situate  in  the  centre  of  the  peninsula ;   greatest 
length,  48  geogr.  miles ;  greatest  breadth,  36  geogr. 

miles.     Mountains ;    Cyllene,  Erymanthus,  etc.      Rivers ;    Al- 
pheus,  Erymanthus,  and  several  smaller  streams.     Lake  :  Styx 
Cities ;  Mantinea,  Tegea,  Orchomenus,  Heraea,  Psophis ;  subse- 
quently Megalopolis,  as  a  common  capital. 

2.  Laconia,    likewise    mountainous.      Greatest    length,    66 
geogr.  miles ;  greatest  breadth,  36  geogr.  miles.     Riv- 
er ;    Eurotas.     Mountains ;    Taygetus,  and  the  head- 
lands Malea  and  Tenarium.     Cities ;    Sparta  on  the  Eurotas. 
Other  places ;  Amyclae,  Sellasia,  and  others  of  little  importance. 

3.  Messenia,  west  of  Laconia ;   a  more  level  and  extremely 


618 


II 


APPENDIX 


fertile  country,  subject  to  the  Spartans  from  b.c.  668.  Great- 
Messenia.  ^^  length,  28  geogr.  miles  :  greatest  breadth,  36  geogr. 
miles.  City  ;  Messene.  Frontier  places ;  Ithome  and 
Ira  :  of  the  other  places,  Pylus  (Navarino)  and  Methone  arc  uie 
most  celebrated. 


Elis. 


4.  Elis,  with  the  small  territory  of  Triphylia,  on  the  west  of 
the  Peloponnesus.  Length  60  geogr.  miles:  greatest 
breadth,  28  geogr.  miles.     Rivers ;  Alpheus,  Peneus,  Sel- 

lis,  and  several  smaller  streams.  Cities ;  in  the  north,  Elis, 
Cyllene,  and  Pylus  :  on  the  Alpheus,  Pisa  and  the  neighbouring 
town  of  Olympia  :  in  Triphylia,  a  third  Pylus 

5.  Argolis,  on  the  east  side  of  the  peninsula ;  a  foreland  op- 
ArgoUs    P^**®  ^°  Attica,  with  which  it  forms  the  Sinus  Saroni- 

cus.  Length,  64  geogr.  miles:  breadth,  from  8 — 28 
geogr.  miles.  Cities;  Argos,  Mycenae,  Epidaurus.  Smaller 
but  remarkable  places ;  Nemea,  Cynuria,  Trcezen. 


6.  Achaia,  originally  Ionia,  called  likewise  ^Egialus,  com- 
prises  the   north    coast.      Length,    56    geogr.    miles: 
breadth,  from  12 — 24.     It  contains  twelve  cities,  of 
which  Dyme,  Patrae,  and  Pellene,  are  the  most  important 


Acbaia. 


Sieyonia        '^'  '^^^  ^^*^^®  country  of  Sicyonia,  1 6  geogr.  miles  long, 
8  broad,  with  the  cities  of  Sicyon  and  Phhus. 

8.  The  small  territory  of  Corinth,  of  the  same  extent  as  the 

Corinth   ^^^^^^S^ing,  adjoining  the  isthmus  which  connects  Pelopon- 

■  nesus  with  the  mainland.      City;    Corinth,  originally 

Ephyra,  with  the  ports  of  Lechaeum  and  Cenchreaj ;  the  former 

on  the  Corinthian,  the  latter  on  the  Saronic  Gulf 

The  Greek  Islands  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  ;   those 
Islands    ^^}}^^  \*®  immediately  off  the  coasts,  those  which  ai« 


open  sea. 


collected  in  groups,  and  those  which  he  separate  in  the 


1.  Islands  off  the  coasts.  Off  the  west  coast  in  the  Ionian 
Sea :  Corcyra,  opposite  Epirus,  32  geogr.  miles  long, 
from  8 — 16  broad.  City;  Corcyra.  A  Corinthian 
colony.  Opposite  Acamania  ;  Leucadia,  with  the  city 
and  headland  of  Leucas. — Cephalonia  or  Same,  orig- 
inally Scheria,  with  the  cities  of  Same  and  Cephalo- 
nia.    In  the  neighbourhood  hes  the  small  island  of  Ithaca- — 


Of  the 
coasts. 
Corcyra ; 
Leucadia ; 

Cephalonia 
and  Ithaca ; 


APPENDIX. 


619 


Opposite  Elis,  Zacynthus.      Off  the  southcoast,  Cythera,  with 
a  town  of  the  same  name.     Off  the  east  coast,  in  the  zacynthus-, 
Saronic  Gulf,  ^gina  and  Salamis.     Opposite  Bceotia,  Cythera; 
from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  Strait  named  Eu-  ^gina  and 
ripus,  Euboca,  the  most  extensive  of  all ;    76  geogr.   ^^'^'"'^ ' 
miles  long,  from  12 — 16  geogr.  miles  broad.     Cities  ;  Eubrea, 
Oreus,  with  the  headland  of  Artemisiumon  the  north,  scyathus, 
in  the  centre  Chalcis,  Eretria.     Off  Thessaly,  Scya-  Thasus.im- 
thus,  and  Haloncsus.     Farther  north,  Thasus,  Imbrus,  Ihrace^L^S^ 
Samothrace,  and  Lemnos.  "o^'  «'«. 

2.  Clusters  of  Islands  in  the  JEgaean  sea :  the  Cyclades  and 
Sporades ;  the  former  of  which  comprise  the  western,  g^^  , 
the  latter  the  eastern  islands  of  the  Archipelago.     The  J  ^i  d 
the  most  important  among  them  are,  Andros,  Delos,  Pa-  a^d  spS 
ros,  Naxos,  Melos,  all  with  cities  of  the  same  names. 


rades. 


3.  The  more  extensive  separate  islands  :   1.  Crete,  140  geogr. 
miles   long,    from    24 — 40    broad.       Mountain  ;    Ida.  Separate. 
Cities;    Cydonia,  Gortyna,  Cnossus.     2.   Cyprus,   120  terete; 
geogr.  miles  long,  and  from  20—80  broad.     Cities  ;  Sa- 
lamis, Paphos,  Citium,  and  several  smaller  places. 


Cyprus. 


i 


I 

li 


i 
I 


GRECIAN  METHOD  OF  CALCULATING  TIME. 

Our  knowledge  of  Greek  chronology  is  very  imperfect,  the  only  paii 
which  has  been  fully  preserved  being  that  of  the  Athenians.  This  people, 
like  the  Romans  of  Numa,  divided  their  year  by  the  revolutions  of  the  moon, 
making  up  for  its  irregularities  by  intercalation.  The  Athenian  year  con- 
tained twelve  months,  each  of  them  alternately  twenty-nine  and  thirty  days 
long.  The  year  began  at  the  summer  solstice,  and,  in  order  to  make  the  be- 
ginning regular,  they  formed  cycles  of  eight  and  nineteen  years,  intercalating 
three  months  for  the  first,  or  seven  for  the  second.  The  month  was  divided 
into  decades,  and  the  days  were  counted  from  the  beginning  for  the  first  two 
decades,  and  from  the  beginning  or  end  for  the  last.  Thus  the  second  of  the 
month  was  the  second  of  the  opening  month.  The  elevenih  was  \)xe  first  of  the 
middle  of  the  month,  and  the  ttoentt/first  was  either  the^r«f  after  the  twentieth^ 
or  the  tenth  from  the  end  of  the  month,  or  the  first  of  the  closing  month.  The 
day,  like  that  of  the  Jews  and  Mahometans,  began  at  sunset. 

in  classifying  the  year,  like  the  Spartans  and  Romans,  they  used  the  name 
of  the  presiding  magistrate ;  so  that  Athenian  chronology  was  counted  by 
Archons.  The  Olympiad  was  first  used  by  Timseus  of  Sicily,  the  historian, 
in  the  fifth  century  before  Christ. 

The  Olympic  games,  the  great  national  festival  of  Greece,  were  celebrated 
every  five  years.  The  first  authentic  Olympiad  is  known  as  the  Olympiad 
of  CoroBbus  the  Elean,  who  gained  the  prize  in  the  foct-race  in  the  year  776 
before  Christ.  But  modern  writers  have  adopted  the  more  convenient  method 
of  calculating  events  by  the  year  before  and  after  Christ ;  a  system  which  has 
the  great  advantage  of  being  equally  applicable  to  the  history  of  every  nation. 


TABLE  OF  GRECIAN  CHRONOLOGY  BY  PERIODS,  COMPARED  WITH 

THAT  OF  ROME,  ETC. 

First  Period. 

MYTHICAL  AGE  OF  GREECE.-1184  to  776  B.C. 

This  period  begins  with  the  conjectural  date  of  the  capture  of  Troy,  1184 
B.C.,  and  ends  with  the  first  Olympiad,  776  B.C. 


WaCvV' 

1000. 
878. 


OSB£CC. 


850.  Homer— by  conjecture — 850. 
776.  Lycurgus— 776? 

Second  Period. 


GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES.- 
776  B.C.  to  594  B.C. 

776.  Restoration  of  the  Olympic  games  and  vic- 
tory of  Corcebus. 
753. 
747.  Phidon  of  Argos. 


ROME,   PERSIA,   ETC. 

Solomon— 1004. 
Carthage— 878? 


Rome  founded. 
iEra  of  Nabonassor. 
Isaiah. 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLES. 

Third  Period. 
594  B.C.  to  501  B.C. 


621 


S.O*  OREECB. 

594.  SoW  archon  and  legislator  of  Athens. 

660.  Pisistratus  usurps  the  government  at  Athens. 

559.  Anacreon  begins  to  be  distinguished. 


532.  Polvcrates  becomes  Tyrant  of  Sardis. 

Pythagoras  flourished. 
629. 

527.  Death  of  Pisistratus. 
525.  ^schylus  bom. 

Anacreon  and  Simonides  come  to  Athens. 

Choerilus  of  Athens  first  exhibits  tragedy. 
518.  Pindar  born. 
510.  Expulsion  of  Hippias. 

Ten  tribes  instituted  by  Clisthenes. 
501. 

500.  Ionian  revolt. 

Fourth  Period. 

PERSIAN  WAR.— 500  to  battle  of  plat^a, 

479. 

499.  Sardis  burnt. 
494. 

490.  Battle  of  Marathon. 
485. 


484.  Birth  of  Herodotus. 

480.  Invasion  of  Xerxes. 

Thermopylae — Artemisium — Salamis. 
479.  Battle  of  Platsa. 


Fifth  Period. 

SUPREMACY  OF  ATHENS,  WHICH  LAST- 
ED  ABOUT  SEVENTY  YEARS.— from 
the  battle  of  flat.£a,  479,  to  the  peace 

OF  CIMON,  449. 

478.  The  maritime  allies  place  themselves  under 

the  supremacy  of  Athens. 
471.  Thcmistocles  ostracised. 


ROME,  PERSIA,  BTC. 

Tarquin  the  Elder,  king 
of  Rome,  and  Nebu- 
chadnezzarof  Babylon. 

Cyrus  in  Persia. 

End  of  the  Median  em- 
pire. 

Servius  TuUius  king  of 
Rome. 


Death  of  Cyrus. 

Cambyses  conquers 
Egypt. 

Expulsion  of  Tarquin. 

Titus     Lartius     Flavus 
first  Dictator  of  Rome. 


Institution  of  the  tribunes 
of  the  people  at  Rome. 

Xerxes  succeeds  Darius. 

GeJon  becomes  master  of 
Syracuse. 

Spurius  Cassius,  who 
the  preceding  year  had 
proposed  the  first  Agra- 
rian law,  condemned 
to  death. 

Egypt  reconquered  by  the 
Persians. 

Fourth  year  of  war  with 
Veii. 

The  Fabia  Gens  take 
their  station  on  th« 
Cremera. 


Hieron  succeeds  Gelon 
at  Syracuse. 


622 


APPENDIX 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLES 


623 


B.C. 

471. 


OREBCE. 


P 


III 


'I' 


Thucydides  born. 

Pausanias  put  to  death. 

Timoleon  of  Rhodes,  the  lyric  poet,  flour- 
ished. 
468.  Aristides  dies. 

Socrates  born. 

Sophocles  gains  his  first  prize  in  tragedy. 

Mycenae  destroyed  by  the  Argives. 
467.  Simonides  dies,  aged  90. 

Andocides  the  orator  born. 

461.  Cimon  ostracised.     Pericles  at  the  head  of 
affairs  in  Athens. 

460.  First  year  of  the  Egyptian  war,  which  lasts 
six.  The  Athenians  send  aid  to  the  Egyp- 
tians. 

Democritus  and  Hippocrates  bom. 
449.  Death  of  Cimon. 

Pmcc  with  Persia— improperly  called  the 
Peace  of  Cimon. 

Sixth  period, 
from  the  peace  of  cimon,  449,  to  the  first 

YEAR  OP  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR,  431. 

448.  Sacred  War   between   the   Delphians  and 

Locrians. 
445.  Thirty  years*  truce   between   Athens    and 

Sparta. 


443.  The  Athenians  send  a  colony  to  Thurii  in 
Italy,  which  Herodotus,  aet.  41,  accompa- 
nied, and  Lysias,  ast.  15. 

439.  Athens  at  the  height  of  her  glory.  Pericles 
at  the  head  of  affairs. 

432.  The  Corinthians  defeated  by  the  Corcyrseans 
and  Athenians. 
Revolt  of  Potidaea. 
Congress  of  Peloponnesians  to  decide  on 

war  against  Athens. 
Prosecution  of  Anuxagoras  and  Aspasia. 
Prosecution  and  death  of  Phidias. 
431. 


Seventh  Period. 

f  lOM  THE  FIRST  YEAR  OF  THE    PELOPONNESIAN 
WAR,  431,  TO  THE  FIFTY  YEARs'  TRUCE,  421. 

430.  Plague  at  Athens. 

429.  Athenians  take  Potidaea. 

Death  of  Pericles. 

Birth  of  Plato. 

Eupolis  and  Phrynicus,  comic  poets,  exhibit. 


ROME,  PERSIA,  ETC. 


Antium  taken  by  the  Ro. 
mans. 


Death  of  Hieron. 

The  Romans  send  a  col- 
ony to  Antium. 

Contests  concerning  the 
Terentillian  law  at 
Rome. 

The  Capitol  seized  by 
Herdonius. 


The  Decemvirs  deposed. 
Virginia. 


Lex  Trcbonia. 

Lex  Canuleia,  establish- 
ing connubium  be- 
tween  Patricians  and 
Plebeians.  First  Mil- 
itary Tribunes. 

Institution  of  the  Censor- 
ship. Victory  over  the 
Volscians. 

Spurius  Melius  killed 
by  Q.  Serviiius  Ahala, 
Master  of  the  Horse. 


Great   victory   over   the 
iEquians  and  Volsci 
ans  at  Mount  AlgiduR. 


B.C.  OREECE. 

427.  Fourth  invasion  of  Attica. 

Gorgias  ambassador  from  Leontini  to  Athens. 

Aristophanes  first  exhibits. 
423.  Thucydides  banished. 

Truce  for  a  year. 

The  Clouds  of  Aristophanes. 
421.  Truce  for  fifty  years — which  lasts  only  to 
414 — with  frequent  hostilities  all  the  while. 


Eighth  Period. 

from  the  fifty  years'  truce,  421,  to  the 
"four  hundred"  at  athens,  411. 


415. 

414. 
412. 


411. 


409. 


Athenian  expedition  against  Sicily. 

Alcibiades  sent  by  the  Lacedaemonians  to 
make  a  treaty  with  the  Persians. 

Andromeda  of  Euripides. 

"The  Four  Hundred"  at  Athens. 

Recall  of  Alcibiades. 

The  Lysistrata  and  Thesmophoriazusae  of 
Aristophanes. 

Lysias  returns  to  Athens. 


406.  Naval  victory  of  the  Athenians  off  the  Ar- 
ginussae  islands. 
Dionysius  master  of  Syracuse. 
Death  of  Euripides  and  Sophocles. 

404.  End  of  the  war. 

The  Thirty  Tyrants  at  Athens. 
Death  of  Alcibiades. 

Ninth  Period. 

SPARTAN  SUPREMACY.— 34  years,  from 

THE  BATLLE  of  iEGOSPOTAMI,  405,  TO  THE 
BATTLE  OF  LEUCTRA,  371. 

403.  Thrasybulus  obtains  possession  of  Athens. 

Thucydides  returns  to  Athens,  aet.  68. 
401. 

399.  Death  of  Socrates. 

396.  First  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia. 

394.  Battle  of  Cnidus   deprives   Sparta  of  her 

maritime  supremacy. 
390. 

387.  Peaceof  Antalcidas. 


384.  Aristotle  born. 

382.  First  year'of  the  Olynthian  war. 

Phffibidas  seizes  the  citadel  of  Thebes. 
Birth  of  Demosthenes. 


ROME,  PERSIA,  ETC. 

War    declared     against 
Yeii. 

War  with  the  Volscians. 
Vulturnum  taken  by  the 

Samnites. 
The  number  of  the  Quas- 

slors    increased    from 

two  to  four. 


War  with  the  .fiquians. 


Three  plebeians  chosen 
to  the  quaestorship. 

War  with  the  Volscians. 

Anxur  (Terracina)  ta- 
ken. 

Roman  soldiers  receive 
pay  for  the  first  time. 

An  eclipse  of  the  sun  re- 
corded in  the  Annales 
Maximi. 


Expedition  of  Cyrus  the 

Younger. 
Plague  at  Rome.     First 

Lectisternium. 
Veii  taken  by  Camillus. 
Peace  with  the  Falisci. 

Rome     taken     by     the 

Gauls. 
Roman  tribes  increased 

from     twenty-one     to 

twenty-five. 
Manlius  thrown  from  the 

Tarpfian  rock. 
War  with  Praeneste. 


APPENDIX 


SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLES. 


626 


B.O.  ORKECl. 

378.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Thebes  against 
Sparta.  Date  of  a  new  political  combina- 
tion in  Greece. 

376. 

371.  Peace  of  Callias. 
Battle  of  Leuctra. 

Tenth  Period. 

THEBAN  SUPREMACY.— FROM  the  battle 

OF  LEUCTRA,  371,  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF  MAN- 
TINEA,  362. 

367,  Embassy  of  Pelopidas  to  Persia 

366. 

365.  War  between  Arcadia  and  Elis. 

362.  Battle  of  Mantinea. 


Eleventh  Period. 

MACEDONIAN    SUPREMACY.— from  the 
accession  of  PHILIP,  359,  TO  the  death  of 

ALEXANDER,  323. 

359.  Accession  of  Philip. 
357.  Social  war. 
Sacred  war. 


356. 


352. 


347. 
346. 


Second  year  of  the  social  war. 

Birth  of  Alexander. 

Philip  takes  Potidaea  and  gives 

Olynthians. 
The  first  Philippic. 


it  to  the 


Olynthus  taken  by  Philip. 

Plato  dies,  act.  82. 

Peace  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 


343.  First  Samnile  war. 

342.  Philip's  expedition  into  Thrace. 

Aristotle  at  the  court  of  Philip. 

Birth  of  Epicurus. 

Battle  of  ChaeronSa. 

Philip  master  of  Greece. 

Death  of  Isocrates. 

Assassination  of  Philip,  and  accession  of 
Alexander. 

Destruction  of  Thebes. 

Battle  of  Issus. 
332.  Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  makes  a  treaty 

with  the  Romans. 
330.  Alexander  takes   Ecbatana.     Demosthenes 
un  th«  crown. 


338. 


336. 

335. 
333. 


SOME,  PERSIA,  ETC. 


Rogationes  Licinia  pro- 
posed. 


Dionysius  the  elder  dies. 

First  plebeian  Consul. 

Plague  at  Rome. 

Death  of  Camillus. 

Half  of  the  Military  Tri- 
bunes chosen  by  the 
people. 

Earthquake  at  Rome. 


Duilian  and  Macrian 
laws  restoring  the  rate 
of  interest  fixed  by  the 
Twelve  Tables. 

Dionysius  the  younger 
expelled  from  Syra- 
cuse by  Dion. 

First  plebeian  Dictator. 

Quinqueviri  Mensarii 
appointed  for  a  general 
liquidation  of  debts. 


Second  celebration  of  the 
LudiSaeculares.  War 
with  the  Volscians. 


Latium  subdued. 

Peace  with  the  Gauls. 
Cales  taken. 


Revolt  of  Fundi  and  Pri- 
vernum. 


B.C.  GREECE. 

329.  Battle  of  Arbela. 

323.  Death  of  Alexander. 
Death  of  Diogenes. 

Twelfth  Period. 

FROM   THE    DEATH    OF   ALEXANDER    TO   THE  RISE 
OF  THE  ACH^AN  LEAGUE,  323  TO  280. 

323.  Lamian  war. 

322.  End  of  the  Lamian  war,  and  death  of  De- 
mosthenes. 
Death  of  Aristotle  at  Chalcis. 
321. 
311.  General  peace. 

306.  Defeat  of  Ptolemy  by  Cassander. 

Antigonus,  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Lysimachus, 

and  Cassander  assume  the  title  of  king. 
Epicurus    settles   at   Athens,  and  teaches 
there  36  years. 
301.  Battle  of  Ipsus. 

280.  Rise  of  the  Achajan  league. 

279.  The  Gauls  under  Brennus  invade  Greece. 

278.  Pyrrhus  passes  into  Sicily. 

264.  First  Punic  war. 

241.  Death  of  Agis  IV.  of  Sparta. 

225.  Reforms  of  Cleomenes  at  Sparta. 


220.  Beginning  of  the  social  war. 

216.  Philip  V.  of  Maccdon  concludes  a  treaty 

with  ilannihal. 
211.  Treaty  between    Rome   and  the  jEtolians 

against  Philip. 


197.  Battle  of  Cynosccphalae. 
183.  Death  of  Philopoemei>i     'The  last  of  the 
Greeks." 


168.  Defeat  of  Perseus. 
146.  Corinth  destroyed. 

Greece  a  Roman  province. 


ROME,   PERSIA,  ETC. 

Privernum  taken. 
Colony  sent  to  Anxus. 


Samnitcs  defeated. 


The  "  Caudine  Forks." 

The  Etniscans  defeated. 

Samnites  defeated. 

Insurrection  and  subju- 
gation of  the  Herni- 
cans. 


2  E 


War  with  the  Marsi  and 
Etruscans. 

Romans  defeated  by  Pyr- 
rhus near  Heracleia. 

Victory  of  Pyrrhus  near 
Asculum. 

Romans  triumphant  in 
Southern  Italy. 

Last  year  of  the  First 
Punic  war.  Sicily  a 
Roman  province. 

War  with  the  Gauls.  Q. 
Fabius  Pictor  and  L. 
Cincius  Alimentus, 
historians,  flourished. 

Via  Flarainia  and  Circus 
Flaminins. 

Battle  of  Cannae. 

Eighth  year  of  the  second 
Punic  war.  Hannibal 
fails  in  his  attempt  to 
raise  the  siege  cf 
Capua. 

War  against  the  Ligu- 
rians  continued.  Death 
of  Scipio  Africanus. 
Death  of  Hannibal. 

Carthage    destroyed    by 

Scipio. 
Cassius  Hemina  and  C, 

Fannius,      historians, 

flourished. 


680 


P3 


p 
3 

.    Q 

o  s 

go 

^? 

m  w 

I— I  H 
*  O 

Eh  O 


O 

n 


|H 


APPENDIX. 


LITERATURK 


M 

I- 
O 

M 

S 


=:  s 

3"  an 


1^,3   O 


O    r* 

.2  3 


s  a 

M    0) 

O 


3  '-'  Q 

b  «   *-•       vS 


•-•   00 

-.2 


S^  c  aj  a»  -r;  S 
a*-?*       S  o  ?  aa 

bo 


« 


-.H  » 


V    r«    V 

J  4,  g  a  »  w  €S 
„  o  ci  S^^aj  o3 


o  » 

2  B 


>>  ei 

3    93 


•-3  <U 

» 

>  i> 
•■3J3 

^     hi 

»»   03 
an  •- 

O  vm 

>  !r  « 

>    C3  "O 


o   C3 

*  m 


2  «- 

n  o< 


2  2  «  a>  00  Jr  V, 

S-5'S.a  2  ^2 


"-  ft) 

.So 
E  o 

CO  33 


^i£^f  SS-235' 

:*  Q  o  *^ 


"t!  ^  o  o  g.       b    . 


aa 

O    00 


ee=3 
8J    o 


c 


o 

CO 


■a   O  S3  ,.s   rf  S  ci 


as 

0 

o  o 

T3  as 

s 
••^  o 

5j  *-• 
k.  o 

«  - 

o  2 

o 


o  o  "^  £•2  c  c  o     ^Lh^x  Sf^-f:  c^  En-i  o 


-5-02 

'2  «  *»  60  E  *  ... 

«  g  Stjm  *»  > 

^  2   O   C8         C8  •  — 

Q  *j  a)>B  j::  °o 
2  2  «  — .2***- 
o  So"".2-^ii  2 

O   3    «,  -^     - 

u   00  u 


!r  J-^    80    C    i 


O-C 


>  $  c.s.  >  o     ■:: 


CO   o 

e 
^c 

03    O 

"S  'S 

*^  ea 

Ou- 
CO    O 

>,  *    93 
O    i«    ^ 

CS  ,_a|    *A 

3         k 


3    O    4*^ 


O    "    C    o 


bCJ3 


*'c  o  2  2  «  *» 

•5  00.2^2    .  *  2 

C        tl         »-         >         Q 


CO 


<i2      " 

C   e9  O 


CO  £-^ 


cd  o 


627 


—  -      -     tl     *^ 


.2  c?=  o  g  rt  2 


O    OR 


BS 
O 

'S 


> 

K 

O 

u 


CQT3    ?> 

3   O    — 


<!Z3 


O'  c.c 


OS  '—^ 

c  c 
.2  *^ 

c  — 
C-T 

2^   • 

C    CO 

#.«    w 

-  c  • 

^   O   £3 
^  fi  iJ 

ao  ■•-»  2) 

1^  B  — 


m  2 

•a  ej 
S  S 

C  a 
c3   B 

93   ^ 

•-  s 

<o  vS 

o  o 

**    ^ 
00^ 


C  _c 


O    «0 

2  « 


Ci3.2 

co=^a^ 

5  — »  ••>  u 

"«  c  5  i: 
•<  2J5  o 

-'"S3 

o-o  g.S 

H^  S  Z^ 
c  o  3 

eC  t-  ^^  -S 

O  -C        T3 

O  ®.2    - 
«  rt  c  2 

acS  2 


3: 


00 


•Hxvaa 


o 

CO 


I- 

CO 
CO 


CO 


•HXHia 


H 

< 

as 


t- 

•^ 
•* 


I; 


00 

H 

O 
Q 
O 

DS 

m 


H 

O 

> 

o 

B 


V. 

U 

O 


S5 

O 

s 

Oi 

o 

(■: 


•AUOJ,SIH 


B 
CO 

c 

o 

Xi 


c 

0) 

J3 
*.> 

«Q 

O 

E 
Q    . 

o 


g) 


1    hij*^ 
C   C   ? 

w..^  bo 
-     B 

"     3   « 

-^  S<~ 

a>    -  « 

J=   B   4» 

".2  5 

03    Cd 

B   ¥  3 
so  »<  u 

£  3*^ 

O   o   « 

t;  So  "i^ 

03  .zr  k> 

O    C8   *-" 
^    CO 

p  e8^ 

H  E  *-  13 

3   c   »- 
So   E   O 


«3  ■  .J,   O 

4>  —  <-• 

||oOB, 
•"  SP  g, «  ^ 

fi   CD   B  "Jf  «c 

08    O"*'- 


08 

a. 
o 

J3 


B 

03 

CO 
Q 


u 

3 

CO 

B 


B 
08 

CO 

o 


Q)    OO 

£  3 


B ;: 


a 

eS   _ 


CJ  -B  — 1   o 


C         c3 


2  «  ^^-    o 


E  ~  « 

X- 


o 

w 

B 

CO 

C8 


o  g- 

05    «    O 


-B-- 


CO 


C    08 

3J= 


2  OS  « 

-B  _c:  _:; 


<»  —  — 
*;   3   M 

C3  B 

-2   O 
bO 


£  «  3^  5  g  ^ 
O  (=  g  C  -g  c 

t?    E  '.n    (U    ®    o!    CC 
4|_0-2  '^^   CE 


CO 

^  03 

1-5  2 

**-  S 

o  *• 

•  -  S^  2 

JS      CO  QJ 


CB  3 
^  « 

ftj 
a  o 

a  a 

w-d 

'^■^ 

►    a, 
-»  a- 

^    93 


c  o 
(A  cn 

o  o  ai 
rzii:  B 
^-6  o 

i-K  "— «j 


.„  08.5-^  cd 


B       QJ 

-_  <*M   oo   .,   eS  "S 

Si  fi  qj3^ 


B 
O 

^^ 
*^ 

c5 

C 
•  f^ 

to 


bD  <u 

fi"© 

B-^ 

ID 

2-fi 

V   V   (n 
bC  «  g 


O 

o  js 

§^ 

<^  B 
o 


eS 

-    S  B 

a    4)  -^ 

bO  *"  « 


—    93*^ 

^    «    O 

,^     B 

00".^  cd 

*  !».— 


C3 


2-^ 


X    CO 


a;  ^  V. 


— 1  .-  S-'r 


CO    K^^.-^.-a    2 
•w    C8-3    O^—    t  — 

2  g  ho    '^  -  --^ 


P-a  o  o 


v: 


==  fi.2-S 

*^    ft)    «•"■ 

^  B'H,fi 
ffi->E§ 


O 


o  ^  e 

ft)  o  •r'  5  o 


'*_^'Eb 


j2 


G  **   » 

_  ;^]  oj  p 

93  V 


r  B  2::    9—2 


2  - 

5  "»  d  _ 

W-  k>i  93    O    {-    fi 


3     0)   >>  -    ^ 


k.   o 


CI.  CI.  4^  </}  4-*  0;  *j=: 


2  «  .M 

O     *  00  O 

•—'«-■    .M      ft) 

■— •     »a     '^     O 

^  aj  t^  CO 

fc«         B 

TS  *_5'.2 

*.2  oTS 

— -^  2  ° 

"3  &  fi 

2  ^  cs  « 

B   O^- 

3  V   3  Vm 

b  E  "^O 

CO  .M 


O  08 
> 

h-  e; 

0)  g 

W.2 


C    5^ 


CO 

ca 


c«   E   <"   o 

g   >^.iJ        -.         ;- 

=  0  «  «  2     ^^ 


<U     '^5   o 


fc,  o;fi  «  ^ 
CO      rz 

2  03  5;  m  ft) 

5-B   O   B  "S 

D,ro.2  2 


9  S 
o 

s  « 
gQ 

ft)  - 


o 

3 

03 


ft)   C 
J   ® 

£ 


OS    ft^ 


00    «    (u 

5      2  "S  « 

'  Tn  fi    fc    W   S 

<->  p  "C  0)  e;  Pm  fi 

—  ^     5      ^  -B  rfi 

CO  «^    3    C>  a-i  4.^ 


ai  2 
-    tj 

E 


2  cs 

.2 
08  a 

00  o   * 

ft) 

Ml  fi     *" 

op  93    O 

OS    X^ 
J5   «   O 

o  03  5 

H-,^     o 

—     I  O    o 

^0    X  >vfi    CO 

■    •*  "-"    U  1-2 

>^fit;  cn-^ 

«j  ft) 

S  ^ 

bE-"  c 

a),o 


3 

O 

O 
ft) 


« 


V.    fi  ' 


B 

O 

E 

0) 

J3 


B 

ft) 


00  >. 

ft)  Z? 

-fi  !r 

O  ft) 

ft)  Ct 

ft)  o 

0)  c8 


o  m 

O   ft) 

t)   U 

ft)PH 

u  o 

(U    ft) 

«•;: 

'  =3fa 


CC  J2 

ic  o 

t*^  CO 

o 


» 


Oi 

o 

CO 

o 

•  mm 

JS 


o 
£ 


ft) 

B 
3 


CO 

be 

fi 


fe-- 


3 


^    bO 

o  o 
-^  « 

O   B 

s 

OS 


8 


C5 
0 


% 

u 
-« 


s 

o 


09 

8 


^ 

-^ 

^ 

^^ 

^ 

^ 

0 

^ 

^ 

i 

1— 1 
CO 

374. 
338. 

CO 

e»^- 

CO 

1^ 

CO 

00 
CO 

00 
CO 

458. 
436. 

• 

CO 

^. 

ci 

C31 

00 

0 

i 

0: 

ea 

IS 

• 

M 

m 
H 

U 

H 

09 

0 

K 

%. 

U 

U 

0- 

Q 

iW 

m 

U 

H 

00 

'«< 

-  H 

u 

IMMI 

'■J 

CO    -< 

Q 

>    9 

u 

^ 

JJ2 

Q 

(<3 

i 


m 

< 
m 
o 

o 

■< 
j4 


m 

m 

-< 

cc 
o 
o 

5» 


o 

.J 


»il 


■aoNantoo'ia 


AIiaosOTIHd 


APPENDIX. 


M 
N 
H 
u 

X 


m 

GS 
O 


«  M^ei  S  «  §    S  ?r2 

*?  £  ea      — :  3        C«  5 


u    1. 

£     '2"s  L. 

O  """a   O  o   C3 

'^.si      flS  ft»  S 

g  «  -     *?« 

•5^  fc.  «>  5  c 

"3  5;^  *•- 

ii  *  c      o  S 
a    .  p    .2 

■""    g    ».    »'5j!=" 

>,■-  «^  5  o  Of 

c-^S-="£  «  Si 

JO  o-o  c  <y^_ 
o     •--•r    .S  — 

--  o  {-  &  S       '^ 

•^  'C#\  C  O    W    (*• 

o.">B  be--;  c8.;5 
®  «  s  tS-c 

(y   •-  ^  w   I.  C   |, 
cc  ■' 


^  ee  «  Q  S  e  S 


:>.2  c' 


o  5 


K  *^  S  o  ^ 

?5  '  •«    O    Ca  «<  -M 


-  -'5  S^  S 
sc  t:  £  s 
4i  9  3    ..c 

--  c 


3   *  O 

^   3« 

'*-^  'C 
O        o 

k.    •■"  03 
O  ti   *> 

"  n  S 

3    C  -S 

s:  '-•^ 

O  C3 

cS         O 

T"   t^  *-• 
fl.   ?^ 

"*-  Fq- 
o±^    ■ 

:S  «?    .  o 

3  •<!  c  e! 

rr    ^    m    V. 


s 
o  2 

o  5 


5  »- 


>. 

^ 


o  2 
tf  o 


c  — 

cj  2 
£  « 

5tiU-3 

re  5   en 

b.  so 

-  a. « 

•5^ 


o 

..   *  ? 

o  S  -  c 

X!  eg 

«  —    ■     O, 

y  so 

"3 '« *»?  "3 

C   g   °   § 

5  o  _  « 

C  o  ^ 

c  >.  ^ 

0)  U)  o  s 

•-'   Q)   ?!  -laS 

o  0.  ja 

o.c-2 

3.2^ 


ft)  j: ■-  o 


=3  c 


^  2 

5  M 
0*0: 


3  c  o 

c  o  ^-s 

-^   4)  O    (ft 

Qj  J  O  rt 

«  O  «  B 

o  c  t^-o 

w  2»  -  ■  ** 


c  01  a:  c 


c 
o 

o* 

0} 

3 

C 

*^ 


>1 

0 
> 

• 

•r 

Si 

Q 

0 

-0 

c 

CS 

S 
^ 

k 

-0 

C 

n 

0) 

w> 

on 

c 

rt 

fill 

E 

3 

bu 

<1> 

c  - 


fc.  ♦-    {S 


k>   5 


w  •'  •' 

ca  Oi  c 

♦i  o  3  o 


■«  <«  -^  o 

•   bC*-   o    M 

w   ^  *"^         *• 

&^  3  2.£'a.S  "  i  c- 
5«JbW     J  5.-5 


o 

c 
o 

bi) 

O 

£ 
o 

on 


> 
eg 


at 
<» 


•  ?  -2  s 

on-*-  es  3 

en  ^  *-  OJ 

3   ti  J3 

2 'SI'S.*' 

»-    C9  C3    C 

■|  <u  55  S 


-C   o 


«  e  S 
CS  — •   w 


2.5  o  an 

c  S2:S 


« 


ea.S 


«e  "•  o  so 

^  «  i  2 

'^  o  **  2 

_  *d  O  3 

•^  Qj  csyr  » 

1-4HX  aft  CJ  "^     "' 

JO  Iw  -iwi  ^^ 


<9'z:C^  ea 


o  5 

ao 

fcj  *  3 


3    00 

Oi    3 

2 


2  S 

«-3 
o  O 

—  «-> 

C-3 

c  u 

>-3 

*  o 

£^ 

is   ^ 


on 


*    4»         ,2 


n 

£ 

u 
o 

0 

V 

'5 


Cl 

is 

o 


a 


**-   C 

o  o 

^^ 

is 


« 

a. 
o 

M 

o 

a. 

3 

OB 

'a 

0 
C 


« 

IS 
P 
O 
u 


2 
35 


s 

■■fNP 

09 


k. 


OS    O 


^'^  5 


^ 


5 


•Hxvaa 


-HJLHia 


01 


S3 

CO 


o 
0 


I- 


« 


fa 

ft 


u 

H 

O 

ei 

< 


oS 
u 

U 

o 

10 

X 


n 

Ed 

O 

o 


CO 

is 

a. 

H 
en 


U 

at 

D 
O 


M 


MHJOSOTlMd 


LITERATURE. 


629 


-'2.2:3 

c  ^  JS  o 

•^  C  as  4* 
tJ  *       >> 

o    '  c  >^ 

*-  £   O  ^ 

o      go 

c  «—  2 
«  5:  o 

c  2  2-c 
CO       o  •  — 

cJA  ^  S 

£     .   1D-3 

<a  g-s  a> 

o  2—  c    ■ 

r"   ™  *j   C   ra 

00  o  o 

e«  o  o  -a 


-  r^    2    O    S 

cc 


to    C3 

9  q; 


•5^ 
iJ 


C^    ^    V.    O 

j?^    3    g-S 


•-  c 

pQ    CQ 

.2  c 
c  2 

g,.2 

S^ 

o  3 

£  « 

^  s 


E 
c 


ea 
o 

bt( 

j3 


CJ' 


3   eS 
O 

u 


>    »5    g    u, 

►£  re      .5  2 


J;  Q. 
.2  >  o 


to 


BO    C 

re  o 


w  o 

c 

■2S- 

is 

s  s 

o.rs 

o  c 
:f  5 

rr  c 
>>« 

•^  n 

eu-' 


on 


n 

3 
O 

u, 
3 

O    01    M 

3  re 


Q 


I 


*4f 


IS 
3 

'"fit 

o 


09 

bU  o 


P5 


■    o>    ' 

0)  -M  >3 

•  .•  k>  re 

ft*  ™  « 

•-*"  b0 
^.S  c 

>-    b    3 

c  u-xs 

3   01 

U    U    0] 

-c-  a, 

O    S    'I' 

gJ2  > 

^^3    0) 

2.2  o 

o 


u 

3 

s 

CO 

cd 


cS 


3 
O 


Qi 

re 

a 

K 

re 

X    . 
-  >» 

II 

..  3 

«]    » 

3     ba 

bjj--^ 

re  5 


.s      -u 


o 


<^      .2 


2§ 
o  >> 

^    CO 


C    B      ■ 

0~  re    • 
« _5i  .2 


cfl 


'-    O  t^   ft) 

^:3o  E 

Cj  c3 

■73  3 


eaT3 

'«  2 

^   hO 

0.5 

_M  ■*-» 


-C  0) 
3  CO 
C    3 

■2  >^ 
p  ° 

.§  s  . 

^  2-^ 

s  ^  3 

ax" 

O    §    QJ 

c;  bc 


3^ 


^^ 

—  3 

o    • 

re  <y 
«  3 

g  2 


«  - 
.>  CO 

J=.tJ 

re  o 

3-13 

3    b'^-2 

0-5  re  3 
to  cn,_js  O 


3 


c  o  a*  2*-- 

01       r:  3   *• 

_  > 

^  £.2  c«W^ 


>.  a, 

C   Q    ^   O 


Oi-- 


re' 


CO 

re 


3  o  c,r  w 

re    -■  o  re  2 

o  c       ^■- 


03 


O   V 

1  -^ 

^  v 

.  a> 
0:  > 

o  re 

CJ   00 

^3 

2  £ 

S  re 

2<i: 
-^ 

en   c 

y 


3r~'a 

(-  o   o 
o  _.  en 

>  S  2 

«  g  5, 


0-3 


C  3 


Q 


M 


o  c^ 

«n"_3 


B 

2 

ii3 


on 

0) 
4) 


an 
3 


3 

re 

?    3. 

3' 

o  s 


W 


00 


5.S 
*S  re 

3 

'2  s 

B      IH 

«6 

'^> 

Z  <u 

•■a   eo 

3  >. 

-3   3 
O 

£^ 

o:s 

if 


as         Co 


s 


fe^ 


s 


1^ 

00 

■■<c* 


10 


o 
o 


o 
0 


10 


o 


m 

M 


o 

m 


CO 

D 
K 
O 

Q 


axMiaaw 


09 


(» 

#^ 

u 

• 

•H 

c 

-< 

, 

^ 

*^ 

"r. 

Of 

> 

X 

y. 

< 

a 

0 

*-* 

a 

0 

s 

CA 

2; 

0 

^-1 

0 

^-1 

-<! 

» 

0 

CU 

cq 

OR 

b 
.J 

> 
X 
u 

OS 


m 

U 

o 

X 
n» 
o 


•AIVO.MOMXSV 


AHJ.HO.I  .1IHAT 


Aoaovax 


APPENDIX 


^     '     Oj          i*               5C-3 

^  M  -o      -a  A      A 

O   Ojs        ^              •-    (3 

o  c  o      7;  S      c 

3    g-        -             -   « 

C^    B         <<w               V4      « 

IS  go           o  - 

2      ■--     *^  5  >> 

lines ;  almost 
,  he  introduced 
ms  as  to  take 
n, 
inguished  poet 

comedy.     On 
as  called  Ban 

i.  U->JS           0          0    O'C 

TER. 

In  anothe 
linistratior   0 
InKoAaicff 
allias." 
spirited  poet 
dale  comedy, 
le  Attic  diafe 

Koet,  and  by  s 
e  new  come 

u 

•4 
PC 

■< 

s 
u 

d  the  art  dec 
her  as  a  poet 
'  into  his  poe 
t  of  the  actio 
he  most  dist 

c  of  the  old 
ted  pieces  w 

Alcibiadea 
e   maladm 
f  Pericles, 
ttonous  C 
t  and  most 
of  the  mi 
model  oft 
tinguishcd 
ounder  of  1 

rC      0       3      «0*J      «^ 

Si       -C    bi).-  3  5r-a  <« 

In  his  han 

of  a  philosop 

phy  so  freely 

ife  and  spiri 

"  One  of  1 

*  old  comedy 

**A  classi 
most  celebra 

was  aimed 
he   satirized 
after  the  deat 
the  rich  and 

"The  Witt 
and  (in  Plut 
guage  a  perft 

The  most 
side  red  as  th 

P 

^ 

^    QJ                     C                     O 

B 

>»^                     O-B           -r^ 

•3           ^ 

ed    and    twen 
ch  we  have  eig 

[   from  twenty 
oraedies — thou 
are  cited." 
af  twenty  come 

ta                       W 

a 
c; 
o 

is 

"^       SI 

s     si 

«            «o  u 

-3.S         ©">>« 

0            •   « 

nc    hun 
es,  of  w 

Author 
nty-five 
ts  of  fori 
ragment 

Of  sixty  p 

Of  sevent 
only  a  few  f 

j^ 

s: 

:3 

6        '^ 

o 

et                     «>               4> 

u 

•S                    .*!.«* 

<        ^ 

CS                       **                 ** 

«j        «.• 

^         ^      ^ 

^       ^ 

■Hxvaa 

o              .     H 

i       ^ 

^          Si 

c;  "C 

■                        • 

o             §D  S     ^  <^» 

■*              CI 

'iixvia 

m 

• 

go                  _: 

-<         m 

H 

M               2 

e             2          » 

•< 

M                yr^           ^ 

0             S5 

K 

a,                f*            -J 
-                ho 
m              <          a. 

1-              -< 

2        S 

'H                   M             D 

OS              M 

[ 

i5             O         t«3 

^             ?^ 

1                                                Aaawoi                                 1 

r/j 

I— I 
P^ 

e 

CO 

C 


H-3 

Q 


l-H 

c 


w 


o 
P5 


SCULPTORS  AND  PAINTERS. 


631 


M 

ce 

B 
u 


a 


2      S^ 


o       o-  yj  g 

^    «    2   J^vS 


es   w   OJ 

o  2  o 


0;     t,     ?i    >■ 

*-  3   5  c 
.3 


^      ^-^ 


so 


m 

a 


W   0-5  -3 


o 


cc  3.5  n,  3.x:  etf 


0) 

t^      2 


I-    X 


-5  o 

i»   ♦a    O   *^ 

3, 

3' 


> -^  «J  aj   to   -3   o 


o 
u 

u 

e3 


"13 
B 
O 
c 
o 
00 


B 

-3 

a 

o 
o 


S  *-■         P   E  ^   hO'O 


(0 


d  >) 


eo 


_D  o  :■" 

^5 


w  w  O  o 

CSL^TS    B 


CO   o 


3  -B    dJ 


3 
o 
u 
ce 
♦-> 
o 


Oi 


It  • «— I 


"^  o  M  ec 

80  > 

o 

B    *5     J; 

o 


.-  «  2 

B   — 


CO 

o 

a, 

a; 
O 

_c 
to 

B 
V 


§-^:st;5  e^-2'"  =^vB^  " 


s  Si 


*^     ^_B 


0)    X    01 


IS   B 


OCL, 


60 


B  °^  « 


2=^  fS 


—  OS 

3_,'T3    O 

B   ^   B   ? 
B   U    B   > 


O    o 

O      ^ 

M    to 


0 
U 

c3 

bo 


u 

OS 

Zi 

-3 


B 

S 

Q 
!> 

O 

£ 

B 

O 

n 
w 

&. 


o 
«.> 

3 
U 

CO 

00 

CS 

is 

m 

a 

V. 

O 

B 


,^ 


b«« 


-=»  ►» 


Q>  e  o 

•  ^  3    QJ 

2  «  3 

3     M    <-■ 

.^  ee  o 

0-- 
0.  3^ 

o 
o 

u  >  «  S 

oj-a  —  — . 

♦^  rt     s 

13  ^  ee-a 
^^  o  a 

«_B*-^ 

BC  "  t;  bo 
3  B  o 
c!  ce  B 


o 


ce 
t 

B 


>    . 
o  S 

I2 


.2  *^  B 
^  "J 

!5     QQ   4-> 


ag 


O 

ao 

B^ 
O' 


N  p- 
S  o 

B    N    O 

ce-n  ;S 
n3  ci,csO 

o  *-» 


ce.i:  > 

)-i    r"    >-i 
<U    fj    ^ 

":!  ^ 

ce  Jf  ^ 
eo 
o 


3 

ce 


o 


o 


o 

B 
3 


vi^  ce 


►  B 
•9  o 

o 

o  p 

o 

(B    CO    ID 


CO 

a 

ce 

bO 

a. 


B,H 
3   .„ 

°  t  o 

O    >•    CJ 

-B   O-TS 

B>  ce 

°  «  g 

v2  3-2 
o  c.t; 

■^  o  a 

O  J>  "3 


ce 


O   b 

60  13   >i  B 

B 

C 
to 


V 


3'S 


o 


CO 

C3 

03 


V   B   3 

_D  ce_= 

•2-3  « 
/!;  B  ce 

o 

'-^2-2 


ce.^ 

B 


O) 

bo"^ 

C3    CO 


-   X  ' 


SH  R.a.  rt 


O 


Cm- 


-  3  B  2 

^  o  £-3 

J.  iT  « 

(U  ^  4J  B 
^—  •"  eC  "^ 

rt  c  •" 

O    O    .,    CJ 

~         *-'   3 
O    O-B 


H 

o 
u 


•Hxvaa 


CS 


o  ^ 

bo      ►« 


5»» 

CO 


J 


J 


a       5  *-  S 
-^     ^      ^ 


CI 

n 


-e* 


o 

n 


J-  to  _: 

=!   E   2 
fc,  2   ro 

o  5:3 
B     -^ 

B  3  B 
o  o  ce 


O  r 
>-  B 


>,     •-■ 


ce 


3^^  B 

-Be   « 
O  X'S' 

a,     «^ 
_  cj  «■**!  o 

oI->  eet-J-xa 


; '  i 


CO 


c 

J        Q 


CO 

H 

u 
>• 

o 

Oh 


o 


o 

o 


•J 


a: 
o 
Z 

-< 

K 
S 
a, 
tj 


*■■■« 

50 


6S2 


APPENDIX. 


< 

a 
o 


et 
O 

5f 


X 

O 
u 


«    3 


*;    m'O 


£  5  "".S-'^ 


ac 


■30 


>,— 


«g  s^  *■ 


(J 
ea 

ac-i  H  S  s 

rt       O 

""  S  *  «  is 
o 


s 


&  c  '"  - 

?   o  —    >» 

•■  G  (a  o 

2i  g  ?  Q. 

3    W     >     (B 

f  So  o"^ 

«^    TO    ■*■  ■  --        ■ 

cS  ti  3     .   ao  *- 
O   "   =3   hO        5i 

^  o  "s  ^  "2  S 


c 
o 

C 


OB  oj  a  _  - 

ft*  «  rj  3  ao 
^   C  «    4» 

3  oj  _r"0  c 

S    OJ    *-    - 

.S  S;  **  5  *- 

0)  a>  s  >.  ^ 
fc.  ■*  «e  I?  « 
Qi  Z^        on  Q 

^    3    **    ^  V*^ 

^  3  a>  *s» — 
.^■^-  c  = 


i.5 


•-.3 


C  »:  cs 
■  ~   O   w 

if  i?  " 
2  ^-^ 

°.£i'o 

S^  i^  « 

2-0 

o    ►•* 

O   C   o 

«   O  ji 


•£"0  rt 
O   OJ 

•£-g  Sb 

c  ♦- 

c  c  * 

O    O    M 

«.Si  g 
•SCO'S 

o^  * 


Q 

3 

*^ 
S 

c 


«0 


^    09 


•-•  2  — 'S 

^  S       vC  fee 

3  es  "^    cj    C 

■^  t*  _c  »<  iJ  e 
*.2-g  £  ^  8 

:z:      isX  i$S 


2  o  . 

W     V.  V. 

rt^"2 

c  c  a> 

o  e  tt 

K  £  S 

J3  O 


13 


t» 'tr- 
ee o 

k«  >^ 

.   2    «  O    0*3 

g'c  o  **  s't 

^  S  u"  00  2  21 

3   3S  «   CKje 

3«j  c  *  o 

O  U  C    M 

M       00  es  o 


cd  o  1$ 

<i»  -"^ 

S  S  o 

OT  2    ^ 

o     -2 

S3  c  2 

2  M    CS    " 

m  O  l*"  a 


o 


OS 
is 


I 

^  © 

e  OB 

.£■■2 
c  S 

o  ss 

•5  "5 


03 


O 


^    !^ 


«  c 

JB.X. 

g  5i 

c  "S 

C:  to. 

tt>  5 

.52 
» "3 

■«'^ 
2  w 

2  3 


•0 

o 


S        0 


-iixvaa 


s 

c* 


w 


H 

X 
■4 

K 


O       »r5 

o      o 


C   K 

3  a 
o  & 


o 

CO 


CO 

m 

CO 


09 

D 

O 
O 

o 


m 

S 

o 

a 
o 


■a 
H 
K 

w 


^     X 


p 

m 

« 


CO 

U 
H 


99 

b3 
St 
U 

o 
o 

o 

OS 


GENERAL  EXAMINATION  aUESTIONS. 

1.  The  original  |}opulation  of  Greece.— Pelasgi.—Hellenea 
— Foreign  colonies. 

2.  History  and  character  of  the  Heroic  age. — Invasion  and 
conquest  of  the  Dorians.— Greek  colonies  in  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa.— Homer.— The  Olympiads. — General  character  of  our 
knowledge  of  these  subjects. 

3.  History  of  Athens  from  the  early  traditions  to  the  first 
Persian  invasion.— Who  formed  the  Athenian  people  ?— How 
were  they  divided  ?— The  Eupatrids.— Government.— The  Ar- 
chonts.— Legislation  of  Draco  and  of  Solon.— Constitution  of 
Athens  at  the  epoch  of  the  Persian  wars. 

4.  Early  history  of  Sparta.— Who  formed  the  Spartan  peo- 
ple ?— The    Tribes— The    Spartans— Periceci    and   Helots. 

Constitution  and  legislation  of  Lycurgus. 

5.  State  of  Northern  Greece  and  the  Peloponnesus  at  the 
begmning  of  the  Persian  war. 

6.  Sketch  of  Persian  history,  and  cause  of  the  Persian  in- 
vasion of  Greece.— Relative  strength  of  the  two  nations,  and 
military  reputation  of  each  on  the  first  invasion. 

7.  History  and  results  of  the  first  invasion ; — internal  and 
external. 

8.  History  and  results  of  the  second  invasion  ;— internal  and 
external. 

9.  Eminent  men,  and  chief  battles  of  the  first  and  second 
invasions. 

10.  Position  of  Greece  after  the  second  repulse  of  the  Per- 
sians. 

11.  Causes,  character,  and  duration  of  the  Athenian  su- 
premacy. 

12.  History  of  the  Athenian  supremacy. — Its  influence  upon 
the  intellectual  and  artistic  development  of  Greece. 

13.  Administration  of  Pericles. — Its  alleged  efiects  upon  the 
Athenian  character. 

14.  Internal  history  of  Greece  from  the  Persian  to  the  Pe- 
loponnesian  war. 

15.  Causes  and  character  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

16.  Division  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. — ^Principal  battles. 
—Leading  men. — Chief  incidents. 

2e* 


! 


i 


634 


APPENDIX. 


17.  The  Sicilian  expedition. 

18.  Close    and  consequences  of  the   Peloponnesian  wax. — 
State  of  Athens. — Sparta. — Other  states  and  the  colonies. 

19.  History,   duration,    and   character   of  the   Spartan   su- 
premacy. 

20.  History,  duration,  and   character  of  the  Theban   su- 
premacy. 

21.  Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  and  its  consequences. 

22.  State  of  Greece  at  the  accession  of  Phihp  of  Macedon. 

23.  Rise  of  the  Macedonian  power,  and  character  of  the 
opposition  of  Demosthenes. 

24.  State  of  Greece  at  the  accession  of  Alexander. 
Personal  history  and  character  of  Alexander. 
Alexander  as  a  Greek. 

State  of  Persia  at  the  accession  of  Alexander. 
History  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander. 

29.  Character  of  Alexander  after  the  conquest  of  Persia. 

30.  Results  of  his  conquests. 

31.  The  successors  of  Alexander. — ^DlfTerent  and  final  dis- 
tribution of  his  empire. 

32.  The  Acha?an  and  uEtolian  leagues,  and  general  history  of 
Greece  till  the  Roman  conquest. 

33.  Sketch  of  Greek  literature  by  divisions.— Epic  poetry. 
Lyric  poetry,  Dramatic  poetry,  history,  philosophy,  &c. 

34.  Sketch  of  Greek  philosophy. 

35.  Sketch  of  Greek  art. 


25. 

26. 
27. 

28. 


THE  GREEK  LANGUAGE  AND  ITS  DIALECTS. 


(FROM  DONALDSON.) 

Art.  1.  The  Greek  Language  {(l)G)vrj  'EkXi]viKTJ)  is  that 
which  was  anciently  spoken  throughout  the  whole  extent  of 
Greece  or  Hellas  ('EAAaf),  a  term  which  included  all  the  Greek 
colonies  (Herod.  II,  182).  But  there  were  two  countries  to 
which  this  name  was  applied, — that  which  still  bears  the  name, 
and  which  was  distinguished  as  tj  dpxciia  'E^Mg  (Plut.  Timol. 
c.  37),  or  Grcecia  Aniiqua ;  and  the  south-east  of  Italy  with 
Sicily,  which  was  called  i]  fieydh]  'E^Xdg  (Strabo,  p.  253),  or 
Grcecia  Magna. 

2.  It  was  in  the  former  of  these,  or  Greece  ProjJcr,  as  it  is 
sometimes  designated,  that  this  language  was  formed  by  a  fusion 
of  ditferent  tribes ;  and  though  the  colonists  in  Asia  Miiior  and 
Magna  Grcecia  contributed  largely  to  the  development  of 
Greek  literature,  the  intellectual  energies  of  the  people,  and  con- 
sequently the  living  excellence  of  the  language,  were  always 
most  conspicuous  in  the  mother-country ;  and,  in  the  end,  all 
the  scattered  Greeks  had  learned  to  speak  the  language  of 
Attica. 

3.  The  ancient  Greek  language  is  a  member  of  the  great 
Indo-Germanic  family,  and  is  therefore  intimately  connected 
with  the  old  languages  of  the  Indians,  Persians,  Celts,  Sclavo- 
nians,  Germans,  and  Italians.  It  belongs  to  the  science  of 
Comparative  Philology  to  point  out  the  nature  and  extent  of 
this  connection. 

4.  Confining  our  attention  to  the  Greek  language,  we  find 
that  this  language,  as  we  have  it,  consists  of  two  elements — the 
Pelasgian  and  the  Hellenic ;  and  Herodotus  has  informed  us, 
that  the  Hellenes  or  Greeks  owed  their  gi-eatness  to  a  coalition 
with  the  Pelasgians  (I,  58.  Varronianus,  p.  14).  The  Pelas- 
gians  iJleX-aayoi,  or  JleXoTTeg,  "  swarthy  Asiatics,"  or  "  dark- 
faced  men."  Varron.  p.  24.  Kenrick  Phil.  Mus.  II,  353)  were 
the  original  occupants  and  civilizers  of  the  Peloponnese,  which 
was  catled  after  their  name,  and  also  of  many  districts  in  north- 
ern Greece.  These  were  afterwards  incorporated  with  the  Hel- 
lenes {'^Ek^Tjveg,  "  the  warriors :"  comp.  the  name  of  their  god 
'ATreAAwv,  Miiller,  Dor.  II,  6,  ^  6),  a  cognate  martial  tribe  from 
the  mountains  in  the  north  of  Thessaly.  In  proportion  as  the 
Hellenic  or  Pelasgian  element  in  this  admixture  predominated 


m 


636 


APPENDIX. 


in  particular  districts,  the  tribes  were  called  Dorians  (Acup^eZ^, 
"  Highlanders,"  from  6a  and  bpo^,  Kenrick,  Herod,  p.  lxi.),  or 
lonians  ('lajvec,  *'  men  of  the  coast,"  'Hfov/a  ;  also  AlyLaXei^^ 
*'  Beach-men,"  or  'Axaioi,  "  iSea-men  :"  Kenrick,  Phil.  Mus.  II, 
p.  367).  And  these  appear  in  historical  times  as  the  two  grand 
subdivisions  of  the  Hellenic  race  (Herod.  I,  56). 

5.  When,  however,  tlie  Dorians  or  *'  Highlanders"  first  de- 
scended from  their  mountains  in  the  north  of  Thessaly,  and  in- 
corporated themselves  with  the  Pelasgians  of  the  Thessaliau 
plains,  they  were  called  j^oiians  (AioAeZf,  "mixed  men'*), 
and  this  name  was  retained  by  the  Thessalians  and  Boeotians 
lonsr  after  the  opposition  of  Dorian  and  Ionian  had  established 
itself  in  other  parts  of  Greece.  The  legend  states  this  fact  very 
distinctly,  when  it  tells  us  that  "  Hellen  left  his  kingdom  to 
JEolus,  his  eldest  son,  while  he  sent  forth  Dorits,  and  Xutlnis, 
the  father  of  Ion,  to  make  conquests  in  distant  lands,"  (Apollod. 
I,  7,  3,  1.     Thirl  wall,  I,  p.  101). 

6.  Hence  we  find  that  of  the  Greek  colonies  settled  on  the 
western  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  the  carhest  and  most  northerly, 
which  started  from  BcBotia,  called  themselves  JEdians ;  that 
those  who  subsequently  proceeded  from  Attica,  and  occupied  the 
central  district,  called  themselves  lonians;  while  those  who 
finally  sailed  from  Argos,  and  took  possession  of  the  southern 
coast,  bore  the  name  of  Dorians. 

7.  The  cultivation  of  Lyric  poetry  by  the  iEolians  of  Lesbos, 
the  choral  poetry  of  the  Dorians,  and  the  epic  poetry  of  the 
lonians,  gave  an  early  and  definite  expression  to  certain  ])rovin- 
cial  varieties  which  were  called  Diulects  (did^tKToi),  and  the 
energetic  and  intelligent  branch  of  the  Ionian  race  which  occu- 
pied Attiai  {'Attiktj  or  'Aktiki),  "the  Promontory-Land"),  sub- 
sequently gave  such  a  distinctive  character  to  their  own  idiom, 
that  the  Attic  (?}  'ArOlg)  was  considered  a  fourth  Dialect  by 
the  side  of  the  Doric  (rj  ^ijplg),  the  jEoHc  (?)  AloXig),  and  the 
Ionic  (i]  la^"). 

8.  As  every  dialect  or  provincial  variety  is  such  with  refer- 
ence to  some  standard  of  comparison,  and  as  the  Attic  in  the 
end  became  the  general  language,  or  "  common  Dialect"  {koivtj 
ikaXeiCTog)  of  all  the  Greeks,  Grammarians  have  always  esti- 

« 

*  The  propor  meaning  of  AaUof  is  "particoloured,"  nnd  it  is  used 
especially  to  designate  alternations  of  black  and  white  in  stripes:  thus, 
the  cat  IS  called  allovpo^  {ai6A.ovpo(;)  from  the  stripes  on  its  tail:  and 
for  the  same  reason  aioloc  is  a  constant  epithet  of  the  serpent.  It  is 
the  opposite  of  uirAovc:  so  Athen.  XIV,  622,  c.  (xTrXovv  pvOfidv 
Xiovre^  alolt,}  fiilei.  We  do  not  agree  therefore  with  Dr.  Thirlwall 
([,  p.  102),  that  AioAof  is  a  by-form  of  'EXAjyv. 


APPENDIX. 


637 


mated  the  iEolic,  Doric,  and  Ionic  dialects  by  their  deviations 
from  the  Attic  standard. 

i).  Considered,  however,  in  themselves,  the  four  Dialects 
may  be  divided  into  two  groups,  corresponding  to  the  two  main 
divisions  of  the  Hellenic  nation  (art.  4).  For  there  is  much 
truth  in  Strabo's  remark  (p.  333),  that  the  ancient  Attic  was 
identical  with  the  Ionic,  and  the  iEolic  with  the  Doric. 

10.  The  Doric  and  jEolic  Dialects  agreed  in  representing 
the  Pelasgo-Hellenic  language  in  its  first  rude  state  of  juxta- 
position. And  if,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Hellenic  element  was 
more  strongly  pronounced  in  its  roughness  and  broadness  of  ut- 
terance, on  the  other  hand,  the  peculiarities  of  the  Pelasgian, 
which  were  lost  in  the  further  development  of  Hellenism,  were 
still  preserved  in  the  ^olic,  and  to  a  certain  extent  in  the  Doric 
also. 

11.  Although  the  lonians,  as  such,  contained  the  Pelasgian 
element  in  greater  proportion  than  the  ^olo-Doric  tribes,  their 
language  gives  less  evidence  of  the  lost  Pelasgian  idiom  than 
those  of  the  more  northern  tribes.  The  reason  of  this  is  plain. 
In  their  case  there  was  no  longer  juxta-position,  but  fusion ;  and 
the  irreconcileable  peculiarities  of  the  Pelasgian  and  Hellenic 
idioms  had  been  mutually  resigned.  The  lonians,  whose  ear 
did  not  repudiate  a  concurrence  of  vowels,  omitted  the  harsh 
consonants  of  the  Pelasgian  idiom,  and  the  Athenians  carried 
this  a  step  further,  by  contracting  into  one  the  syllables  which 
produced  an  hiatus. 

12.  The  Attic  Greek  is  the  richest  and  most  perfect  lan- 
guage in  the  worid.  It  is  the  only  language  which  has  attained 
to  a  clear  and  copious  syntax,  without  sacrificing  its  inflexions 
and  power  of  composition.  It  is  the  language  of  Sophocles, 
Aristophanes,  and  Plato.  It  had  become  the  language  of  He- 
rodotus ;  and  even  Homer's  Poems,  as  they  have  descended  to 
us,  are  to  a  large  extent  Atticized. 

13.  Those  who  learned  Attic  Greek  as  a  foreign  or  obsolete 
idiom,  were  said  to  Atticize  {drTiKi^eiv),  and  there  is  a  large 
class  of  later  writers  who  are  called  Atticists  {'ATTiKiaral). 
But  those  foreigners  who  spoke  Greek  from  the  ear,  and  with- 
out any  careful  observation  of  the  rules  of  the  Attic  idiom,  and 
v»^ho  consequently  mixed  up  with  their  Greek  many  words  and 
dictions  which  were  of  foreign  origin,  were  said  to  Hellenize 
{kXXr]vi^eLv) ;  and  there  is  a  large  class  of  writers,  including  the 
authors  of  the  New  Testament,  to  whom  we  give  the  name  of 
Hellenists  ('EXkrjviOTai).  It  is  the  object  of  the  Greek  scholar's 
•tudies  to  make  him  not  a  Hellenist,  but  an  Atticist,  in  the  high- 
est sense  of  the  word. 


638  APPENDIX 


ORIGIN  AND  ARRANGEMENT  OF  THE  LETTERS. 

1.  Mythology  attributes  to  the  PhoBnician  hero,  Cadmus,  th© 
introduction  into  Greece  of  an  original  alphabet  of  sixteen  let- 
ters ;  and  the  old  grammarians  have  supposed  that  these  six- 
teen were  the  following  : — a,  0,  y,  (5,  e,  ^  «,  A,  /x,  v,  o,  tt,  p,  a, 
T,  V  (Schd.  Dion.  Thr.  p.  781).  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  Greek  alphabet  is  of  Semitic  origin,  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  originally  consisted  of  four  quaternions 
of  letters :  but  it  is  a  sound  theory,  which  has  been  confirmed 
by  the  independent  investigations  of  at  least  lour  or  five  dilFer- 
ent  scholars,  that  for  i,  fc,  p,  and  v  in  the  above  list,  we  must 
substitute  7],  6,  and  the  two  obsolete  characters*  F  (3av)  and  Q 
(Konna),  which  are  still  retained  as  numerical  signs  after  e  and 
n  respectively,  and  that  the  original  arrangement  of  these  six- 
teen letters  was  as  follows  : 

A.   BPA.    E.    FHO.    AMN.    S.   O.   n<?T. 

This  order  is  artificial  and  systematic,  as  we  shall  see,  if  we 
consider  the  original  value  of  these  characters.  For  A,  E,  and 
O,  were  originally  the  representatives  of  breathings  of  which  A 
was  the  lightest,  E  the  heaviest,  and  O  of  intermediate  weight : 
r  was  an  aspirated  labial,  H  an  aspirated  guttural,  and  0  an 
aspirated  dental :  so  that  the  nine  mutes  stood  thus,  each  set 
being  preceded  by  its  appropriate  breathing  or  vowel : 


Breath  inga, 
nft«rwards 


E 

O 


LabUIs. 

B 

F 


Guttnnls. 

Dsntab. 

r 

A 

Media} 

H 

e 

Aspiratai 

o 

T 

Tenues, 

and  the  liquids  A,  M,  N,  S  stood  between  the  aspirate  and  the 
tenues,  because  they  probably  completed  a  still  shorter  Semitic 
alphabet  of  only  twelve  characters. 

2.  When  F  fell  out,  and  H,  the  double  aspirate,  was  taken 
to  represent  the  double  e,  the  first  letters  added  to  the  above 

*  They  are  still  found  in  inscriptions,  the  pav  before  both  consonants 
and  vowels  (Bockh.  C.  I  No.  11),  the  Koirira  only  before  o  (id.  tbid. 
No.  29,  37,  166). 


APPENDIX 


639 


t 


were  v  and  </),  two  representatives  of  F,  and  X*  the  substitute  for 
II  in  its  original  use.  The  other  additional  letters  were  bor- 
rowed, as  their  names  denote,  from  corresponding  letters  in  the 
Hebrew  alphabet,  and  from  this  was  also  taken  the  obsolete 
lav,  of  which  we  have  spoken  above.  The  Greeks  added,  for 
their  own  convenience,  a  double  o  (called  u  /neya,  and  written 
0)),  and  two  combinations  of  liyfia  or  lav  with  IK,  in  one  of 
which  the  n  preceded,  while  in  the  other  it  followed  the  sibi- 
lant. These  combinations  were  called  i'Z  and  laum,  and  were 
represented  by  the  same  sign  in  diflerent  postures,  ^i  preceded 
and  la/uLTTi  followed  '12.  Under  the  form  1>,  the  lafini  was 
used  to  represent  the  number  900. 

3.  The  lonians  in  Asia  Minor  were  the  first  to  adopt  the 
complete  alphabet  of  twenty-four  letters,  arranged  as  we  now 
have  it.  The  Samians  have  the  credit  of  being  the  earliest 
employers  of  this  extension  of  the  written  characters,  and  it  was 
from  them  that  the  Athenians  derived  the  additional  letters, 
although  they  were  not  used  in  public  monuments  until  the 
Archonship  of  Euchdes,  01.  94,  2.  B.C.  403.  Hence  we  read 
of  rd  ypdniiara  rd  dif  Em'Aeidov  dpxovrog.  Of  course  He- 
rodotus, who  was  an  important  contributor  to  the  literary  inter- 
course between  Samos  and  Athens,  had  brought  the  improved 
alphabet  into  use  among  men  of  education  at  a  much  earlier 
period,  and  Euripides  expressly  distinguishes  between  7]  and 
€  as  vowels  m  speUing  the  name  Orjoevg  {ajmcl  Athcn.  p. 

454  c.). 

4.  The  earliest  extant  approximation  to  anythuig  like  a 
handwriting  is  the  inscription  on  the  prize  vase  brought  from 
Athens  by  Mr.  Burgon,  which  cannot  be  later  than  600  b.c. 
The  only  abbreviation  observable  in  this  is  the  omission  of  e  in 
the  termination  -Oev.  The  later  Greeks  used  a  number  of  con- 
tractions in  their  MSS.,  which  were  adopted  in  the  early  edi- 
tions, but  are  universally  rejected  by  modem  editors. 


640 


APPENDIX. 


'■■I 
it 


^ 


P.  198. 

Three  shipe,  one  Athenian,  one  of  TroBzen,  and  one  of  ^Egina 
had  heen  stationed  off  Sciathus  to  give  advice  of  the  movements 
of  the  enemy.  They  fled  when  the  Persians  came  in  sight : 
and  the  Troezenian  and  JEginetan  were  taken.  The  Athenian 
ran  ashore  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peneus,  and  abandoning  their 
ship,  made  their  way  home  overland.  But  what  makes  this 
afiair  the  more  interesting,  is  the  well  attested  fact  that  the  Per- 
sians chose  out  the  comehest  man  among  the  Trcezenians,  and 
offered  him  as  a  sacrifice  for  victory  at  the  prow  of  his  ship. 
A  collection  of  all  the  instances  of  human  sacrifice  among  the 
more  civilized  nations  of  antiquity  would  form  a  sad  chapter 
even  in  the  history  of  superstition. 


ATHENIAN  LOVE  FOR  HIGH  BIRTH.— P.  322. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  high  birth  among  the  Greeks 
implied  a  heroic  or  divine  origin,  thus  connecting  the  individual 
with  some  object  of  public  or  private  worship.  Indeed  nothing 
is  more  important,  and  perhaps,  at  the  same  time,  more  difTicult, 
in  the  study  of  history,  than  to  keep  constantly  in  mind  the 
peculiar  manner  in  which  the  religious  belief  of  a  country  afiects 
its  ideas  upon  every  other  subject. 


SOCRATES. 

I  TRANSLATE  from  Constant's  great  work  on  Religion  the  fol- 
lowing admirable  appreciation  of  Socrates  : 

"  Long  before  our  era  polytheism  had  reached  its  highest 
point  of  relative  perfection ;  but  relative  perfection,  like  every 
thing  which  partakes  of  human  weakness,  is  transient  in  its  na- 
ture. Polytheism,  imperfect  in  ^schylus,  perfect  in  Sophocles, 
began  to  decline  at  the  very  moment  of  its  perfect  development, 
for  the  germs  of  its  decay  are  already  manifest  in  Euripides. 
The  gods  had  been  multiplied  to  mlinity  by  personifications  and 
allegories ;  and  hence  a  strange  confusion  in  doctrines,  fables  and 
practice.  Such  was  the  state  of  religion  in  Greece.  In  the 
Iburth  centiuy  the  sophists  had  neglected  the  method  of  observa- 
tion, and  seem  to  have  been  so  far  from  suspecting  the  import- 
ance of  ethics,  that  they  scarcely  mentioned  it ;  devoting  their 
lessons  to  abstract  speculations,  remoto  from  practical  life.    Soc- 


APPENDIX. 


641 


rates  founded  his  precepts  upon  conscience,  upon  self-knowledge ; 
and  thus  created  the  science  of  morals,  which  he  taught  in  his 
lessons  and  exemplified  by  his  life.  He  knew  nothing  of  rhe- 
torical forms  :  using  only  a  simple,  laconic,  and  close  logic. 
The  details  of  his  doctrines  are  little  known ;  yet  there  is  no 
doubt  but  what  they  taught  practical  morality,  founded  upon 
the  inspirations  of  conscience  and  the  pleasures  of  virtue ;  the 
existence  of  a  supreme  governor  of  the  universe  ;  and  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul.  Thus  the  necessity  of  M7iity  was  felt  both  in 
politics  and  in  religion,  and  while  states  were  preparing  for  cen- 
tralization, religion  was  upon  the  point  of  being  purified  and 
made  one. 


LAWS  OF  DIOCLES.— P.  487-497. 

Although  we  know  little  more  of  this  code  than  what  is 
contained  in  some  very  unsatisfactory  passages  of  Diodorus,  yet 
it  was  evidently  well  adapted  both  to  the  character  and  the 
wants  of  the  Syracusans,  ibr  they  continued  to  hold  to  it  with 
undiminished  veneration  as  long  as  they  were  allowed  to  be 
governed  by  laws  of  their  own.  Subsequent  legislators  were 
regarded  as  mere  expounders  of  the  law,  while  the  title  of  law- 
giver was  reserved  for  Diodes.  Diodorus  tells  us  that  it  was 
severe  but  discriminating,  proportioning  the  punishment  to  the 
crime,  and  drawn  up  with  conciseness  and  precision.  It  has 
been  supposed  with  great  apparent  probability  that  Diodes  tcck 
for  models  the  laws  of  Zaleukos,  Charondes  and  Pythagoras. 
V.  Wachsmuth  Hellenische  Alterthumskunde,  v.  i.  pp.  741-2, 
k  85,  2d  ed. 


r   f 


III 


THE  ART  OF  WAR  IN  GREECE. 

Upon  this  interesting  subject  the  reader  will  do  well  to  con- 
sult the  twelfth  section  of  Heeren's  Politics  of  Ancient  Greece,  in 
which  he  will  find  the  leading  questions  discussed  with  the 
characteristic  precision  of  that  admirable  writer.  Those  who 
have  not  that  work  at  hand,  should  bear  in  mmd  that  the  char- 
acter of  Grecian  warfare  must  necessarily  have  partaken  largely 
of  the  general  characteristics  of  mountain  warfare.  If  he  has 
studied  his  map  attentively,  he  will  have  seen  that  there  was 
very  little  room  in  those  narrow  limits  for  the  movement  cf 
large  masses  :  that  a  march  of  a  few  miles  always  led  to  some 


ut 


APPENDIX 


mountain  pass  or  dangerous  defile :  that  there  were  no  strong 
and  extensive  bases  of  operation  like  those  of  the  Adige  and  the 
Mincio  in  Lombardy,  and  consequently  few  occasions  for  the 
display  of  strategic  skill.  The  early  battles  of  the  Greeks  v.  ere 
desperate  encounters  of  hand-to-hand,  displaying  judicious  tactics 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  troops,  but  jMicuharly  fitted  to  turn  to 
account  the  perfect  gymnastic  training  of  the  men ;  a  fact  which 
will  explain  the  suiK>riority  of  the  Spartans  dunng  the  early  and 
middle  periods  of  Grecian  history.  Epaminondas  was  the  first 
to  discover  the  great  principle  of  concentrating  the  weight  ol 
your  own  army  uywn  the  weakest  point  of  your  enemy  s,  in 
which  the  secret  of  the  art  consists.  The  battle  of  Leuctra  was 
the  opening  of  a  new  era  in  the  art  of  war,  which  was  soon  de- 
veloped u^n  a  vast  scale  by  Philip  and  Alexander. 


Horologiiim  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestes  at  Athfcns.    (See  p.  586  > 


INDEX. 


Abdera,  158. 
Abrocomas,  423. 
Abydus,  battle  of,  423. 
Academy,  the,  399,  598. 
Acarnania,  6. 
Achapans,  12,  sq. 
Achnean  league,  568,  sq. 
Achaeus,  12. 
Achaia,  0,  57. 

,  a  Roman  province,  578. 

Acharna!,  286. 

Achelous.  4,  9. 

Achilles,  22. 

Achradina.  344. 

Acrisius.  18. 

Acropolis,  Athenian,  382.  392. 

Acusilaus  of  Argos,  234. 

Adimantus,  20ft 

Admetus,  248- 


I 


Adrastus,  22. 

Aeetes,  20 

jEgae,  523. 

.(Egaleos,  Mt.,  Xerxes  at,  209. 

JEgeus,  19. 

-angina,  7 ;  described,  181 ;  taken  by  the 
Athenians,  287. 

^ginetan  scale,  59;  sculpture,  149. 

jEginetans  submit  to  the  Spartans,  172. 

JCgospotami,  battle  of,  368. 

^gyptus,  15. 

JEolians,  13. 

iEolic  migration,  35. 

iEolus,  12 

^schines,  512;  Amphictyonic  deputy, 
518;  accuses  Demosthenes,  553;  re- 
tires to  Rhodes,  554 ;  account  of  his 
life,  591. 

jEschylus,  178 ;  account  of,  403,  sq. 

j^Csymnetes,  8. 

JEtolia.,  6. 


I 


644 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


^lolian  Jeague,  571. 

^tolians  reduced,  574. 

Agamemnon,  16,  22. 

Agathon,  5b7. 

Ageiuila:^,  >7. 

Agesilius  becomes  king  of  Sparta,  436; 
character,  ib. ;  his  expedition  against 
the  Persians,  430  ;  attacks  IMiarnabaxus, 
440:  routs  the  Persians  on  tlie  Pacto- 
lus,  lb. ;  his  interview  with  Pharna- 
Imsus,  441  ;  recalled,  442  ;  homeward 
march,  440  ;  oJlering  ai  Delphi,  447 ; 
takes  Lechasum,  440  ;  invades  llceolia, 
464 ;  attacks  Mantinea,  474  ;  saves 
Sparta,  476,  485 ;  expedition  to  Egypt, 
4H6 ;  death,  ib. 

Agesipolis,  445  ;  death,  459. 

Agis,  307,  326,  435. 

IV.,  570. 

Agnon,  269. 

Agora,  26. 

,  Athenian,  398. 

Agrigentum,  118,466. 

Agyrrhius,  432. 

Aimnestus,  224. 

Ajax,  22. 

Alaric,  396. 

AIf'i^ii'ti'''v    132 

Alcibiaiies,  character  of,  322 ;  deceives  the 
Spartan  ambassadors,  324  ;  at  Olympia, 
325  ;  attacks  ICpidaurus,  ib. ;  in  Sicily, 
329;  accused  of  mutilating  the  llerma;, 
331 ;  arrest  and  escape  of,  335 ;  con- 
demned,  tb. ;  goes  to  Sparta,  336 ;  ex- 
cites a  revolt  of  the  Chians,  348;  dis- 
missed by  the  Spartans,  349;  flies  to 
Tissaphcrnes,  350 ;  intrigues  of,  351  ; 
proceedings  at  Samoa,  354  ;  arrested  by 
Tissaphemes,  359 ;  defeats  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  at  Cyaticus,  360;  returns  to 
Athens,  361  ,  dismissed  from  the  com- 
mand of  the  Athenian  fleet,  363;  flies  to 
Pharnabazus,  376  ;  murdered,  ib. 

Alcidas,  300,  304. 

Alcmypon,  88. 

Alcmiponidie  banished,  93. 

Alcman,  130. 

Alcmena,  15. 

Alcuadif>,  507. 

Alexander,  King  of  Macedon,  217. 

Alexander  of  Pherie,  460;  defeated  by 
Pelopidas,  482  ;  subdued,  483 

Alexander  the  Great,  522 ;  education.  526 ; 
accession,  ib.;  overawes  the  Thebans 
and  Athenians,  527  ;  generalissimo 
against  Persia,  ib.  ;  interview  with 
Diogenes,  528 ;  expedition  against  the 
Thracians,  &c  ,  tb.;  reduces  the  The- 

*     bans  to  obedience,  ib.;   demands  the 
Athenian  orators,  529  ;  crosses  to  Asia, 

530  ;  forces  the  passage  of  the  Granicus, 

531  ;  progress  through  Asia  NTinor,  ib. ; 
cuts  the  Gordian  knot,  542 ,  dangerous 
illness,  533.  defeats  the  Persians  at 
Issus,  tb  ;  march  through  Pha-nicia. 
5.1.1;  besieges  Tyre,  536;  answer  to 
Parmenio,  537  .  proceeds  to  Egypt,  ib. ; 
visits  the  temple  ot  Ammon,  538 ;  defeats 
Darius  in  the  battle  of  Arbela,  539; 
enters  Babylon,  ib. ;  seizes  Suxa,  540  ; 
marches   to   PersepoUs,  ib.;   pursuss 


Darius,  541;  invades  Hyrcania,  542; 
enters  Bactria,  543;  defeats  the  Scy- 
thians, lb.  ;  marries  Roxana,  544  ;  kills 
Clitus,  lb. ;  plot  of  the  pages  against  his 
life,  545  ;  crosses  the  Indus,  ib.  ;  van- 
quishes Porus,  lb.  ;  marches  home- 
wards. 546  ;  peril  at  Malli,  ib. ;  arrive* 
at  the  Indian  Ocean,  547  ;  march  through 
(iedrosia,  ib. ;  marries  Stalira,  51» , 
quells  a  mutiny  at  Opis,  ib.  ;  8olemni.se.^ 
the  festival  of  Dionysus  at  Ecbataiia. 
549  ;  his  ambitious  projects,  550 ;  death, 
ib. ;  character,  ib. ;  estimate  of  his  ex- 
ploits, 551  ;  funeral,  553 ;  portraits  and 
statues  of,  582. 

Alexander,  son  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
553,  561. 

Alexandria  in  Arachosia,  543. 

.\lexandna  in  Ariorum,  542. 

Alexandria  ad  C^aucasum,  543. 

Alexandria  in  Egypt,  founded,  537  ;   de- 
scription of,  584  ;  literature  at,  600. 

Alexandria  Eschate,  543. 

Alpiiubet,  Ionic,  introduced,  379. 

Alpheus,  6,  7. 

Allis,  the,  52. 

Ambracian  Gulf,  4. 

Aminias,  211. 

Ammon,  Jove,  538. 

Amompharelus,  223. 

Amphipolis,  269,  503. 

Aniphissians,  518. 

Ainphitryun,  15. 

Amphictyonic .council,  its  origin  and  con- 
stitution, 49. 

Amphictyons,  decree  of  the,  at  the  end  of 
the  second  sacred  war,  513. 

A  my  n  las.  457 

Anacharsis.  K4. 

Anacreon,  134. 

Anactorium,  125. 

Anaxagoras,  136,  charged  with  impiety, 
279 

Anaxibius,  432  ;  slain,  453. 

Anaxicrates,  262. 

Anaximander,  136. 

Anaximenes,  136. 

AndocJ«les,  334,  590. 

Androsthenes,  3fc8. 

Anniceres,  490. 

Antalcidas,  peace  of,  454;  mission  t© 
Persia,  457. 

Antigonias,  Athenian  tribe.  562. 

Antigoiius,  553,  558;  coalition  against, 
561  ;  assumes  the  title  of  king,  562 ; 
slain,  563. 

Antigonus  Doson,  570. 

Antigonus  Gonatas,  568. 

Antioch  founded  bv  Seleucus,  563. 

Antiochus,  363,  479. 
Antiochus  Soter.  567. 
Antiochus  III  .  574. 

Antipater,    defeats   the    Spartans,    553". 
defeated  at  the  Spercheus,  555  ,  over- 
throws the  allied  Greeks  at  Crannou, 
556;    demands    the  Athenian  .orators. 
557  ;  declared  regent,  5.58  ;  death,  ib. 
Antiphon,  351,  355;  executed,  356;  char- 
acter as  an  orator,  590. 
Antisthenes,  596. 
Anytus,  417. 


INDEX. 


645 


Apaturia,  festival  of,  366. 

Apelles,  582. 

Apollo  Pyihaeus,  58 ;  Temnites,  337 ; 
Epicurius,  temple  of,  399. 

ApoUodorus,  390. 

ApcUonia,  125. 

Appian,  601. 

Arachosia,  543. 

Aralus,  569. 

Arbela,  battle  of,  539. 

Arcadia,  6,  57. 

Arcadian  confederation,  474. 

Arcadians  transfer  the  presidency  of  the 
Olympic  games  to  the  Pisatans,  483. 

Arcesilaus,  596. 

Archelaus.  501. 

Archias,  557,  460. 

Archidamus,  278,  284,  265,  267,  268 ;  be- 
sieges Platsea,  293. 

Archilochus,  129. 

Architecture,  141,  584. 

Archon,  80 ;  Athenian,  68 ;  cponymus 
and  basileus,  91. 

Areopagus,  court  of,  91 ;  reformed  by  Peri- 
cles, 256  ;  hill  of,  382,  398. 

Arginusae,  battle  of,  365. 

Argives  and  Spartans,  struggles  between, 
78. 

Argolis,  7. 

Argonauts,  20. 

Argos,  7,  13,  15,  57;  progress  of,  257; 
head  of  a  new  contiedcracy,  321. 

Ariadne,  19. 

Ariffus,  426. 

Ariobarzanes,  540. 

Arion,  131,402. 

Anstagoras,  1G3,  sq. 

Anstarchus,  600, 

Aristides,  character  of,  163 ;  recalled 
from  exile,  203;  defeats  the  Persians, 
212  ,  organizes  the  confederacy  of  Delos, 
242  ,  change  in  his  views  ;  245  ;  death, 
250 

Aristippus,  595. 

Aristocrates,  76. 

Aristodemus  of  Messenia,  74. 

Aristodemus  of  Sparta,  226. 

iristogeiton  (v.  Harmodius). 

Aristophanes,  his  politics,  302;  account 
of,  408,  sq. 

Aristophanes  of  Byzantium,  600. 

.\ri8tomenes  of  Messenia,  75. 

Aristotle,  526 ;  account  of,  597 ;  method 
and  philosophy,  598. 

Arrian,  601. 

Arsinoe,  566. 

Art,  Greek,  30 ,  140,  sq. ;  Athenian,  380, 
sq. ;  Greek,  579,  sq. ;  decline  of,  585. 

Artabazus,  retreat  of  225 

Artaphernes,  164,  173. 

Artaxerxes,  249,  420 

Artemisia,  206  ;  her  prowess,  211. 

Artemisium,  battle  of,  199. 

Asia  Minor,  Greek  colonies  in,  35. 

Asopius,  299 

Aspasia,  279. 

Assyrian  empire,  15S. 

Astacus,  287. 

Asty,  the.  384. 

Astyochus,  349. 

Atheas,  518. 


Athena,  20;  statue  of,  395. 

Athenian  navy,  299. 

Athenians,  divided  into  four  classes,  97; 
assist  the  lonians,  166 ;  war  with 
jEgina,  181  ;  abandon  Athens,  202 ; 
reject  the  Persian  alliance,  217  ;  consti- 
tution more  democratic,  245;  form  an 
alliance  with  Argos,  257  ;  assist  Inarus, 
258 ;  defeat  the  ^ginetans,  259 ;  con- 
quer Boeotia,  261  ;  reduce  ^gina,  ib.  ; 
lose  their  power  in  Boeotia,  263 ;  des- 
potic power  of,  271  ;  make  peace  with 
Persia,  262  ;  conclude  a  thirty  years* 
truce  with  Sparta,  264 ;  subjugat* 
Samos,  271  ;  lorm  an  alliance  with 
Corcyra,  275  ;  their  allies  and  resources 
in  the  Peloponnesian  war,  283 ;  their 
fleet  annoys  the  Peloponnesus,  267 ; 
ravage  the  Mcgarid,  ib. ;  their  decree 
against  the  Mytileneans,  302 ;  take 
Pylus,  307 ;  expedition  against  Bceotia, 
315  ;  conclude  a  truce  with  Sparta,  318  ; 
peace  of  Nicias,  320 ;  refuse  to  evacuate 
Pylus,  322;  treaty  with  Argos,  324; 
conquer  Melos,  327 ;  massacre  the  in- 
habitants, 328 ;  interfere  in  Sicilian 
aflairs,  ib. ;  expedition  to  Sicily,  329  ; 
progress  of.  333 ;  insult  the  coasts  of 
Laconia,  340 ;  send  a  fresh  fleet  to 
Sicily,  341  ;  defeated  at  sea  by  the  Sy- 
racusans,  342 ;  retreat  from  Syracuse, 
343  ;  defeated  by  the  Lacedaemonians  off 
Eretria,  356  ;  gain  a  naval  victory  at 
Cynossema,  358 ;  at  Abydus,  359 ;  at 
Cyzicus,  360  ;  regain  possession  of  the 
Bosporus,  tb. ;  totally  defeated  at  jEgos- 
potami,  368 ;  ally  themselves  with 
Thebes,  444  ;  form  a  league  with  Cor- 
inth and  Argos  against  Sparta,  445 ; 
lose  the  command  of  the  Hellespont, 
454  ;  head  of  a  new  confederacy,  463  ; 
declare  war  against  Sparta,  tb.  ;  peace 
with  Sparta,  468 ;  form  an  alliance  with 
the  Peloponnesian  States,  474  ;  send  an 
embassy  to  Persia,  479 ;  support  Alex- 
ander of  Pher«p,  460  ;  their  desire  to 
seize  Corinth,  481  ;  reviving  maritime 
power  of,  482  ;  deceived  by  Philip,  504  ; 
coalition  against,  505 ;  send  an  embassy 
to  him,  512 ;  court  Phdip,  513  ;  send  a 
fleet  to  relieve  Byzantium,  517  ;  their 
alarm  at  the  approach  of  Philip,  519  ; 
prostrated  by  the  battle  of  Chsronea, 
520 ;  their  piratical  expedition  to  Oropus, 
577 ,  condemned  in  500  talents  by  tha 
Romans,  ib. 

Athens,  its  origin,  15,  19  ;  early  consti- 
tution of,  90 ;  taken  by  the  Persians, 
205 ;  second  occupation  of,  by  the  Per- 
sians, 218 ;  rebuilding  of,  244 ;  long 
walls  of,  259 ;  incipient  decline  of^ 
263 ;  crowded  state  of,  during  the  Pe- 
loponnesian war,  286  ;  plague  at,  268 ; 
dismay  at,  347 ;  oligarchy  established 
at,  353 ;  invested  by  the  Peloponne- 
sians,  371  ;  famine  at,  tb. ;  surrender 
of,  372  ;  Spartan  garrison  at,  374  ; 
democracy  restored  at,  379  ;  description 
of  the  city,  382,  sq.  ;  origin  of  its  name, 
383  ;  rebuilt,  384 ;  walls,  ib. ;  harbours, 
ib. ;  streets,  &c.,  385;  population,  ift. ; 


m 


M 


646 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


long  walls  rebuUt,  447;  captured  by 
Demetrius,  505 

Athos,  Mount,  canal  at,  187. 

Atiaginus,  226. 

Attic  tribes,  four,  89 ;  increased  to  ten, 
108. 

Auica,  5  ;  early  history  of,  88 ;  three  fac- 
tions in,  95. 


B. 

Babylon,  153 ;  taken  by  CyTUS,  158  ;  sub- 
mits to  Alexander,  539. 

Babylonians,    the,    153  ;     Aristophanes' 
comedy  of,  302. 

BacchiadsE,  oligarchy  of  the,  383. 

Bacchylides,  233. 

Bad,  the,  85. 

Barbarian^  meaning  of  the  term,  48. 

Barca,  124. 

Bards,  ancient,  30. 

Bardylis,  502. 

Masiteus,  what,  26. 

Belus,  temple  of,  539. 

Bessus,  541 ;  put  to  death,  543. 

Bias,  135. 

Bion,  600. 

Boar's  grave,  battle  at  the,  76. 

BcBotarchs,  restored,  461. 

BcBOtia,descriptK)n  of,  5. 

Bceotians,  inmugration  of  the,  32  ;  their 
confederacy  restored,  466. 

Boges,  243. 

Bosporus,  Athenian  toll  at  the,  360. 

Boute.  26. 

Brasidas,  308 ;  his  expedition  into  Thrace, 
317 ;  death,  319 ;  honours  paid  to  his 
memory,  320. 

Brennus,  567. 

Bribery  among  the  Greeks,  199. 

liryas,  327. 

I:  ucephala,  founded  by  Alexander,  546. 

Byzantines,  erect  a  statue  in  honour  of 
Athens,  518. 

Byjtaniium,  125;  taken  by  the  Athenians, 
240 ;  second  capture  of,  272  ;  third  cap- 
ture of,  361 ;  besieged  by  Philip,  516  ; 
relieved  by  the  Athenians,  518. 

C 

« 

Cadmea,  or  Theban  citadel,  seized  by  the 
Spartans,  458 ;  recovered,  462. 

Cadmus,  16. 

Cadmus  of  Miletus,  234. 

Calamis,  387. 

CaUias,  peace  of,  468. 

Callias  of  Chalcis,  517. 

Callicrates,  576. 

Callicratidas,  363. 

Callimachus,  600. 

Callippus,  494. 

Callirrhoe,  fountain  of,  104. 

Callistratus,  463. 

CaUixenus,  366. 

Cambunian  mountains,  2. 

Cambyses,  158;  conquers  Egypt,  159; 
death,  ib. 

Canathus,  387. 

Carduchi,  429. 

Caraeades,  596. 


Caryatides,  397. 

Carihiigimans  invade  Sicily,  215,  48& 

Caspian  gales.  541. 

Cassander,  559 ;  establishes  an  oligarchy 
at  Athens,  560  ,  takes  Pydna,  ib. ;  kills 
Roxana  and  her  son,  5C1. 

Casting,  art  of,  148. 

Catana,  surprised  by  the  Atheniana,  334. 

Cathsei,  546. 

Cauconcs,  14. 

Cecropid*,  3b3. 

Cecrops,  15. 

Celts  mvade  Macedonia,  567. 

Cephallenia,  7,  287. 

Cephissus,  the,  382. 

Ceramicus,  the,  398. 

Ccrtjces,  the,  351. 

Chabrias,  451,  463;  defeats  the  Lace- 
daemonian fleet  at  Naxos,  465;  slaiiu 
505. 

Chtpreas,  354. 

Chterephon,  417. 

Charilus,  402. 

Chteronea,   first  battle 

battle.  520. 
Chalccdon,  361. 


of,   263;    second 


Chalybes,  the,  430. 
Chares,  481.  505,  517. 


Chares  (sculptor),  585. 
Charicles,  340. 
Charidemus,  509. 
Clianlaus,  61,  77. 
Chariots  of  war,  30. 
Charon  of  Lampsacus,  234. 
Charon  of  Thebes,  460. 
Chians,  revolt  of  the,  348. 
Chileos,  219. 
Chilo,  135. 
Chionides,  407. 

Chios,  attacked  by  the  Athenians,  505. 
Chirisophus,  431. 
Chremonidean  war,  568. 
Chronology,  Grecian,  28. 
Chryselephantine  statuary,  395. 
Cimon  of  Cleonte,  150. 
Cimon,  son  of  Miltiades,  242 ;  his  cha- 
racter,   252 ;     assists   the    Lacedffmo- 
nians,  255  ;    banished,  257  ;   his   sen- 
tence revoked,  261 ;  expedition  to  Cyprus 
and  death,  262 ;   his  patronage  of  art, 
391. 
Cinadon.  conspiracy  of,  437. 
Cirrha;an  plain,  51,  505. 
Cithieron,  Mount,  5. 
Cities,  independent  sovereignty  of,  54. 
Clearchus,  420,  425. 
Clearidas,  322. 
Cleippides,  296. 
Cleobulus.  135. 
Cleombrotus,  462  ,  assists  the  Phociana, 

466  ;  invades  Ua'otia,  470  ;  slain,  471. 
Cleomenes,  106,  111,  sq.  182. 
Cleomenic  war,  571. 

Cleon,  286 ;    character  of,  301  ;  his  vio- 
lence,   310 ;      his    expedition     against 
Sphacteria,  311  ;  to  Thrace,  319  ;  flight 
and  death,  ib. 
Cleopatra,  Philip's  wife,  522. 
Cleopatra,     Pliilip's    daughter,     marrie!» 

Alexander  of  Epirus,  523. 
Clvophou,  360. 


INDEX. 


647 


;  relation  ts  the 
how    founded. 


Cleruchi,  112,  268. 

Clisthenes  of  Sicyon,  83. 

Clisthenes,  107  ;  his  reforms,  108 ;  their 
effects,  113. 

Clitus  saves  Alexander's  life,  531  ;  killed 
by  Alexander,  544. 

Cnemus,  291. 

Cnidus,  battle  of,  442. 

Codrus,  death  of,  88. 

Colchians,  the,  431. 

Colo'iies,  Greek,  115,  sq 
mother  country,  ib. ; 
1 16  ;  mostly  democratic,  ib. ;  in  Asia 
Minor,  117;  in  Sicily,  118;  in  Italy, 
120;  in  Gaul  and  Spain,  123  ;  in  Africa, 
124 ;  in  the  Ionian  Sea,  ib. ;  in  Mace- 
donia and  Thrace,  125  ;  progress  of, 
228. 

Comedy,  old  Attic,  408  ;  new,  588. 

Conon,  supercedes  Alcibiades,  363 ;  de- 
feated by  Callicratidas,  364  ;  accepts 
th3  command  of  th3  Persian  fleet,  439; 
o:;cupies  Caunus,  441  ;  proceeds  to 
Babylon,  442  ;  defeats  the  Spartan  fleet 
at  Cnidus,  ib. ;  reduces  the  Spartan 
colonies,  447  ;  takes  Cylhera,  ib. ;  re- 
builds the  long  walls  of  Athens,  448  ; 
seized  by  Tinbazus,  451. 

Copais,  lake,  5. 

Corax,  5. 

Corcyra,  7,  121;  troubles  in,  304;  mas- 
sacre at,  313 ;  defended  by  an  Athenian 
fleet,  467. 

Corcyraeans,  quarrel  with  Corinth,  273 ; 
send  an  embassy  to  Athens,  274. 

Corinna,  231. 

Corinth,  57  ;  despots  of,  83  ;  battle  of, 
445  ;  massacre  at,  449  ;  congress  at, 
521 ;  another  congress  at,  527  ;  destroy- 
ed by  Mummius,  578. 

Corinthian  gulf,  5. 

Corinthian  order,  145  ;  war,  445. 

Corinthians  assist  the  Epidamnians,  274  ; 
ally  themselves  with  Argos,  449 ;  con- 
clude a  peace  with  Thebes,  461. 

Coronea,  battle  of,  446. 

Corupedion,  battle  of,  566. 

Cottyus,519. 

Coiys,  576. 

Cranai,  383. 

Crannon,  battle  of,  556. 

Grantor,  596. 

Craterus,  546. 

Crates,  596. 

('ratinus,  408. 

Crete,  7,  38. 

Creusis,  470. 

C-rimesus,  battle  of,  497. 

Crissa,  50. 

Critias,  372;  seizes  Salamis  and  Eleusis, 
377  ;  slain,  378. 

Crito,  418. 

Critolaus,  578. 

CrcBsus,  150,  154;  fall  of,  157. 

Croton,  120. 

Cryptia,  64. 

Cum;B,  118. 

Cunaxa,  battle  of,  424. 

Cyclades,  7. 

Cyclic  poets,  40. 

Cyclopean  walls,  142. 


Cyllene,  Mount,  6. 

Cylon,  conspiracy  of,  92. 

Cynics,  the,  596. 

Cynosarges,  the,  596. 

Cynoscephala;,  battle  of,  482. 

Cynuria,  78. 

Cypselus,  83. 

Cyrenaic  sect,  595. 

Cyrene,  124. 

Cyrus,  empire  of,  155 ;  captures  Sardis, 

156  ;  takes  Babylon,  158 ;  death,  ib. 
Cyrus  the  younger,  arrives  on  the  coast, 

362  ;  his  expedition  against  his  brother 

Artaxerxes,  420  ;  march,  422,  sq.  ;  slain, 

425. 
Cythera,  7. 
Cyzicus,    117,    359;    recovered    by   the 

Athenians,  360. 

D. 

Da?dalus,  148. 

Damocles,  story  of,  490. 

Danae,  15. 

Danai,  15. 

Danaus,  15,  18. 

Darius,  159 ;  his  administration,  161  ; 
Thracian  expedition  of,  ib. ;  extorts  the 
submission  of  the  Macedonians,  162 ; 
death,  186. 

Darius  Codomanus,  defeated  by  Alexander 
at  Issus,  533  ;  overthrown  by  Alexander 
at  Arbela,  539  ;  murdered,  543. 

Datis,  173. 

Decarchies,  Spartan,  370,  437. 

Decelea,  340. 

Delium,  Athenian  expedition  against,  315  j 
battle  of,  316. 

Delos,  confederacy  of,  241  ;  tribute,  269; 
synod  removed  to  Athens,  270 ;  lustra- 
tion of,  307. 

Delphi,  temple  of,  50;  oracle,  54;  taken 
by  the  Phocians,  500  ,  oracle  of  concern- 
ing Philip,  523. 

Demades,  557. 

Demaratus,  182. 

Demes,  Attic,  108. 

Demetrias,  Athenian  tribe,  562. 

Demetrius  of  Phalerus,  560  ;  character  of, 
561  ;  retires  to  Thebes,  562. 

Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  561  ;  besieges 
Salamis,  562 ;  besieges  Rhodes,  ib. ; 
takes  Athens,  565;  king  of  Macedon, 
ib. ;  death,  566. 

Demetrius  of  Pharos,  572. 

Demiurgi,  20. 

Democracy,  80;  Athenian,  progress  of, 
301. 

Demosthenes  (general),  307,  311. 

Demosthenes  (orator),  account  of,  508; 
Philippics,  lb.  ;  first,  509  ;  Olynthiacs, 
510;  embassy,  512;  second  Philippic, 
515  ;  oration  on  the  Peace,  ib. ;  mission 
into  Peloponnesus,  ib. ;  third  Philippic, 
516;  oration  on  the  Chersonese,  ib^i 
presented  with  a  golden  crown,  517  ,• 
goes  envoy  to  Thebes,  519;  fights  at 
Cha^ronca,  520;  his  conduct  after 
Philip's  death,  520  ;  proposes  religious 
honours  for  Philip's  assassin,  ib. ;  his 
opinion  of  Alexander,  527 ;   exertions 


« 


UH 


HISTORY  OF  GREECR 


to  rouse  Greece,  ib. ;  embassy  to  Alex- 
ander, lb  ;  accused  by  .Eschincs— 
speech  on  the  Croum,  554  ;  condtinned 
of  corruption,  555;  recalled  from  exile, 
55S ;  demanded  by  Aniipaler,  557 . 
escapes  to  (Jalaurea,  tb. ;  death,  ib ; 
cliaracier  as  an  orator,  5iJ2. 

DercyUidas,  438,  447. 

Diacria,  95. 

Di<eus,  577. 

Diasia,  93. 

Dicasteries,  25<l 

Dinarehus,  593. 

DiOw-les,  487. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  601. 

DioJotus,  303. 

Diogenes,  his  interview  with  Alexander, 
527. 

Dion,  489 ;  patriotic  proje<*ts  of,  491  ; 
exiled.  492 ;  talioa  Syraeu.se,  493 ;  as- 
sassinated, 494, 

Dion  Cassius,  601. 

Diojiysius  the  elder,  tyrant  of  Sy- 
racuse, 48S,  sq. ;  death  and  character, 
490. 

Dionysius  the  younger,  490  ;  expelled  by 
Dion,  493  ;  retires  to  Corinth,  490. 

Dionysius  of  Ilalicarnassua,  601. 

Dionysus,  theatre  of,  at  Athens,  397. 

Diopithes,  516. 

Dithyramb,  invention  of  the,  132;  the 
source  of  tragedy.  402. 

Dodona,  oracle  of,  14. 

Dorcis,  241. 

Dorians,  12,  13 ;  in  Peloponnesus,  32  ; 
migrations  of  the,  37  ;  three  tribes  of,  62. 

Doric  Ilexapolis,  37  ;  order,  144. 
Doris,  5. 

Dorus,  12. 
Draco,  laws  of,  93. 

E. 


Eeclesia,  the,  109. 

Education,  Spartan,  66  ;  Athenian,  413. 

Egesteeans,  the,  deceive  theAthenians,  329. 

Egypt,  its  influence  on  Greece,  15. 

Eion,  Athenian  colony  at,  253. 

Eisphara,  the,  463. 

Elea,  founded,  158. 

Eleans,  34  ;  attack  the  Arcadians  at 
Olympia,  483. 

Eleusinians,  condemned  to  death  by  the 
3000  at  Athens,  378. 

Bleutheria,  festival  of,  227. 

Elis,  7,  57  ;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  435. 

Embassy  of  the  three  philosophers  to 
Rome,  577. 

Embroidery,  30. 

Ennea  Hodoi,  253. 

Kpaminondas,  460;  named  Boeotarch, 
461  ;  his  character,  464 ;  embassy  to 
Sparta,  468;  military  genius  of;  defeats 
the  Spartans  at  Leuctra,  471 ;  invades 
Laconia,  475 ;  establishes  the  Arcadian 
confederation,  and  restores  the  Messe- 
nians,  476 ;  again  invades  Peloponnesus, 
478  ;  saves  the  Theban  army,  480  ;  res- 
cues Pelopidas,  ih. ;  naval  expedition  of, 
482  ;  last  invasion  of  Peloponnesus,  484  ; 
death  of,  486. 


Epariti,  476. 

Epeans,  34. 

Ephesus,  117. 

Epheta?,  92. 

Ephialtcs,  195. 

Ephialtes  (the  friend  of  Pericles),  256. 

Ephors,  64  ;  power  of  the,  65. 

Epic  poetry,  4(K 

Epicharmus,  401. 

Epicnemidian  Locrians,  5. 

Epicurean  sect,  596. 

Epicurus,  565,  590.^ 

Epidamnus,  125,  273. 

Epidaurus,  7. 

Epigoni,  22. 

Epimenides,  94. 

Epipola",  337. 

Epirus,  4. 

Epitadas,  311. 

Epvaxa,  422. 

Equals,  Spartan,  438. 

Erectheum,  268. 

Eretria,  capture  of,  174. 

Eteocles,  22. 

Eujpphnus,  73. 

Eubaa,    7;    revolt    from   Athena,    26.1 
second  revolt  of,  356. 

Euboic  scale,  59. 

Euclides,  archon,  380. 

Eudides  of  Megara,  595. 

Euclides  of  Alexandria,  600. 

Eudamidas,  458. 

Eiimenes,  553. 

Eumenes,  King  of  Pergamus,  5/6. 

Eumenides  of  .Eschylus,  256. 

Eumenides,  cave  of  the,  398. 

Eumolpida?,  335,  351. 

EupatndoB,  20;  nature  of  their  govern- 
ment, 91. 

Euphaes,  73. 

Euphranor,  581. 

Euphrates,    surveyed  by  order  of  Alex- 
ander, 550. 

Eupolis,  408. 

Eupompus,  582. 

Euripides,  account  of,  406 ;  character  as  a 
poet,  407. 

Euripides  the  younger,  587. 

Eurybiades.  193. 

Eurydice,  560. 

Eurolas,  7. 

Eurymedon,  battle  of  the,  252. 

Eurymedon,  307,  313  ;  banished,  328. 

Eurystheus,  18. 

Evagoras,  439. 


Famesian  bull,  586. 

Fathers,  Greek,  603. 

Few,  the,  266. 

'  Five  Thousand,'  the,  353,  355. 

Flaminius,  T.  g.,  575. 

'  Four    Hundred,'    Athenian    Senate    or 

Coiinf  il  of,  98  ;  enlarged  to  five  hundred, 

109;    their   judicial   power    abrogated, 

256. 
'  Four  Hundred,'  conspiracy  of  the,  353  ; 

put  down,  356. 
Franchise,  Athenian,  restricted,  380. 
Freemen,  27. 


I 


INDEX. 


649 


a 

Galatia,  567. 

Galen,  602. 

Gargaphia,  fountain  of,  230. 

Gaugamcla,  battle  of  (v.  Arbela). 

Gelon  of  Syracuse,  192,  215, 

Generals,  10  Athenian  condemned,  367. 

Geomori,  20,  80,  89. 

Geranean  mountains,  5. 

Gerusia,  Spartan,  65, 

Good,  the,  85. 

Gordian  knot,  the,  512. 

Gorgias,  328,  414,  590. 

Government,  in  the  heroic  age,  2j. 

Granicus,  battle  of  the,  531. 

Graphi  parano/non,  repealed,  353. 

Greece,  form  of,  2 ;  physical  features  of, 
7,  sq. ;   climate,  9,  sq.  ;  products,  ib. ; 
reduced  to  a  Roman  province,  578. 
Greek  language,  13,  48  ;  history,  early, 
48. 

Greeks,  character  of  the,  8 ;  causes  whirh 
united  them,  48  ;  disunion  of,  on  the 
approach  of  Xerxes,  191 ;  celebrate 
the  battle  of  Salamis,  214  ;  expedition 
of  the  Ten  Thousand,  422  ;  retreat  of, 
426,  sqq. ;  arrive  at  the  Euxine,  430  ;  at 
Byzantium,  432. 

Gyges,  153. 

Gylippus,  arrives  in  Sicily,  339 ;  captures 
the  fort  of  Labdalum,  ib. 

II. 

Hamilcar,  215. 

Hannibal,  572. 

Ilarmoiius  and  Aristogiton,  conspiracy  of, 
105. 

Harmosts,  Spartan,  370,  437. 

Harpasjus,  158. 

Harpalus,  564. 

Hecataeus,  165,  234. 

Hesias,  387. 

Helen,  22. 

HelicEa,  110. 

Helicon,  5, 

Hellanicus,  234. 

Hi'llaiiodica;,  51. 

Hellas,  2. 

Hellen,  12. 

Hellenes,  2. 

HellenotamiJP,  242. 

Hellespont,  bridge  over  the,  187. 

Helots,  origin  of,  34 ;  condition,  63 ;  re- 
volt of,  254  ;  massacre  of,  314. 

Hephsestion,  546;  marries  Drypetis,  548; 
doatli,  549. 

Heraclid;e,  return  of  the,  32. 

Heraclitus,  130. 

Hercules,  18. 

Herm;e,  mutilated,  330. 

Herinionc,  7. 

Ht!rmippus,  279. 

Hermocrates.  328,  487. 

jfermolaus,  5i5. 

Herodotus,  235  ;  account  of  his  work,  236, 

sq. ;  at  Tliurii,  269. 
Heroes,  17. 

Heroic  age,  18  ;  manners  of,  27,  sq. 
Ilesiod,  127. 

O 


Hetaerae,  279. 

Hicetas,  494,  496. 

Hiero  of  Syracuse,  231,  233. 

Hieromnemon,  49. 

Hipparchus,  104  ;  assassinated,  105. 

Hipparinus,  494. 

Hippias,  104  ;  expelled  from  Athens,  106, 

llippocrates,  315. 

llippodamus  of  Miletus,  384. 

Hisitiajus  of  Miletus,  162  ;  crucified,  168, 

History,  rise  of,  233. 

Homer,  39  ;  his  identity,  41 ;  date,  ib. 

Homeric  poems,  their  value,  24 ;  preserva- 
tion of,  42  ;  arranged  by  Pisastratus,  43. 
poetical  unity  of,  46, 

Ilorologium,  the,  585. 

Ilyperholus,  murdered,  351. 

Hyi>erides,  555,  593. 

Ilyphasis,  the,  546, 


Iambic  verso,  129. 

Ibycus,  233. 

Ictinus,  263,  394. 

llisisus,  382. 

Ilium,  or  Troy,  23. 

Inaros,  revolt  of,  358. 

Ion,  12. 

Ionia,  subjugated  by  the  Persians,  170. 

lonians,  12,  13;  four  tribes  of,  89;  revolt 

of  the,  165  ;  defection  from  Sparta,  241. 
Ionic  migration,  36. 
Ionic  order,  145. 
lophon,  587. 
Iphitus,  51. 
Iphicrates,  tactics  of,  450 ;  successes  of, 

541 ;  recalled,  ib. ;  defeats  the  Laceda?- 

monians near  Abydus, 453;  indicted, 503. 
Ipsus,  battle  of,  563, 
Ira,  fortress  of,  76. 
IsiBUS,  591. 
Isagoras,  107, 111, 
Ismenias,  479,  460. 
Isocrates,  591, 
Issus,  battle  of,  533. 
Isthmian  games,  50,  51,  53. 
Ithaca,  7. 
Ithome,  becomes  subject  to  Sparta,  74-. 

Mount,  476. 

J. 

.lason,  20. 

Jason  of  Phera^,  472 ;  assassinated,  473. 

Jerusalem,  Alexander's  reported  visit  to» 

537. 
.Tocasta,  21. 
Josephus,  601. 
Jove,  temple  of,  at  Olympia,  399. 

K, 

Kings,  Grecian,  25,. 

Knights,  Athenian,  97. 

Knights  of  ArisiophanB*^  extract  from,  400. 


\ 


Hi. 

Lacedajmonians  (v.  Sparta/. 
Lai'cdajmonius,  275. 

F 


%m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


r 


ft 


i 


Lachares,  565. 

Laconia,  7  ;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  <  1 ; 
northern  frontier  of,  77. 

Laconizers,  what,  237. 

Lade,  battle  of,  1*58.^ 

Laivinus,  M.  Val.,  572. 

Laius,  21. 

Lainachus,  329;    advises   an   attack  on 
Sj nuuse,  333  ;  slain,  338. 

Laiiiian  war,  530. 

Lainpsacus,  367. 

Laocoon,  5b6. 

Larissa,  429. 

Lasus  of  Hermione,  230. 

Laurium,  9  ;  silver  mines  at,  183. 

Legends,  heroic,  their  value,  24. 

Leieges,  14. 

Leonidas,  194 ;  his  death.  19C. 

Leonnatus,  553. 

Leontiades,  458. 

Leuiitines,  328. 

LeotYchides,  182,  227  ;  treachery  of,  254. 

Leostheues,  555. 

Lesbos,  corillscation  of,  303;    revolt  of, 
348. 

Lesche^  at  Delphi,  390. 

Leueas,  125. 

Leuctra.  battle  of,  47L 

Lichas,  349. 

Literature,  Greek,  history  of,  126,  229, 
400,  587  ;  revival  of  in  the  West,  603 

Locrians,  5  ;  Epizephyrian,  121. 

Lorris,  6. 

Long  walls,  Athenian,  38-1 ;  rebuilt,  448. 

Lucian,  602. 

Lycabettus,  382. 

Lycainbes,  129. 

Lyceum,  399,  597. 

Lycians,  destruction  of  the,  158. 

Lycomedes,  kinp,  20. 

Lycomenes  of  Mantinea,  474,  477  ;  defeats 
the  Spartans,  478,  480. 

Lycon,  417. 

Lyeophron,  84. 

Lycortas,  575. 

Lycurgus  (legislator),  60. 

Lyeurgus  (orator),  593. 

Lydian  monarcliy,  153. 

Lygdamis,  103,  235. 

Lyric  poetry,  128 ;  occasions  of,  129 ;  de- 
velopment of,  229. 

Lysander,  appointed  Navarchtts,  362 ; 
Epistolem,  367 ;  intrusted  by  Cyrus 
with  his  satrapy,  ift. ;  his  proceedings 
after  the  victory  of  ^llgospotami,  370; 
blockades  Pineus,  ib. ;  takes  possession 
of  Athens,  372 ;  establishes  the  Thirty 
Tyrants,  373;  triumph,  ib.;  honours, 
377  ;  re-enters  Athens,  378 ;  his  ambi- 
tious schemes,  436  ;  despatched  to  the 
Hellespont,  440 ;  expedition  into  BtJEOtia, 
444  ;  slain,  ib. 

Lycias,  269,  591. 

Lysicles,  521. 

Lysicraies,  choragic  monument  j>f,  584. 

Lysimachus,  553,  566  ;  slain,  307. 

Lysippus,  582. 

M. 

Macedonia,  dc«cription  (^,  500. 


Macedonian   empire,   partition   of,   553; 

overthrow,  570. 
Macedonians,  their  origin,  501. 
Maclumidas,  573. 
Macroues,  the,  431. 
Magi,  153. 
Magna  Griecia,  120 ;  causes  of  the  declino 

of  its  cities,  123. 
Magon,  196, 
Malian  Gulf,  4. 
Main,  the,  546. 
Mantinea,  57 ;  battle  of,  326  ;  taken  by  the 

Sjiartans,  385  ;  rebuilt,  474  ;   battle  of, 

485 ;  third  battle  of,  573. 
Mantiiieaus,    invoke    tho   aid   of   Sparta 

against  the  Thebans,  484. 
Marathon,  battle  of,  176. 
Mardians  Hubdued  by  Alexander,  542. 
Mardontes,  227, 
Mardonius,  171  ;   adroit  llattery  of,  212; 

negotiations  with  the  Athenians,  217 ; 

marches  again.st  Alliens,  218  ;  retreats, 

219 ;  death,  224. 
Masistius,  220. 
Massageta*,  158. 
Massalia,  123. 
.Mausoleum,  the,  580,  584. 
Mausolus,  505. 
Mazanis,  540. 
Medea,  21, 
Medes,  the,  152. 
Media,  wall  of,  427. 
Medon,  lirst  Athenian  archon,8ei. 
Megaba/.us,  162. 
Megaby/us,  258. 
Megacles,  83,  93,  101,  103. 
Megalopolis  (bunded,  476  ;  battle  of,  553. 
Megara,  57  ;  revolutions  of,  85  ;  long  walls 

at,    257 ;    revolts    from    Athens,    264 ; 

complains    of  Athens,  277 ;    Athenian 

expedition  against,  314. 
Megaric  sect,  595. 
Megaris,  5. 
MeUart,  539. 
Melesander,  292. 
Mih'tus,  417. 
Melos,  327. 
Menalcidas,  577. 
Menaiidtr.  588. 
Mende,  318. 
Menelaus,  22. 
M«-min,  428. 
Messeiic,  58. 
Messenc  founded,  476  ;  taken  by  Lycortas, 

575. 
Messcnia,  7.  ^ 

Mcssenian   war,   first,  73;    second,  /j; 

third,  254. 
Messenians  conquered  by  the  Spartans, 

74  ;  subjugated,  77. 
Mespila,  429. 
Methone,  507. 
Metellus,  578. 
Meton,  330. 

Mihrtnf|,  117;  (all  of,  169;  revolt  of,  348. 
Mih»  the  Crotoniate,  121. 
Milliades,  174 ;  accusation  and  death  ot, 

\m. 

Mindanis,  358. 
Minos,  18,20. 
Minotaur,  19. 


INDEX. 


651 


Minyans,  38. 
Mnaseas,  511. 
Mnasippus,  467. 
Morea,  6. 
Moschus,  600, 
Mosynfeci,  432. 

Mummius,  578;  his  ignorance  of  art,  tb. 
Munychia,  384. 
Museum,  382. 
Mycale,  battle  of,  227. 
Mycena;,  13,  16;  ruins  of,  29,  141. 
Myron,  389. 
Myronides,  259. 

Mytilene,  naval  engagement  at,  364. 
Mytiieneans,  revolt  of  the,  298  ;  embassy 
to  Sparta,  299  ;  capitulate,  300, 

K. 

Nauclides,  281. 

Naucrnry,  90. 

Naupactus,  33  ;  taken  by  the  Athenians, 
261. 

Xavarchia,  Spartan,  358. 

Naxos,  Spartan  expedition  against,  164 ; 
revolt  of,  252  ;  battle  of,  465. 

Neapolis,  337. 

Nearchus,  voyage  of,  547. 

Nemean  games,  51,  53. 

Neodamodes,  64. 

Nic«a,  founded  by  Alexander,  546. 

Nicias,  310;  reduces  Cythera,  314;  con- 
cludes peace  with  Sparta,  320  ;  appoint- 
ed commander  in  Sicdy,  329  ;  his  ddatory 
proceedings  there,  335 ;  desponding 
situation  of,  340 ;  indecision,  311  ;  sur- 
render, 344  ;  death,  345  ;  character,  ib. 

Nicostratus,  304. 

Nike  Apteros,  temple  of,  39L 

Nirnroud,  429. 

Nineveh,  429. 

Nisaius,  494. 

Nobilior,  M.  Fulv.,  574. 

Nobles,  27,  80. 

o. 

Oceanus,  30. 

Odeum,  267,  399. 

(Edipus,  21. 

(Enophyta,  battle  of,  261. 

(Eta,  .Mount,  4. 

Oligarchy,  80. 

Olympia,  7  ;  temple  of,  plundered  by  the 
Arcadians,  484, 

Olympiad,  first,  12. 

Olympian  Jove,  14. 

Olyntpias,  522  ;  takes  refuge  with  Alexan- 
der in  Epirus,  522 ;  whether  concerned 
in  Philip's  assassination,  524 ;  puts 
Eurydice  to  death,  500  ;  murdered,  ib. 

Olympic  games,  51, 

Olympus,  4. 

Olynthiac  orations  of  Demosthenes,  510. 

Olynlhian  confederacy  dissolved,  457 ;  its 
extent,  510. 

Olynthus,  457  ;  taken  by  the  Spartans, 
459. 

Onatas,  3^7. 

Onomarchus,  507. 

Opuntian  Lorrians,  5. 


Oracles,  54. 

Orators,  Athenian,  demanded  by  Alex- 
ander, 529  ;  ten  Attic,  Alexandrian 
canon  of,  590. 

Oratory,  Greek,  rise  and  progress  of,  589. 

Orchomenos,  326,  466,  473. 

Orders  of  architecture,  144. 

Oropus,  481,  577. 

Orthagoras,  62. 

Oriygia,  336. 

Ossa,  4. 

Ostracism,  introduced  by  Clisthenes,  110. 

Othryades,  78. 

Othrys,  Mount,  4. 

Oxyartes,  544. 

Ozolian  mountains,  5. 


Paches,  300,  304. 

Pactolus,  the,  154. 

Pa*onians,  502. 

PiKstum,  120. 

Painting,  origin  and  progress  of,  150 ; 
development  of,  389;  Sicyonian  school 
of,  582. 

Pamisus,  river,  7. 

Pamphilus,  582. 

Panathensea,  19. 

Pancratium,  52. 

Pangfeus,  Mount,  253,  504. 

Pan-Ionic  festival,  36. 

Parabasis,  comic,  409. 

Parali,  95. 

Paris,  22. 

Parmenio,  537;  put  to  death  by  Alex- 
der,  543. 

Parnassus,  Mount,  5. 

Parnes,  Mount,  5. 

Parnon,  Mount,  7. 

Paropamisus,  543. 

Purrhasius,  391. 

Parthenia?,  123. 

Parthenon,  267,  394. 

Parysatis,  queen,  427,  441. 

PasargadiB,  541. 

Paulus,  L.  JEm.,  576. 

Pausanias,  king  of  Sparta,  vanity  and 
treason  of,  240;  recall  and  impeach- 
ment, 247  ;  conviction  and  death,  248. 

Pausanias  (second),  378  ;  expedition  into 
Bceotia,  444  ;  condemned  to  death,  583. 

Pausanias  assassinates  Philip,  523. 

Pausanias  (historian),  602. 

Pcdieis,  95. 

Peers,  Spartan,  438. 

Pelasgians,  14. 

Pelassficon,  the,  266. 

Pel  ion,  4. 

Pelopidas,  character  of,  460 ;  gains  a 
victory  at  Tcgyra,  466 ;  subdues  Alex- 
ander of  Phera',  478  ;  imprisoned  by 
Alexander,  480 ;  defeats  Alexander, 
482:  slain,  463. 

Peloponnesian    confederacy,    meeting  of, . 
277 ;   decides  for  war  against  Athens, 
278  ;  war,  eommencement  of,  283  ;  in- 
vasion   of  Attica,    285 ;     Thucydides' 
character  of  the  war,  305, 

Peloponncsians,  attempt  to  suriirise  Pi- 
raeus, 298. 


652 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


» 


I 


Feloponnosus,  6. 
Felops,  16. 
Peneus,  4. 
Penj-ab,  the,  545. 
Pentacosiomedimni,  97. 
Peniathlum,  52. 
Perdiccas,  276. 

Perdiccas  (Alexander's  penem),  SoS ; 
inarclies  against  Ptolemy,  558;  assas- 
smaied,  i/a  ^,       ..,.^. 

Pcriander,  83  ;  his  rrucUy,  64 ;    abihties 

and  power.  ib.  ;  and  Anon,  131. 
Perides,  character  of,  255;   innovations 
of,  256;    his  administration,  25<  ;   re- 
duces Eubtpa,  264;  plans  lor  adorning 
Athens,  267  ;  his  banishment  dtnianded 
by  the  Laceda-monians,  279  ;  pU-ails  lor 
Aspasia,   ift.  ;   persuades  a  war,  281  ; 
fXineral  oration  bv.  2bS  ;  accused  of  pec- 
ulation, 289  ;  death  aiitl  character,  2\K). 
Pericles,  age  of,  character  of  art  in,  3b6. 
Perinthus,  siege  of,  516. 
Pcriceci,  62. 
Peripatetics,  596. 

Persepolis,  taken  and  burnt  by  Alexan- 
der, 541. 
^Perseus  IB. 

Perseus!  .'>75 ;  defeated  by  tho  Romans,  576. 
Persian  Gates,  5U». 

Persians,   155;    their   cruelties   towards 
the  Ionic  Greeks,  169 ;  invade  Greece, 
171;   demand  earlh   and   water   from 
the  Grecian  States,  172 ;  second  inva- 
sion of  Greece,  173;  land  at  Marathon, 
174;    third   invasion  of  Greece,  188; 
their  number  under  Xerxes,  189 ;   de- 
struction of  their  Iket  l»y  a  storm,  198  ; 
their  progress,  203  ;  attack  Delphi,  204  ; 
lake  Athens,  ib.;  retreat  of,  214;  their 
fleet  rtiassembles  at  Samos,  216. 
Ph(r>h,  Plato's,  418. 
Phalanx,  Macedonian,  503. 
Phalaris  of  Agripentum,  119. 
Phalerum,  384. 
Phamabazus  assists  the  Laceilirmonians, 

360 ;  maciianiniity  of,  -1 12. 
Pliayllus,  507,  511. 
Pherccy dca  of  Sy ros,  231 . 
Phidias,  267;  accused  of  peculation,  280  ; 
Ms  style,  3*8 ;  his  statue  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove,  399. 
Fhidon.  58. 

Phigalian  marbles,  399. 
Philemon,  5i-?.  _^   ^ 

Philip  of  Macedon,  carried  to  Thebes  as  a 
hostage,  478  ;  education  of.  501  ;  eha- 
racter,  502;  deteats  the  Illyrians,  503; 
assumes  the  crown,  ///.;  takes  Amphi- 
poUs  and  Pydna,  5(H  ;  takes  part  lu 
the  sacred  war,  507  ;  loses  an  eye,  i*. ; 
reduces  Thessaly,  508  ;  expedition  into 
Thrace,  ib.;  takes  Olynthus,  511;  oc- 
cupies Delphi,  513;  overruns  lUyriii, 
515;  second  expedition  into  Thrace, 
516;  manifesto  to  the  Athenians,  517  ; 
compelled  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese, 
518 ;  expedition  into  .Scythia,  ^ft.  ; 
elected  general  in  the  war  against  Am- 
phissa,  519  ;  seizes  Elaiea,  ib. ;  defeats 
the  Tbebun;*  and  Athenians  at  t'htero- 
nea,  520 ;  his  conduct  after  the  battle, 


521 ;  clemency  towards  Athens,  ib. ; 
appointed  generalissimo  against  Persia, 
522  ;  chastises  the  Spartans,  ib.  ;  lamily 
fuuds,  lb.;  omens  ol  his  death,  523; 
assassinated,  tb. ,  character,  524. 
Philip  IV.,  565. 

Philip  v.,  571  ;  assists  the  Achfean8,572  ; 
forms  an  alliance  with  llaiiiiibal,  ib  , 
defeated  by  the  Romans,  574. 
Philip  Arrhidieus,  553. 
Philippi  founded,  504. 
Philippics    of    Demosthenes,    508 ;   first, 

509  ;  second,  515  ;  third,  516. 
Philocrates,  452. 
Philomelus,  5i;6  ;  slain,  507. 
Philopamien,   573  ;    takes    Sparta,    575  ; 

taken  and  put  to  death,  tb. 
Philosophy,  Greek,  origin  of,  136;   Ionic 
school    of,    lb.;     Eleaiic   school,    137. 
Pythagorean      school,     ib.  ;      various 
schools,  5U6. 
Phocffans,  158. 
Phocians,  505 ;  defeated  by  the  Thehans, 

507  ;  reduced  bv  Philip,  513. 
Phocion,  465  ;    character   of,    510  ;    his 
expedition  to  Eubaa,  516  ;  to   Byzan- 
tium, 517  ;  his  rebuke  of  Demosthenes, 
526  ;  refuses  Alexander's  presents,  229 ; 
accusation  and  death,  559. 
Phocis,  5. 
Phabidas,  465. 
Phoenicians,  16. 
Pliormio,  victories  of,  297. 
Phoros,  the,  242. 
Phratriip,  W. 
Phryne,  581. 
Phrynichus,  351,  355. 
Phrynichus  (dramatist),  his  Fall  of  Mile- 
tus^ 169  ;  account  of,  402. 
Phyllidas,  4f>0. 
Pbiflo-basiUu.t.  90. 
Piiiacotheca.  393. 
Pindar,  231  ;    his  style,  233  ;    his  house 

Kjuired  by  Alexander,  529, 
Pindus,  Mount,  4. 
Pineus   fortified,    245,    268;    re-fortified, 

447  ;  surprised  by  Teleutms,  453. 
Pirithous,  20. 
Pisa.  7. 
Pisaiider,  442. 

Pisusiratiia,  usurpation  of,  101 ;  his  strata- 
gem, 103;  death  and  character  of,  104. 
Pi.>*f-uthnes,  271. 
Piltacus.  135. 
Plague  at  Athens,  288. 
Plata-a,   battle  of,   221;    surprised,    282; 
besieged   by  the  Pelo|)onnesian8,  293  ; 
surrenders,    295  ;    destroyed,   ib. ;    re- 
stored   by    the    Lacedirmoniuns,    456 ; 
Ugain  destroyed  bv  the  Thebans,  467. 
Platffans  join' the  Athenians,  176;  mas- 

sacre  of  the,  295. 
Plato,  visits  Sicilv,  489  ;  sold  as  n  slave, 
490  :   second  visit  to  .Sicily,  491  ;   life 
of.  593  ;  philosophy,  594. 
Pleistoanax,  264. 
Plutarch,  601. 
Pnvx,  tiK',  3S2.  398. 
Pa'r/7e  Stoa,  the,  392,  599. 
Poetry.  Greek,  40. 
Polemarth,  91. 


INDEX. 


653 


Polemon,  596. 
Polus  of  Agrigentum,  414. 
Polybius,  577,  601. 
Poly  bus,  21. 
Polychares,  73. 
Polycletus,  388. 
Polycraies  ol  Samos,  160. 
Polygiiotus,  389. 
Polynices,  22. 

Polysperchon,  558  ;   expedition  to  Pelo- 
ponnesus, 560. 
Porus,  545. 

Potidiea,  276,  292,  457,  504. 
Pratinas,  402. 
Praxias,  388. 

Praxitas  defeats  the  Corinthians,  449. 
Prohiili,  317,  352. 
Prodicus,  590. 
Prodicus  of  Ceos,  414. 
Prose  composition,  origin  of,  233. 
Propyl^a,  268,  393. 
Protagoras  of  Abdera,  414,  590. 
Prytaneuin,  99. 
Prytanies,  109. 
Prytanis,  80. 

Psammetichus  of  Corinth,  65. 
Psyttaleia,  209. 

Ptolemies,  patronize  learning,  600. 
Ptolemy,  558  ;  defeated  at  Salamis,  562. 
Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  506,  567. 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  566. 
Pydna,  560 ;  battle  of,  576. 
Pvlagone,  49. 
Pylus,  307. 

Pyrrhus,  565  ;  king  of  Macedonia,  560. 
Pvthagoras,  121,  137. 
Pythagorean  clubs  suppressed,  139. 
Pythia,  54. 
Pythian  games,  51. 
PythoJorus,  328. 
Pythonicus,  331. 

K 

Rhapsodists.  42. 

Rhe;:iuin.  121. 

Rhitra  of  Lycurgus,  61 . 

Rhodes,  7  ;  siege  of,  562  ;  colossus  at,  585 

RhtEcus,  148. 

Romans,  direct  thoir  attention  towards 
(Jreece,  573;  declare  war  against  Phdip 
v.,  574  ;  proclaim  the  freedom  of  Greece, 
tb. ;  declare  war  against  Perseus,  576 ; 
spoliation  of  Greek  works  by,  5S6. 

Royalty,  abohshed  in  Greece,  79;  cause 
of  Its  abolition,  89. 

Roxana,  married  by  Alexander,  544  ;  mur- 
dered, 561. 

Saered  Band,  Theban,  463. 

Sacred  war,  first,  51 ;  second,  505 ,  bar- 
barity of,  .507 ;  pro;ircss  of,  511  ;  termi- 
nation, 513  i  results,  514. 

Sages,  the  seven,  134. 

SaliEthus,  300,  301. 

Salamis,  7;  acquired  by  the  Athenians, 
95 ;  battle  of,  209. 

Salamis  (in  Cvprus).  battle  of,  562. 

Samos,  revolt  of.  271 ;  subdued,  ih  ;  its 
importance  to  Athens,  348  :  revolutions 
at,  354;  subdued  by  Lysander,  373. 


Sappho,  133. 

Sardis,  153;  burnt,  166. 

Saronic  gulf,  5. 

Scarphea,  battle  of,  578. 

Scione,  318. 

Scojias,  220. 

Scoi)as  (sculptor),  580. 

Scyros,  reduction  of,  242. 

Scythini,  the,  430. 

Sedition,  Solon's  law  respecting,  99. 

Seisactheia,  the,  96. 

Seleucus,  558 ;  founds  Antioch,  563 ;  suc- 
ceeds to  the  greater  part  of  the  Macedo- 
nian empire,  567  ;  assassinated,  tb. 

Selinuntine  sculptures,  149. 

Sellasia,  battle  of,  571. 

Selymbra,  125. 

Sestos,  reduced  by  the  Athenians,  5128. 

Seuthes,  433. 

Sicilian  expedition,  332;  termination  of,  344. 

SicUy,  dissensions  m,  328. 

Sicyon,  7  ;  despots  in,  82. 

Silver  mines,  9. 

Simonides  ol  Amorgos,  130. 

Simonides  of  Ceos,  230. 

Sinope,  117. 

Sisygambis,  534. 

Sitalces,  287,  292,  297. 

Slaves,  27. 

Smerdis,  159. 

Smilis,  148. 

Smyrna,  36. 

Social  war,  504;  ill  effects  of  the,  505; 
second,  572. 

Socrates,  at  Delium,  316;  his  opinion  of 
the  Sicilian  expedition,  330;  opposes 
the  condemnation  of  the  ten  generals. 
366 ;  refuses  to  obey  the  commands  of 
the  Thirty,  374  ;  summoned  before  them, 
375 ;  sketch  of  his  life,  415  ;  his  teaching 
and  method,  416  ;  how  he  differed  from 
theSophists,i//.;  wisdom  of,  417;  unpopu- 
larity and  indictment  of,  ii».  ;  condemned, 
lb. ;  rcfuKcs  to  escape,  418 ;  death,  ib. 

Sogdiana,  fortress  of,  taken,  544. 

SoUium,  287. 

Solon,  94;  legislation  of,  96;  supposed 
interview  with  Creesus,  100;  laws  of, 
brought  down  into  the  Agora,  256. 

Sophists,  prohibited  from  teaching,  375 , 
description  of  the,  413. 

Soi)hocles,  at  Samos,  272  ;  account  of,  405; 
character  as  a  poet,  406. 

Sparta,  13,  57 ;  landed  property  in,  (>9  , 
power  of,  78 ;  head  of  the  Grecian  States. 
172  ;  earthquake  at,  253  ;  allies  of  in  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  283  ;  introduction 
of  gold  and  silver  at,  437  ;  league  against, 
445  ;  congress  at.  467  ;  rapid  fall  of,  474  , 
entered  by  Epaminondas,  485;  taken  by 
Antigonus  Doson,  571 ;  taken  by  Philo- 
pcemen,  575. 

Spartan  constitution,  62  ;  tribes,  ib. ;  ed- 
ucation, 66;  women,  68:  money,  70; 
fleet  totally  defeated  at  Cyzicus,  360, 
7nora  defeated  by  Iphicrates,  450. 

Spartans,  make  war  on  Arcadia,  77; 
alone  retain  their  kings,  79  ;  overthrow 
the  despots.  82  ;  send  an  embassy  to  Cy- 
rus, 157  ;  conduct  of,  at  Thermopylae, 
195 ;  selfish  conduct  of,  202  ;  their  apa- 


I 


654 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


thy,  218;  dismiss  the  Athenians,  255; 
oppose  the  Athenians  in  Bceoiia,  260 ; 
tequirc  tlie  Athenians  to  withdraw  the 
decree  against  Megara,  280  ;  invade  At- 
tica, 2H5  ,  reject  the  advances  of  Alcibi- 
ades,  323 ;  send  an  embassy  to  Athens, 
lb. ;  invade  Argos,  325 ;  force  the  Ar- 
givesto  an  alliance,  327  ;  establish  them- 
selves at  Decclea,  340  ;  invade  Elis,  435  ; 
duration  of  their  supremacy,  ib. ;  assist 
the  Phocians  against  the  Thebans,  444  , 
defeated  at  llaliartus,  ib. ;  lose  their  col- 
onies, 447  ;  proclaim  the  independence 
of  the  BtEOtian  cities,  456  ;  garrison  ()r- 
chomenus  and  Thespia*,  ift. ;  assist 
Amyntas  against  the  Olynthians,  457  ; 
height  of  their  power,  459 ;  expelled 
from  BoBotia,  466  ;  attack  Corcyra,  467  ; 
solicit  the  aid  of  the  Athenians,  477  ;  de- 
feat the  Arcadians,  478 ;  send  an  embassy 
to  Persia,  479 ;  excluded  from  the  Am- 
phictyonic  council,  513 ;  attempt  to 
throw  off  the  Macedonian  yoke,  553  ; 
their  decline  and  degradation,  5tJU  ;  call 
in  the  Romans,  578. 

Speusippus,  596. 

Sphacteria,  blockaded,  309 ;  captured,  312. 

Sphodrias,  402. 

Sporades,  7. 

Staiira,  534, 548;  murdered  by  Roxana,  553. 

Statuary,  30;  progress  of,  148;  schools 
of,  149,  387,  579. 

Stesichorus,  132. 

Sihenelaidas,  278. 

Stoics,  596. 

Slrabo,  601. 

Sirategi,  Athenian,  110. 

Stratonice,  565. 

Sunium,  fortified,  347. 

Susa,  treasures  at,  540. 

Susarion,  402. 

Sybaris,  its  luxury,  120;  destroyed,  121. 

Sybarites,  269. 

Sybota,  naval  battle  off,  275. 

Syennesis,  422. 

a^ntaxis,  the,  463. 

Syracusans,  their  vigorous  defence,  336. 

Syracuse,  118;  description  of,  336;  naval 
battle  at,  340;  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbour  of,  342  ;  coustitution  of,  487. 

Syssitta,  68,  438. 


"  Table  Companions,"  the,  425. 

Tsenarum,  7. 

Tanagra,  battle  of,  260. 

Taochi,  the,  430. 

Tarentum,  123. 

Taygetus,  Mount,  7. 

Tearless  battle,  the,  478. 

Tegea,  57  ;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  78. 

Teleclus,  73. 

Teleutias,  452,  453. 

Temenus,  58. 

Tempe,  4 ;  pass  of,  192. 

Temples,  Greek,  description  of,  143;  of 
Diana  at  Ephesus.  146 ;  of  Juno  at  Sa- 
moa, 147  ;  of  Delphi,  ib. ;  of  the  Olym- 
pian Jove,  lb. ;  at  Pssttun,  ib. ;  at  Se- 
linus.  lb. ,  in  ^Egina,  ib. 


"  Ten  Thousand,"  expedition  and  retrost 
of  the,  419,  sqq. 

♦•  Ten  Thousand,"  the  Arcadian,  476. 

Teos,  revolt  of,  348. 

Terillus,  215. 

Terpander,  128. 

Tetralogies,  403. 

Thais,  541. 

Thales  of  Miletus.  136. 

Thasos,  reduced,  253. 

Theagf  nes  of  Megara,  85. 

Thebans,  surprise  I'latJea,  281 ;  expel  king 
Agis  trom  Aulis,  440;  invade  Phocis, 
444  ;  form  an  alliance  with  Athens,  ib. ; 
forced  into  Lacediemonian  alliance,  459  ; 
rise  of  their  ascendency,  473 ;  defeated 
by  Alexander  of  Phera;,  480;  fit  out  a  fleet, 
482 ;  their  proceedings  at  Tegea,  484  ; 
ally  themselves  with  the  Athenians 
against  Philip,  519 ;  humbled  by  Philip, 
521  ;  rise  against  the  Macedonians,  526. 

Thebes,  Seven  against,  22. 

Thebes,  16;  reduced  by  Pausanias,  227;  lib- 
erated from  the  Spartans,  461 ;  declared 
head  of  Greece  by  the  Persians,  479  ;  de- 
stroyed, 529  ;  restored  by  Cassander,  560. 

Themistocles  proposes  a  fleet,  182  ;  his 
character,  183 ;  his  advice  to  fight  at 
Salamis,  206 ;  his  stratagem  to  bring 
on  an  engagement,  207  ;  his  message  to 
Xerxes,  213 ;  his  rapacity,  ib. ;  re- 
warded by  the  Spartans,  214  ;  his  views, 
243,  sq. ;  goes  ambassador  to  Sparta, 
244  ;  corruption  of,  246  ;  ostracised,  ib. ; 
flight,  248 ;  reception  in  Persia,  249  ; 
death,  ib. ;  tomb,  250. 

Theocritus,  600. 

Theodorus  of  Samos,  148. 

Theognis,  85. 

Theopompus,  74. 

Theramenes,  355,  371,  373  ;  his  death,  375. 

Thermopylae,  4  ;  pass  of,  193 ;  battle  of,  195. 

Theron  of  Agrigenlum,  215. 

Thespis,  229',  402. 

Theseum,  the,  392. 

Theseus,  18,  19,  68 ;  bones  of  brought  to 
Athens,  242. 

Thcssalians,  32. 

Thessaly,  4  ,  submits  to  Xerxes,  192. 

Thesmothetje,  91. 

Thessalus,  335. 

Thetes,  27,  97,  245. 

Thimbron,  433,  438 ;  defeat  and  death,  45S. 

Thirty  years'  truce,  264. 

Thirty  Tyrants  at  Athens,  373 ;  pro- 
scription of  the,  374 ;  defeated  by 
Thrasybulua,  377  ;  deposed  by  the 
Spartans,  379. 

Thrasybulus  of  Miletus,  M. 

Thrasybulus,  354  ;  takes  Phyle,  377 ; 
seizes  Pirieus,  378 ;  defeats  the  Thirty, 
zb. ;  defeated  by  Pausanias,  379  ; 
marches  into  Athens,  ib. ;  commands  an 
Athenian  fleet,  452;  restores  theAthcnian 
power  in  the  Hellespont,  ib. ;  slain,  ib. 

Thrasyllus,  354. 

Thra.svmelidas,  308. 

Thucydides  (states.), 265  ;  ostracised,  267. 

Thucydides  (the  historian),  in  Thrace, 
318 ;  banished,  ib. ;  account  of,  410 ;  hin 
history,  411. 


INDEX 


eis£ 


Thurii,  236,  269. 

Thyrea,  reduced,  314. 

Tigranes,  227. 

Timocrates,  443. 

Timogenidas,  226. 

Timolaus,  445. 

Timoleon,  character  of,  494  ;  expedition 
to  Sicily,  495  ;  defeats  the  Cartha- 
ginians, 497 ;  becomes  a  Syracusan 
citizen,  498. 

Timotheus,  463 ;  his  success  on  the  west- 
ern coasts  of  Thrace,  465  ;  attacks  Za- 
cynthus,  466,  successful  naval  expedition 
of,  4b2 ;  indicted  and  condemned,  505. 

Tiribazus,  429,  451. 

Tiryns,  remains  of,  29,  141. 

Tissaphernes,  348  ;  359,  420,  428  ;  attacks 
the  Ionian  cities,  438;  beheaded,  441. 

Tithraustes,  441,  443. 

Tolmides,  261,  263. 

Torone,  318. 

Tragedy,  Greek,  origin  of,  402. 

Trapezus,  431. 

"Treasury"  of  Atreus,  142. 

Triparadisus,  treaty  of,  558. 

Trilogies,  403. 

Triphylian  cities,  474,  479. 

Triltys,  90. 

Trtt'zen,  7. 

Trojan  expedition,  22. 

Trov  captured,  24. 

Tyche,  337. 

Tyrant,  value  ot  the  term,  81. 

Tyre,  besieged  by  Alexander,  536. 

TyrisBUs,  75,  130. 


U. 


Ulysses,  22. 
Uxians,  the,  540. 


T. 

Venus  de'  Medicis,  586. 

Wolf,  Homeric  theory  of,  44. 
Writing,  use  of,  44. 


Xanthian  marbles,  149. 

Xanthippus,  IbO;  recovers  the  Thracian 
('hersonese,  228. 

Xenocrates,  596. 

Xenophanes,  137. 

Xenophon,  account  of,  412;  his  works, 
ib. ;  accompanies  Cyrus,  422 ;  his 
dream,  428  ;  saluted  General  of  the  Ten 
Thousand,  ib. ;  returns  to  Athens,  433 ; 
joins  Agesilaus,  446. 

Xerxes,  character  of,  186  ;  subdues  Egypt, 
lb.  ;  chastises  the  Ilellespont,  \\S7  ; 
marches  towards  Greece,  188;  reviews 
his  troops,  ib. ;  crosses  the  Hellespont 
189 ;  number  of  hia  host,  2b. ;  takes 
Athens,  209  ;  his  alar::n  and  retreat,  212. 

Xuthus,  12. 


Zacyntlius,  7. 

Zaleucus,  laws  of,  121  ;  suicide,  19S. 

Zea,  384. 

Zeno,  598. 

Zeugit(B,  97. 

Zcu.'i  Eleuthenos,  226. 

Zeuxis,  390. 

Zoroaster,  153. 


Calliope,  the  Muse  of  Epic  Poetry. 


QUESTIONS 


OH 


DE.  WILLIAM  SMITH'S  HISTOEY  OF  GREECE 

Bv  Rev.  CHARLES  BICKMORE. 


I 


INTRODUCTION. 

OUTLINES    OF    GRECIAN   GEOGKAPHY. 

§  1.  Describe  tlic  three  peninsulas  in  the  South  of  Europe. 

§  2.  What  is  the  hititude,  and  wliat  are  tlie  names,  of  the  chain  of 
Fiountains  bounding  Greece  to  the  North  ?— What  advantages  of  position 
lirtd  Greece  ? 

§  3.  Wliat  are  tlie  extreme  hititude  and  longitude  of  Greece,  and  what 
its  dimensions  and  extent?— What  do  you  observe  of  the  political  state 
of  Greece  in  ancient  times  ? — Whence  arose  its  celebrity  ? 

§  4.  How  did  the  Greeks  call  themselves  and  their  country  ?— Whence 
liave  we  the  names  (/ree/.s  and  Greece  ?— ^Vhat  was  the  original  extent 
of  the  name  IL  //as  .^— What  tribes  were  not  reckoned  Ilel/enes  ?— What 
was  the  nortli  l)(>undary  of  Hellas  ])roper  ?— In  what  more  extended  sense 
WIS  the  word  Hellas  used  ?— What  countries  would  thus  be  included  in 
il? 

§  5.  Below  the  map  are  the  names  of  22  countries ;  name  these,  and 
note  their  i)osition.— Give  a  rough  sketch  of  this  mai)  and  its  princii)al 
features. — What  mountain  chain  in  Greece  corresponds  to  the  Apennines 
in  Italy?— What  are  the  North  and  South  Ijoundaries  of  Thessaly?— 
What  are  the  position  and  height  of  the  Eurojiean  Olvmpus  ?— What 
other  01ymi)us  was  there?— Wliat  other  mountains  are' on  the  coast  of 
Thessaly?- What  break  is  there  in  tliesc  mountains?— What  gives  ce- 
lebrity to  the  ojicning  ?— What  separates  Thessaly  from  Epirus  ?— Con- 
trast the  two  countries.— Which  is  the  largest  river  in  Greece ?— Where 
tloi's  it  flow? 

§  G.  Name  and  describe  the  two  gulfs  north  of  Central  Greece- 
Name  the  countries  of  Central  Greece.— Describe  the  [msition  of  Mounts 
Tymphrestus,  Othrvs,  and  0^:ra. — What  names  do  the  mountains  which 
branch  from  the  Sout/ieast  of  Pindus  bear? — What  mountains  branch 
from  its  Southwest? 

§  7.  Describe  Doris  and  its  ])osition. — What  river  rises  there  ?— Name 
and  distinguish  the  several  Locrians,  stating  their  position. — Describe 
I'hocis.- Name  its  chief  mountain,  stating  the  height.— What  arc  the 
boundaries,  character,  and  extent  of  Bajotia? — Name  the  river  and  laka 
of  Bocotia. — D'scrib.^  Af.ica.  —  What  separates  it  from  the  rest  of 

2  F  * 


658 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  I. 


Greece? — ^What  is  its  South  promonton? — What  country  comes  be- 
tween Attica  and  Corinth  ? — Wiint  gulfs  does  the  Isthmus  separate  ? — 
Describe  them. — How  wide  is  the  Isthmus,  and  what  is  its  character  ? 

§  8.  AVhat  countries  form  the  west  of  Central  Greece  ? — State  the  chief 
peculiarities  of  these  countries. 

§  9.  Whence  came  the  name  Peloponnesus  ? — What  several  natural 
objects  is  it  conceived  to  resemble? — What  is  the  central  region  of  the 
Peloponnesus? — Which  is  the  chief  river  of  the  reloponnesus,  and  where 
does  it  flow? — Where  and  of  what  height  is  Mount  Cyllene? 

§  10.  What  countries  besides  Arcadia  did  the  Peloponnesus  contain? 
— Describe  Achaia. — Name  the  states  comprised  in  Argolis,  stating  their 
■cveral  positions. — What  gulfs  enter  or  border  on  this  country  ? — Which 
arc  the  most  Southern  Grecian  states? — What  divides  them  ? — What  was 
Taniarum? — ^What  its  modern  name? — What  is  the  river  of  Laconia? 
— What  river  drains  Messenia? — Describe  Elis. — Whence  its  chief  ce. 
lebi  ii  y  ? 

§  11.  What  were  the  position,  extent,  and  character  of  Eubcea?— 
Where  were  the  Cyekuksy  and  whence  their  name  ? — What  docs  Sporade* 
mean? — Where  were  the  islands  so  callcil  ? — Where  were  Crete  and 
Khodes? — Name  the  isles  W.  of  Greece. — Where  wasCythera? — What 
islands  occur  to  you  as  similarly  situated  ? 

§  12.  What  political  influence  had  the  physical  features  of  Greece  ? — 
Name  its  chief  mountain-passes,  and  state  the  military  advantages  they 
allbrded. — Show  by  comparison  the  great  extent  of  coast  in  Greece. — 
Of  what  advantage  was  this  ? 

§  13.  What  effects  had  the  several  natural  peculiarities  of  Greece  on 
the  character  of  its  |)eo])le  ? 

§  14.  What  is  the  nntural  dejicieney  of  Greece? — How  is  this  caused? 
What  was  the  agricultural  produce  of  ancient  Greece  ? — What  were  its 
mineral  jjroducts  ? 

§  15.  Give  some  account  of  the  climate  of  Greece. 


BOOK   I. 
THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE   EARLIEST  INHABITANTS   OF   GREECE. 

§  1.  What  is  the  character  of  the  earliest  statements  relative  to  Greek 
history  ? — ^What  general  rule  may  be  laid  down  with  regard  to  the  cred- 
ibility of  history  ? — When  did  the  Greeks  tegin  to  employ  writing  for 
recording  events  ? — ^Why  should  we  read  traditions  in  connection  with 
history  ? 

§  2.  What  descent  did  the  Greeks  claim  for  the  ancestors  of  their 
tribes  ? — Give  the  supposed  genealogy  of  the  four  great  divisions  of  the 
Greek  race. 

Note.— This  genealc^  would  be  most  euily  given 'oiid  remembered  in  such  &  form 
aa  foUowti : 


Chap.  II.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 

Deucalion — Pyrrha 


(>5'J 


He 


Dorua 


len 


Xuthus 


The  Dorians 


Ion 


Acha>us 


.^Eolus 


The  iEoIlans 


The  lonians  The  Achaeana. 

The  young  student  will  do  well  to  conpult  Dr.  Smith's  Classical  Dictionary,  and  read 
ihere  the  legends  concerning  the  mythic  cliaracters  here  mentioned,  and  trace  up  their 
genealogy  to  the  gods  of  Greek  worship. 

§  3.  Where  was  the  traditional  scat  of  Hellen's  kingdom  ? — ^What  does 
the  author  tell  us  respectiug  the  Cohans  ? — Name  some  of  their  cities. 
•—What  is  recorded  of  the  Acha;ans  of  early  times? — Which  became  in 
historic  ages  the  more  important  tribes  ? — What  were  the  two  famous 
states  descended  from  these  ? 

§  4.  AVhat  is  the  great  guide  in  tracing  the  origin  of  nations? — ^What 
are  the  Asiatic  and  what  the  European  branches  of  the  Indo-European 
race? 

§  5.  What  traces  exist  in  legends  concerning  the  language  and  coun- 
tries of  the  Pehs(/ians  ? — What  is  known  of  tlie  mode  of  life  and  religion 
of  the  Pelasgians  ?— What  account  is  given  of  the  division  of  thePelasgi 
into  tribes,  and  of  the  rise  of  the  Hellenes  ? 

§  6.  On  what  grounds  does  the  author  discredit  the  traditions  of  an 
Oriental  origin  for  Greek  civilization  ? 

§  7.  Give  the  tradition  respecting  the  foundation  of  an  Eg}'ptian  col- 
ony in  Attica. — Record  the  story  of  Danaus. — In  what  Aarious  countries 
are  pyramids  found  ? 

§  8.  Tell  the  stories  respecting  Pelops. 

§  9.  Why  docs  the  author  assign  more  credit  to  the  legends  of  Phoe- 
nician colonies? — Whence  and  whither  is  Cadmus  said  to  have  come? 
— From  whom  did  the  Greeks  gain  the  art  of  writing  ? — What  proves 
this? 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE   GRECIAN   HEROES. 

§  1.  During  what  period  and  between  what  events  is  the  Homeric  age 
reckoned? — Name  the  three  most  celebrated  Grecian  i/e;oes,  stating  some 
distinguishing  circumstance  respecting  each. 

§  2.  What  was  the  parentage  of  Hercules? — What  goddess  was  op- 
posed to  him,  and  whom  did  she  set  over  him  ?— Name  the  12  labors  of 
Hercules. — State  the  legend  relative  to  his  death. 

§  3.  What  was  the  parentage  of  Theseus  ? — Record  some  of  his  ex- 
ploits.— Relate  the  story  of  his  adventures  in  connection  with  Crete. — 
What  Attic  institutions  are  assigned  to  Theseus  ? — Who  was  the  great 
friend  of  Theseus? — What  were  their  joint  exploits? — Where  and  how 
is  Theseus  said  to  have  })erislied  ? 

§  4.   State  the  origin  of  Minos  and  the  legends  concerning  him. 

§  5.  Which  are  the  three  most  celebrated  of  the  expeditions  of  the 
Heroic  or  Mythic  age  ? 

NOTK. — If  the  reader  will  conBtilt  Dr.  Smith's  Classical  Dictionary,  articles  Calyi>on, 
Meleaoe«,  and  Atalanta,  he  will  find  an  account  of  another  scarcely  less  famous  joint 
exploit.  Tub  Hunt  of  the  (Jalydonian  Boab. 


<S60 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  X 


t 


— Tell  the  story  of  the  Argonautic  Expedition,  naming  its  leader,  its 
object,  and  the  chief  heroes  engaged  in  it. 

§  C.  What  remark  is  made  respecting  the  ancient  royal  family  of 
Thebes  in  connection  with  literature? — What  circumstances  attended 
the  birth  and  nurture  of  CEdipus? — Kecount  his  subsequent  history. — 
What  are  the  particulars  of  the  first  expedition  against  Thebes? — What 
was  the  war  of  the  Epigoni,  and  what  irs  result  ? — Find  in  a  classical 
dictionary  and  state  the  country  and  parentage  of  Helen  and  the  par- 
ticulars of  her  marriage. 

§  7.  What  caused  the  Trojan  war  ? — What  was  the  number  of  the 
Grecian  fleet  ? — Who  were  the  [)rincipal  Greek  heroes  in  the  Trojan  war, 
and  for  what  was  each  famous  ? — Who  were  the  chief  men  among  the 
Trojans  ? — ^Read  in  a  classical  dictionary  the  articles  Aulis  aud  Iphit/eniay 
and  state  the  result  of  your  reference. — State  briefly  the  argument  of  the 
Iliad. 

§  8.  Relate  the  adventures  of  Achilles  after  the  close  of  the  Iliad. — 
What  are  the  legends  concerning  the  fall  of  Troy  ? 

§  i).  What  after  tlie  fall  of  Troy  were  the  adventures  of  Agamemnon^ 
of  Ulysses,  of  Diomedes^  of  Idomeneus  f — Where  the  history  does  not  help 
yon,  refer  to  the  classical  dictionary. 

§  10.  Who  has  fixed  the  commonly  received  date  of  the  fall  of  Troy, 
and  to  what  year  ? 

§  1 1.  State  the  author's  views  with  regard  to  the  real  or  fictitious  char- 
acter of  events  and  personages  assigned  to  the  Heroic  ages. 

§  12.  What  amount  of  truth  and  what  value  is  undoubtedly  assignable 
to  the  Homeric  i)oems  ? 

CHAPTER  III. 

STATE   OF   SOCIETY  OF   THE   HEROIC   AGE. 

§  1.  What  was  the  government  of  Greece  in  the  Heroic  age  ? — What 
were  the  position,  rights,  and  duties  of  the  Kiuy? — What  qualities  was 
he  obliged  to  have  in  order  to  keep  his  power? — What  bodies  acted  as  a 
check  on  his  absolute  sway? 

§  2.  Who  formed  the  ji3oyXij? — ^What  power  had  this  council? 

§  3.  Describe  the  ayopuy  and  its  uses  in  the  Heroic  age. 

§  4.  W^hat  distinction  had  the  nobles  in  Heroic  times? — What  various 
occupations  prevailed  among  i\\Q  freemen? — In  what  condition  were  the 
skwes  f 

§  5.  Mention  the  more  favorable  circumstances  in  the  social  life  of  the 
Heroic  age. — State  the  various  features  which  then  disfigured  the  aspect 
of  society. 

§  6.  Give  exam]»lcs  of  the  great  simplicity  of  manners  which  then  pre- 
Tailed  as  shown  in  the  proceedings  of  the  men  and  of  the  women. 

§  7.  Mention  some  circumstances  which  show  advancement  in  arts 
and  civilization  in  the  Heroic  age. — What  architectural  remains  belong  to 
this  time? 

§  8.  Who  were  the  (Maf  traders,  and  how  did  they  conduct  their  com- 
merce?— How  far  had  ihajine  arts  advanced? — How  wan poetrtf  culti- 
vated ? 

§  9.  What  were  the  ideas  and  knowledge  prevalent  as  to  natural  phe- 
nomena  and  geofjraphy  ? 

§  10.  Describe  the  styh  of  warfare,  and  the  amis  of  the  Heroic  aget* 


Chap.  V.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  661 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RETURN   OF    THE    HERACLID.E    INTO   PELOPONNESUS,   AND   FOUNDATION 
OF   THE   EARLIEST  GREEK   COLONIES. 

§  1.  How  far  must  we  receive,  and  in  what  respects  njiist  we  dis- 
credit, tlio  legends  respecting  the  population  of  Peloijonnesus  and  Asia 
Minor  ? 

§  2.  At  what  date  and  under  what  circumstances  arc  the  Boeotians 
iaid  to  have  oecui)ied  the  country  to  which  they  gave  name? 

§  3.  Wliat  date  is  assigned  to  the  Dorian  conquest  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus?— Wiiy  is  it  probable  that  tlie  Dorian  conquest  is  much  later  than 
the  date  thus  assigned  ? — State  what  may  be  regarded  as  certaiu  re- 
specting the  Dorian  conquest. 


pose,  and  with  what  success? — What  migrations  resulted  to  the  Acha^aus 
and  lonians  ? 

§  6.  Specify  the  countries  of  the  Pelo])onnesus  given  to  encli  of  the  in- 
vading chiefs. — Name  the  chief  towns  of  Argolis  acquired  by  Temenus 
and  his  successors. — Which  town  of  Laconia  resisted  the  Dorians,  and 
what  was  the  consequence? — Where  were  Amyclaj  and  Helos? — Who 
migrated  from  Messenia  on  the  Dorian  conquest? — Who  founded  the 
Dorian  power  in  Corinth,  and  what  race  were  then  expelled  ? 

§  G.  On  what  grounds  does  the  author  reject  the  mythic  legend  of  the 
Dorian  conquest? 

§  7.  What  Greek  tribes  settled  in  the  W.  of  Asia  Minor? — Wliat  por- 
tion of  it  did  they  respectively  occu])y? 

§  8.  Which  were  the  chief  yEolic  colonies  ? 

§  9.  Who  is  said  to  have  led  the  lonlans,  and  from  what  country  did 
they  sail? — What  rivers  bounded  the  country  of  the  Ionic  colonies?—* 
Name  the  cXxicf  lotiian  colonies. — What  islands  did  they  also  occupy? 

§  10.  Give  an  account  of  the  most  celebrated  Doric  migi-ation.— -State 
what  cities  were  thereby  founded,  and  where  they  were  situated. 

§  1 1.  What  islands  were  peo})led  by  Doric  colonies? — Give  an  account 
of  the  Minyan  expedition  to  Crete. — State  the  cities  thus  foinided. 

§  12.  How  long  a  ]>eriod  was  the  Mythical  age  earlier  than  the  com- 
mon date  given  for  the  first  Olynqjiad  ? — Show  that  early  Greek  chro- 
nology can  not  be  authentic. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE   POEMS  OF   H03IER. 

§  1 .  State  several  circumstances  which  show  the  importance  of  the 
Homeric  Poems. — Name  these  works. 

§  2.  Was  prose  or  poetry  earlier  cultivated? — Wluit  were  the  earliest 
poems  ? — ^What  evidence  have  we  of  the  existence  of  poems  before 
Homer  ? 

§  3.  AVhat  events  mark  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  Eric  Cycle  ? — 
Who  arranged  the  poems  which  describe  the  events  it  comprises? — How 
tame  the  term  '■'■Cyclic  writer''  to  imply  contenij)t? 

§  4.  Recite  the  couplet  naming  the  cities  which  claim  Homer  as  a 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  II. 


native. — ^What  legends  are  told  of  him? — ^What  was  his  probable  time  ? 
—Give  reasons  for  the  belief. 

§  5.  Contrast  the  condition  of  literature  in  the  early  times  of  Greece 
with  that  of  our  own  time. — How  and  on  what  occasions  were  the  Iliad 
and  Odyssey  first  published  to  mankind  ? — Give  an  account  of  the  Rhap- 
sodies, and  state  the  probable  derivations  of  the  term. 

§  6.  When  did  copies  of  the  Homeric  poems  bepin  to  be  found  ? — 
How  came  variations  to  be  made  in  the  text? — What  great  personages 
are  said  to  have  directed  their  attention  to  their  collection  and  arrange- 
ment ? 

§  7.  With  what  critics  did  the  opinion  arise  that  the  Iliad  and  Otlyswy 
were  not  originally  single  jmms? — State  Bestley's  views. — What  was 
Wolfe's  hypothesis? 

§  8.  What  proofs  show  that  the  Homeric  Poems  were  originally  not 
written? — What  is  the  proof  from  the  digtwimaf 

§  9.  What  reasons  render  it  probable  that  the  poems  may  have  been 
jBmembered  without  writing? 

§  10.  What  does  Dr.  Smith  state  to  be  the  usual  'conclusion  of  the  best 
modem  scholars  ? 


BOOK   II. 
GKOWTH  OF  THE  GRECLVN  STATES. 

{B.€.  TT6-500.) 
CHAPTER  VI. 

OEKERAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  GREEK  ^KOPLE. 

§  I.  What  compass  of  time  does  Book  II.  embrace? — Wliat  circnm- 
Itance  materially  adds  to  the  difficulty  of  Grecian  history  ? — What  great 
event  first  taught  the  Greeks  the  necessity  of  union  ? 

§  2.  What  ties  united  the  Greeks  ?— What  did  th'*  word  fidpliapo^ 
mean  in  a  Greek's  mouth. 

§  3.  What  twofold  origin  was  there  to  meetings  ? — G*ve  instances  of 
ouch  kind. 

§4.  Give  two  derivations  for  the  word  d/*0iicrroi'm.'^-How  did  the 
most  celebrated  gain  its  importance  ? — Where  did  it  hold  its  meetings  ? — 
What  tribes  were  the  original  meml)ers  of  the  congress  ?  —What  were 
the  duties  of  the  Amphictyonic  council  ? — What  was  the  date  and  cause 
o{  the  First  Sacred  War? — State  its  duration  nnd  result. 

§  5.  Name  the^our  great  Grecian  festivals. — Where  were  the  Olympic 
Games  held? — ^What  is  the  date  of  the  first  regular  Olympiad? — When 
was  the  festival  established,  and  by  whom  ? — State  some  circumstances 
that  show  the  importance  in  which  it  was  held. — What  exercises  and 
faces  were  practiced  there  ? — What  prize  and  what  honors  were  givtn  to 
the  victors? 

§  6.  Give  an  account  of  the  constitution  of  the  Pi/fhian  Games. — Whore 
were  they  held  ? — Where  were  the  Nemean  and  Jsthmian  Games  respect- 
wely  celebrated  ? — In  whose  honor  in  each  case  ? 

§  7.  What  advantages  arose  from  the  great  festivals  and  games  ? 

§  8.  What  may  we  reckon  the  third  bond  of  union  among  the  Greek*  » 


Chap.  VII.        SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


663 


—Which  was  the  most  celebrated  Grecian  oracle  ?— Give  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  it. 

§  9.  Mention  some  practices  inconsistent  with  civilization  from  which 
the  Greeks  were  free. 

§  10.  What  remark  must  be  carefully  borne  in  mind  respecting  the 
political  relations  of  the  Greeks?— How 'tar  did  they  carry  tlieir  patriot- 
ism and  their  divisions ?— What  resulted  from  this? 

CHAPTER  VII. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  PELOPONNESUS,  AND   LEGISLATION  OF   LYCURGUS. 

§  1.  Name  some  princes  with  their  cities  famous  in  the  Peloponnesus 
m  the  Heroic  age.— How  were  their  houses  displaced  ?— What  states 
were  mcluded  in  Elis,  and  from  whom  was  the  j.opulation  of  each  de- 
scended ?— What  were  the  limits  and  position  of  Achaia  ?— What  was 
the  name  and  character  of  the  central  region  of  the  Peloponnesus?— 
What  its  cities  ? 

§  2.  Name  the  Dorian  states  in  the  Peloponnesus.— Whence  arosb  the 
I)ower  of  Argos  in  early  times  ? 

§  3.  At  Avhat  time  and  where  did  PMdon  flourish?— Give  an  account 
of  his  exploits. — What  institutions  of  ai)ermanent  character  are  ascribed 
to  him? 

§  4.  To  whom  did  the  ancients  refer  the  Spartan  laws  ?^Why  can  not 
we  be  certain  of  the  truth  of  this  ? 

§  5.  What  date  does  the  author  ascribe  to  LYCURGUS  ?— What  is 
the  commonly  received  date  ? 

Note.— In  the  common  chronology  n.c.  S^  is  the  date  for  Lycunm?,  which  mav  he 
remembered  as  three  eights  nearly.  The  date  in  Dr.  Smith's  text  is  also  that  of  tlie 
regular  Olympiad,  ovncarhj  three  sevcm.  It  is  twenty-three  years  earlier  than  the 
touiKlation  of  Kome,  29  yeaw  before  tlie  a3ra  of  Nabonaasar  and  the  end  of  the  fir-*t  Aa- 
eynan  monarchy.  See  Comparative  Tables  of  History  and  Chronology  by  W  K  Bick, 
more,  published  by  Bell  and  Daldy.  bj-  ".y  »».  ^  jjick- 

—What  disinterested  conduct  is  recorded  of  Lvcurgus  in  liis  early  life  ? 
--What  countries  is  he  said  to  have  visited  ?— What  sanction  did  he  gain 
for  his  laws?— Under  what  circumstances  did  he  leave  Sparta? 

§  6.  What  was  the  position  of  the  Spartans  in  their  country  ?— What 
the  special  object  of  Lycurgus's  laws  ? 

§  7.  How  was  the  population  of  Laconia  divided?— Who  were  the 
Spartans,  and  what  their  condition  ?— How  did  inequality  among  them 

§  8.  What  were  the  condition,  privileges,  and  employments  of  the  Pe- 
rioici  t 

§  9.  What  were  the  condition  and  emplovments  of  the  Helots?— 
What  accounts  are  given  of  the  origin  of  these  people  and  of  their  name  ? 
—How  did  they  dress,  and  what  treatment  did  they  receive  ?— Give  an 
account  of  the  Cryptia.—ExyMii  the  word  Neodamodes,  and  its  appli- 
cation. ^* 

§  10.  What  various  powers  had  a  nominal  or  real  share  in  the  Spar, 
tan  government ?— How  did  it  happen  there  were  two  kings?— What 
power  had  the  kings  at  various  times?— What  privileges  did  they  alwavs 
retain?- What  was  the  Senate  called?— What  power  had  they?— What 
influence  had  the  popular  assembly  f—Wlmt  power  had  the  Ephors  orig- 
inally and  subsequently  ?— What  then  was  the  true  character  of  the  Spar- 
tan government  ? 

§  11.  What  was  the  relation  between  a  Spartan  citizen  and  the  state? 


I 


664 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  II. 


—How  were  the  babes  treated  ?— How  were  the  i/oung  boys  trained  ?— 
What  literary  culture  had  the  young  Spartans  ?— How  did  the  grown 
men  live  and  occujjv  themselves? — Describe  the  ASyssitia. 

§  12.  How  were'thc  ."ypnrtan  (/irk  brought  up?— Give  instances  of  the 
patriotism  and  hardness  of  JS/mrtan  Mothers. 

§  13.  What  regulation  is  erroneously  ascribed  to  Lycurgus  respecting 
the  land?— Why  is  this  discredited ?— When  and  how  did  the  notion 

probably  arise? 

§  14.  What  money  had  the  Spartans  ?— Show  that  this  did  not  come 
from  Lycurgus's  institution.— Did  it  secure  Itonesfy  .''-State  and  give  in- 
Btanees  of  two  characteristic  qualities  of  the  Spartans. 

§15.  Describe  the  position  of  Sparta. 

§  16.  State  the  effect  and  results  of  Lycurgus's  legislation. 

ClUPTER  VIII. 

HISTORY  OF   SPAtlTA.      THE  3IESSE3iIAN,  ARCADIAN,  AND  ARGIVE  WARS. 

§  1.  Against  what  powere  were  the  early  wars  of  Sparta  waged? — 
With  wlint  results?— From  what  sources  have  Ave  the  account  of  the 
fewo  first  Messcnian  wars?— What  dates  are  assigned  to  them? 

§  2.  What  origin  is  assigned  to  the  first  Messcnian  war?— Give  the 
two  accounts  of  the  story. — What  jjvivate  quarrel  brought  on  the  war? 

How  did  it  begin?— How  did  Euphaes  conduct  the  war?— What 

strong  positions  did  the  Messenians  occupy?— What  sacrifice  did  the 
oracle  declare  necessary? — Who  succeedeil  Eujihaes?— What  was  his 
fate?— How  and  when  did  the  war  end?— Wliat  became  of  the  Messe- 

nians? 

§  3.  How  long  an  interval  was  between  the  first  and  second  Messcnian 
^ars?— Who  was  the  great  hero  of  tlie  second  war?— How  were  the 
Peloiwnnesian  states  divided  in  the  struggle  ?— What  weie  the  earliest 
exploits  of  Aristomenes  ?— What  leader  did  the  Spartans  obtain,  and 
bow  did  he  aid  them?— What  great  battle  did  Aristomenes  gain?— How 
was  his  subsequent  defeat  occasioned?— What  fort  did  he  fortify?— Re- 
count some  of  his  subsequent  adventures. — Where  did  he  end  his  days? 

Note.— The  end  of  the  pecond  Messenian  war  may  l»e  rcmemlwred  hy  066,  which  is 
the  time  of  Ttillu.-  llostiUii-^.  fourth  king  of  Kome,  and  60  years  before  the  captivity  of 
the  Jews  under  NebucliadnezBar. 

§  4.  Mention  some  particulars  of  the  struggle  between  the  Spartans 
and  Tegea. — State  its  result. 

§  5.  Relate  the  histoiy  of  the  combat  in  which  Othryades  gained 
renown. — ^What  did  Sparta  thereby  gain? 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    AGE   OF  THE   DESPOTS. 

§  1.  How  docs  the  author  acconnt  for  the  abolition  of  royalty  in  ths 
Greek  states  ? — ^What  magistrates  took  the  ])lace  of  kings  ? 

§  2.  Distinguish  betwen  Olifjarchy  and  Demorrary,  explaining  the  der- 
iration  of  the  words. — What  "does '6'eomor»jnean  ?— What  rulers  over- 
threw the  oligarchies  ?  -  t     i^ 

§  3.  How  does  the  Greek  word  Tvpawoc  differ  in  sense  from  the  En- 
glish word  Tyrant? — What  word  docs  the  author  use  to  express  Tvpav- 
yo^? — How  ilid  these  rulers  most  commonly  rise  to  power? — What  wai 
the  usnal  progress  of  events  under  the  despots  T 


Chap.  X.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  C65 

§  4.  What  part  did  Sparta  take  with  regard  to  the  </e.vno;s  ?— Which 
party  did  she  wish  to  favor?— IShow  that  the  result  was  not  always  ac- 
cordmg  to  her  views. 

§  5.  Where  is  Sicyon?— Who  founded  the  despotic  dvnasty  there'— 
Who  was  the  last  of  that  dynasty  ?-!State  the  chief  events  in  the  his- 
tory  of  this  Utsthenes  of  Sicyon.—What  other  Clistkenes  was  descended 
irom  him  ? 

§  C-  Who  founded  the  dynasty  of  the  despots  of  Corinth  ?— What  fam- 
ilv  did  he  overthrow,  and  wiieii ?— Whence  did  he  have  his  name'— 
\\ho  succeeded  him?— What  was  the  nature  of  Periander's  rule'— 
What  anecdotes  are  told  of  him?— What  was  the  condition  of  Corinth 
under  him?— What  were  his  domestic  troubles? 

§  7.  AVhat  poet  gave  an  account  of  the  Mcgarian  revolutions  ?— What 
was  the  course  of  events  there  ? 

CHAPTER  X. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  ATHENS  DOWN  TO  THE  USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUS. 

§  1.  What  is  the  subject  of  Chap.  X.  ?— Wliat  characters  are  famous 
in  early  Athenian  history,  and  for  what? 

A'-'  T"^^",!!;*^  *^^"'-^'  of  CoDRus.— What  office  was  substituted  for  that 
of  king ,''— ^^  hat  successive  changes  were  made  in  the  office  ?— Was 
Athens  under  a  democracy  or  an  arislocracy  during  this  time  ? 

§  3.  What  orders  of  i)eoplc  existed  at  Athens  under  its  oligarchy  '— 
Compare  them  with  the  Roman  orders.— Wliat  tribes  existed  in  Attica 
m  early  times  ? 

§  4.  Give  some  account  of  the  supposed  subdivision  of  the  Athenian 
tribes. — A\  hat  customs  were  connected  with  this  subdivit^ion? 

§  5.  What  does  the  author  consider  the  first  historical  date  in  the  af- 
fairs of  Athens?— How  many  archons  were  annually  chosen' What 

various  duties  had  they?— What  is  the  origin  of  the  word^lreo/mv^^^- 
Who  formed  the  council  that  met  there? 

§  fi.  Who  was  the  earliest  %/s/a/or  of  Athens?— What  rendered  his 
appointment  requisite  ?— What  was  the  nature  of  his  legislation  ?— Is 
the  popular  o])inion  certainly  correct? 

§  7.  Did  Draco's  laws  secure  quiet  to  Athens?— Give  an  account  of 
the  origin  of  Cylon,  and  of  the  distinction  he  acquired.— What  was  the 
result  of  his  att.cmi)ts  to  gain  i)ower  ?— What  sacrilege  Avas  committed 
and  on  whom  did  its  consequences  fall  ?— At  what  date  were  the  Alcmoil 
onidoi  expelled  ? 

§  8.  Whom  did  the  Athenians  invite  to  advise  them  relative  to  the 
punfication  of  their  city?— What  plan  did  he  recommend? 

§  1).  Give  an  account  of  Solon's  parentage  and  early  life  —How  did 
he  act  with  regard  to  the  recovery  of  Salamis,  and  with  what  success  ? 
^rX  factions  divided  Attica  juior  to  Solon's  le^^islation '— 

\\  hat  was  the  condition  of  the  poor,  and  whence  did  it  arise? 

§  1 1.  When  was  Solon  chosen  Arclion,  and  with  what  pow'er  ?— Why 
did  he  not  make  himself  absolute  ? 

§  12.  What  were  his  first  measures  for  relieving  the  people' 

§  13.  How  did  he  act  relative  to  Draco's  laws  ?— Explain  ' OUgarehn 
and  y?7//oomry.— How  did  Solon  divide  the  Athenian  citizens '—What 
were  the  names,  the  proi)erty,  and  the  duties  of  each  class  ?— How  did 
he  greatly  extend  the  power  of  the  less  wealthy  classes  ? 

§  14.  What  business  did  he  assign  to  the  new  Senate?— How  ard 


t 


§m 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  II 


from  whom  was  this  body  chosen?— What  duties  did  ho  assign  to  the 
Areopagites  ? — Nayiie  some  institutions  of  a  later  age  than  Solon. 

§  15.  Have  we  any  detailed  account  of  Solon's  laws? — State  some  of 
his  reguUitions  and  enactments,  specifying  their  objects. 

§  16.  What  remark  did  .SoIdu  make  on  his  laws? — What  countries 
did  he  subsequently  visit?— Tell  the  stoiy  concerning  his  supposed  con- 
versation with  Cnesus.  ^      o  i     i 

§  1 7.  Who  Iieadetl  each  of  tlic  three  factions  at  Athens  after  Solon  s 
legislation  ?— What  advantages  hiul  Pisistratus?— By  what  stratagem 
did  he  gain  a  force  for  his  defense?— Kelate  the  close  of  Solon's  history. 

CIIAFrER  XI. 

HISTORY   OF  ATHENS   FROM  THE   USURPATION  OF  PISISTRATUS  TO  THE 
ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE   I>EM(KRACY  BY   CLISTHENES. 

§  1.  Give  the  date  of  Fisistratus's  usurpation.— How  was  he  expelled  ? 
— Bv  what  stratagem  restored  ? 

§  *2.  What  caused  his  second  expulsion  ?— By  what  means  and  under 
what  circumstances  did  he  finally  gain  power  ? 

§  3.  Describe  the  measures  he  adopted  to  secure  his  rule.- Show  that 
Itl-i  goveniraent  was  not  oppressive. — Describe  some  of  his  great  public 
works.— Name  his  exertions  in  favor  of  learning.- What  great  liomttii 
has  been  compared  to  him,  and  on  what  grounds  ? 

§  4.  Who  succeeded  Pisistratus  ?— State  some  instances  of  their  taste 
and  good  government.— What  occasioned  the  conspiracy  oi' J  la/modi  us 
and  Aristogeiion  .''—State  what  then  occurred.— What  was  the  fate  of 
the  two  conspirators  ? 

§  .'».  What  change  in  Jllppias  did  the  death  of  his  brother  occasion? 
—What  alliances  did  he  contract?- What  family  nttemi)ted  his  over- 
throw?—How  did  they  gain  the  aid  of  the  Spartans? — How  was  Hip- 
pias  finally  expelled  ?— Whither  did  he  retire  ? 

§  G.  What  was  the  date  of  Hippias's  cx]>ulsion  ?— How  nearly  docs 
this  svnchronize  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Tarquins  from  Home  ?  (See 
Bickiiiore's  Tables  as  before.)— How  was  the  memory  of  the  Pisistratidie 
regarded,  and  why?- What  honors  were  paid  to  the  descendants  of 
Harraodius  and  Aristogeiton  ? 

§  7.  Who  was  the  rival,  and  who  the  supporters,  of  Clisthenes  in 
his  changes  in  the  Athenian  constitution  ? 

§  8.  What  was  the  most  important  change  made  by  Clisthenes  ? — 
Describe  it  minutely.— What  peculiar  arrangement  showed  his  Siigacity  ? 
— Describe  the  Demes,  and  say  how  they  were  governed. 

§  I).  What  alteration  did  he  make  in  the  Senate  ?— What  were  the 
Prytanies  ?— What  divisions  were  there  of  the  Attic  year  and  senate  f — 
W^hat  was  intrusted  to  the  E})istates  ? 

§  1©.  Describe  the  ECCLESIA.— What  power  had  it?— What  was 
the  nature  of  the  constitution  of  Clisthenes  ? 

§  11.  What  change  did  Clisthenes  make  in  the  judicial  jtoii-cr  of  the 
jtpopk  f — How  did  he  alter  tlie  military  arrangements  of  the  state  ? — On 
whrtt  occasion  did  this  svstem  iirominently  appear? 

§  12.  What  was  the  effect  of  the  ostracism  ?—\\niy  was  it  requisite, 

and  what  its  object? — What  precautions  were  taken  to  guard  against 

its  abuse?— Describe  the  method  of  voting  and  origin  of  the  name.— 

What  proves  its  ntility  ? 

§  13.  How  did  Isagoras  and  his  party  strive  to  destroy  the  power  of 


Chap.  XII.        SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


667 


Clisthenes  ? — What  goveniment  was  then  set  up  ? — How  did  the  Athe- 
nian people  act  ? — What  was  the  final  result  of  these  attempts  ? 

§  14.  Why  did  Clisthenes  send  envoys  to  Sardis? — How  did  the  re- 
sult of  this  embassy  ottend  the  Athenians? — What  measures  did  Cleo- 
menes  devise  ? — How  were  they  frustrated  ? — What  vengeance  did  the 
Athenians  take  on  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidiaus?— What  increase  of 
power  did  they  thus  gain  ? 

§  15.  Describe  the  third  attempt  of  the  Spartans  against  the  Athenian 
democracy. — How  was  it  frustrated  ?— Quote  the  language  of  the  Co- 
rinthian envoys. — To  what  places  did  Hippias  successively  go? 

§  16.  What  effect  had  the  establishment  of  democracy  on  the  Athe- 
nian character  ? 

CHAPTEU  XII. 

HISTORY   OF   THE   GREEK   COLONIES. 

§  1.  What  is  the  subject  of  Chap.  XII.? — Where  was  Trajtezus? — 
Where  Massalia? — Is  it  always  so  spelt  in  ancient  writers? — Where 
was  Cyrene? — In  what  sense  were  these  places  in  Hellas? 

§  2.  Give  from  the  note  the  Greek  terms  connected  with  a  colony. — 
What  were  the  chief  causes  of  sending  out  colonies  among  the  Greeks? 
— What  was  the  relation  of  the  colony  to  the  parent  state  ? — What  me- 
morials were  maintained  of  their  connection? — What  notable  exception 
was  there  in  Greek  history  to  the  observance  of  this  connection  ? 

§  3.  What  remarkable  contrast  may  be  drawn  bet>veen  Greek  and 
modern  colonies  ? — How  did  a  Greek  colony  choose  its  site  for  a  city  ? — 
What  buildings  did  they  at  once  provide? — What  various  relations*  sub- 
sisted between  the  Greek  colonists  and  the  aboriginal  inhabitants? — 
What  effect  had  colonization  on  the  development  of  democracy  ? — Ac- 
count for  this. — Name  with  their  position  some  Greek  colonies  that 
gained  great  wealth. — Describe  the  four  groups  into  which  the  Greek 
colonies  may  be  divided. 

§  4.  What  three  Greek  tribes  founded  colonies  on  the  W.  coast  of 
Asia  Minor? — Which  of  these  became  most  eminent? — How? — Which 
Ionic  city  was  at  fii*st  most  flourishing  ? — What  colonies  were  formed  by 
it  ? — What  Ionic  city  was  afterward  fiimous  ? — What  were  the  sources 
of  its  power  ?— What  famous  colony  did  the  Phoca?ans  plant  ? — Distin- 
guish the  Phoaeans  from  the  Phocians. 

§  5.  About  what  time  were  the  colonics  founded  whose  origin  we  can 
historically  trace  ? — With  what  events  tlien  in  Roman,  Jewish,  and  As- 
syrian histories  would  their  foundation  be  nearly  contemporarv  ?  (See 
Bickmore's  Tables.) — What  was  the  oldest  Greek  colony  in  Italy  ? — 
Where  was  it  placed  ? — In  the  reign  of  what  Hebrew  king  wouW  this 
be? 

§  6.  What  tribes  and  settlements  were  in  Sicily  before  the  Greeks  ? — 
Which  were  the  two  most  powerful  Greek  cities  in  that  island  ? — De- 
scribe their  position. — Name  from  the  note  some  other  Greek  cities  in 
Sicily. — What  extent  and  population  did  S^Tacuse  attain  ? — At  what 
time  and  under  whom  did  its  afi^iirs  become  known  ? — Give  some  ac- 
count of  agriculture. — What  is  known  concerning  Phalaris? — What 
celebrated  modern  controversy  is  connected  with  him  ? — Draw  a  rough 
map  of  Sicily  with  the  positions  of  the  Greek  cities. — What  power  subse- 
quently checked  their  ])rogress  ? 

§  7.  What  name  given  to  S.  Italy  shows  the  importance  of  its  Greek 


4m 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  II. 


Chap.  XIV.        SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


669 


settlements?— Which  were  the  two  most  powerful  Greek  cities  in  S. 
Italv?— Describe  their  position.— For  what  was  Sybaris  remarkable  ?— 
In  what  resijects  was  Croton  famous  '/—Describe,  with  its  i)articulars  and 
result,  the  war  betwixt  them. 

§  8.  Name  the  three  Greek  towns  in  S.  Italy  next  in  importance  to 
Sybaris  and  Croton,  and  state  their  position.— Whence  arose  the  early 
celebrity  of  the  Epizephyrian  Locri  ? — Give  some  account  of  Zaleucus 
and  his  laws. — Wluit  can  you  state  concerning  Rhegium? 

§  9.  When,  by  whom,  and  under  what  circumstances  was  Tarcntum 
founded? — What  advantages  had  it? — Whtit  circumstances  caused  tho 
decline  of  the  Greek  cities  in  S.  Italy  ? 

§  10.  Where  was  Massalia  ?— What  its  modern  niinic  ?— Wherein  lay 
its  importance? 

§  11.  When,  how,  and  from  whom  did  the  Greeks  ol>tain  permission 
to  settle  in  N.  Africa? — Wliat  were  the  two  most  iniiK)rtant  (ireek  cities 
in  N.  Africa? — What  advantages  had  Cyrcne?— How  was  it  long  gov- 
crned  ? 

§  12.  Name  tlic  chief  Greek  cities  in  and  near  Epirus. — What  cftn 
you  state  witli  regard  to  Corcyra ? — Which  were  the  chitf  colonics  iu 
Iviaccdon  ? — What  were  the  most  flourishing  colonies  in  Thrace  ? 

CHAl'TER  XIII. 

HISTORY   OF   LITERATFRE. 

§  1.  What  was  the  character  of  the  Greeks  as  respects  literature?-— 
What  two  kinds  of  comi)osition  were  alone  cultivated  l)efore  the  historic 
ages? — Give  me  your  idea  of  the  nature  oH  JCpic  and  ui  Lyric  poetry, 
And  of  the  qualities  predominant  in  each. 

§  2.  What  were  the  subjects  of  the  Homeric  poems  ? — On  what  do 
Jhose  ascrited  to  Ilesiod  treat?— What  (lualities  have  the  poems  in  com- 
pon? — ^Wherc  wcro  they  respectively  comimsed? 

§  3.  What  works  Ixjar  tlie  name *of //ci/W.''— What  do  we  learn  of 
Hesiod's  history  from  his  own  statements?— What  docs  the  author  mciin 
by  a  didactic  poem? — By  what  classes  were  llcsiod's  ]»oenis  esteemed, 
and  where  were  they  despised? — ^What  oj)inions  have  been  held  as  to 
the  date  when  Hcsiod  wrote  ? 

§  4.  What  causes  tended  to  the  rise  and  advancement  of  Lyric  poetry? 
— On  what  occasions  did  the  Greeks  employ  it? 

§  5.  What  sorts  of  verse  did  ArchiimJms  invent?— What  is  said  of  his 

Wstor}:? 

§  6.  What  writers  named  Simonides  require  to  Ikj  distinguished  from 
each  other? — What  remains  are  extant  of  tiie  earlier  of  that  name  ? 

§  7.  What  Lyric  poets  did  Sparta  produce? — What  notice  have  we 
already  had  of  one  of  these  ?—AVhat  can  you  tell  me  of  the  other? 

§  8.  What  two  poets  greatly  improved  Choral  poetry-  ? — Tell  the  story 
oi  Avion. — Look  into  the  classical  ilictionar}-  for  Orion,  an<J  discriminate 
these  persons. — What  can  you  tell  of  the  LHl/ti/ramh  / — Relate  what  is 
known  o^ Stesichorm. — What  ijarticular  improvement  is  ascribed  to  him  ? 

§  9.  What  Lyric  writers  were  natives  of  Mitjilene  ? — What  character- 
istics are  common  to  their  works  ? — Relate  the  history  u'lAlraus. — What 
great  testimonies  were  given  to  the  excellence  o{  Sapplio's  poetry? — 
What  legends  and  facts  are  extant  ctmcerning  her  life  ? 

§  10.  When  and  where  did  Anncreon  flourish? — What  do  we  know 
of  his  life? — What  was  the  nature  of  his  poetry? 


§  1 1 .  For  what  were  the  seven  Satjes  renowned  ?— Give  their  names, 
countries,  and  sayiUfjfs  as  conmionly  reckoned. 

§  12.  WJiich  were  the  eariiest 'scluwls  of  Greek  pldlosopliy  ?—\\\\q 
were  the  chief  i>hilosopliers  iu  each  ?— Give  some  account  of  Thales. 
— Who  was  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Ionic  school  ? — Who  Avere  among 
his  lu'tu-ers  ? — What  did  he  teach  ? 

§  13.  What  was  the  prevailing  idea  of  Xenophanes? 

§  U.  Where  and  when  was  Pythagoras  born?— What  countries  did 
h  '  visit  ? — Do  you  know  the  word  M<feinpsyc/to.sis,  and  what  it  means  ? 
—What  Orientals  teach  this  doctrine  ?— What  sciences  did  Pvthagorss 
teach?— Where  did  he  chiefly  teach?— How  was  his  iulhience  ii7  this 
I»lafc  shown  ?— What  was  the  result  of  the  Crotoniat  conquest  of  Sybaris 
to  the  Pythagorean  order  ? 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

HISTORY   OF  ART. 

§  1.  What  circumstances  evince  the  great  eminence  of  Grecian  art? 

§  2.   Whence  does  the  cultivation  of  Architecture  arise? 

§  8.  Where  are  fouiul  the  earliest  productions  of  Grecian  builders  ?^ 
Describe  the  three  gradations  of  improvement,  citing  an  instance  of  each. 
— Describe  what  is  called  the  Trcasunj  of  Atreiis. 

§  4.  Whence  was  the  form  of  the  Greek  temple  derived  ?— What  may 
have  been  the  origin  of  the  cohnnn? — What  were  the  three  parts  of  the 
Greek  tenq)le  ? — Wliat  is  meant  by  flifpathral? — What  are  the  parts  of 
the  column  t — What  of  the  entablature  .^— What  are  the  three  Greek  or- 
ders i 

NoTK.— Writers  on  ai-chitcoturc  differ  as  to  wliether  the  i<lca  of  a  column  arose  from 
a  trea,  or  whether  the  Greeks  imitated  the  architecture  of  the  Kgyjttians.  TJie  Roman 
copies  of  tlid  Grecian  onlera  were  vurie-1  in  many  paiticularrf.  The  addition  of  the 
Titfican  and  C'on>2)osiie  orders  complete  the  Five  Oudkrs  of  Systematio  Aechiteo- 
TUUE.  The  Tun-an  was  massive  and  .-simple,  hearing  mnch  resemblance  to  the  Doric 
'llie  Com])odte  was  even  more  ornamented  than  the  Corinthian. 

— What  additional  orders  are  found  in  ancient  buildings? — What  ares 
their  characteristics  ? 

§  Ti.  Describe  i\\Q  Doric  order. — What  arc  triqhiphs  und  wftope.t  ? 

Describe  the  Ionic  order.— What  especiallv  cliaracterizes  the  Corinthian 
column  ?— Whence  did  this  ornament  arise? 

§  G.  Describe  the  famous  temi)le  at  Ephcsns. — When  was  it  built?-- 
When  and  how  destroyed  ?— In  what  i)art  of  Holy  Scripture  is  the  Epiie^ 
Bmn  goddess  noticed  ?_Where  had  the  godiless *^c?vt  a  famous  temple? 
—What  great  structure  did  IMsistratus  begin?— Who  comjdeted  it?— 
What  great  ancient  (ireek  temples  still  exist  entire  or  in  part? 

§7.  Of  what  material  Avere  the  cariiest  statues  ?—AVhat  legendary 
names  are  assigned  to  the  families  of  the  earliest  sculptors? — When 
were  the  first  statues  in  marble  and  nK«tnI  made? 

§  8.  What  inveutions  in  the  sixth  century- n.c.  occasioned  great  im- 
provement  in  statuary?— In  what  cities  were  the  cariiest  schools  of  im- 
proved sculpture  founded?— What  statues  of  men  were  the  eariiest  pro- 
duced ? 

§  9  Name  and  describe  some  specimens  still  extant  of  early  sculpture. 
— Where  were  they  found,  and  where  are  thev  now? 

§  10.  How  near  does  Homer  come  to  the  mention  of  painting?— 
What  was  tlie  eariiest  use  of  paintinf/'/— .What  instances  of  early  paint- 
ings and  painters  can  you  record? 


i 


IMI 


670 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  III, 


rHAP.  XVI.       SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


671 


BOOK   III. 
THE  PERSIAN  AVARa 

(B.€.  500-473.) 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  RISE  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE. 

§  1.  What  is  the  subject  of  Book  III.  ?— What  space  of  time  does  it 
embrace  ?— What  change  appears  in  Grecian  history  at  this  time  ? 

§  2.  What  was  the  cai)ital  of  tlie  Assyrian  monarchy  ?— How  far  did 
that  empire  extend?— What  strong  evidence  have  we  of  its  advance- 
ment?—What  monarchies  succeeded  it? 

§  3.  Where  was  Alcdia,  and  what  its  capital  ?— What  was  the  lan- 
guage and  religion  oi*  the  Medes?— How  far  did  their  dominions  ex- 
tend ?— At  what  date  did  they  take  Nineveh  ?— What  event  in  Sacred 
History  does  this  date  mark  ?— According  to  Herodotus,  who  were  kmgs 

of  Media?  ^ ,   ,  »    .        ^^        i 

§  4.  Where  was  Babylon,  and  what  the  limits  of  Babylonia  f— Describe 
the  city  of  Babylon.— VVhat  authority  is  there  for  this  ?— What  conquests 
did  Nehtehadnezzar  make  ? 

§  5.  What  third  kingdom  rose  on  the  ruins  of  the  j^rcat  Assyrian 
empire  ?— Where  was  it,  and  what  its  ca[)ital  ?— How  many  dynasties 
of  Lydian  kings  do  the  traditions  reckon  ?— AVhom  may  we  call  the 
liret  historic  king,  and  when  did  his  reign  begin?— What  was  the  char- 
acter of  the  Lydians  ?— What  invention  is  attributed  to  them  ?— What 
advantages  did  the  lonians  in  Asia  derive  from  the  Lydian  kingdom? 

§  6.  Who  wa-s  the  last  king  of  Lydia?— For  what  is  his  name  pro- 
verbial ?— Describe  his  success  against  the  Ionic  cities.— How  did  he 
rule  them  ?— State  the  extent  of  his  dominions.— What  connection  had 
he  with  Greeks?— What  kings  were  his  allies?      ^  .   .    .    , .      , 

§  7.  Describe  the  usual  rise,  progress,  and  foil  of  Asiatic  kingdoms. — 
State  from  a  classical  dictionarv  the  leading  points  of  the  legends  con- 
cerning the  elder  Cyrus.— Name  the  limits  of  his  empire.— Describe 
the  Persians  nnder  Cyras  the  Great.— What  combination  of  hgures 
makes  his  time  easily  remembered? 

§  8.  What  were  the  motives  of  CRCEsrs  in  going  to  war  with  Cyrus  ? 
—What  advice  and  prophecv  did  the  oracles  give  him?— Where  and 
with  what  result  took  place  the  first  engagement  ?— What  was  Croesus's 
tiubscquent  plan?— How  was  it  frustrated ?— Under  what  circumstances 
did  the  Persians  take  Sardis?- How  did  Crcesus  end  his  days  ? 

§  9.  What  conversation  occurred  between  Cyrus  the  elder  and  Iho 
Spartan  envovs?— Who  was  general  for  Cyrus  in  the  conquest  of  the 
Asiatic  Greeks?— Statci  some  particulars  of  the  fall  of  their  cities.— 
What  other  conquests  did  Harpagus  make  for  Cyrus?— How  did  Cvtus 
lake  Bnln-lon?— Whiit  was  his  own  end?— In  what  proplictical  books 
is  he  mentioned  ?— How  did  he  act  to  the  Jews?— Who  succeeded 

Cvrtis  ? 

'8  10  Who  were  the  two  last  in  the  succession  of  the  native  kings  of 
Egypt?— How  did  Camhijses  act  in  Egypt?— What  revolution  occurred 


in  Persia  while  Cambyses  was  in  Egypt  ?— How  aid  Cambyses  meet  his 
death?— How  long  did  the  reign  of  the  false  Smerdis  last?— Who  then 
became  king  of  Persia,  and  at  what  date? 

§  11.  Wluit  remarkable  man  was  despot  in  Samos  in  the  time  of 
Cambyses? — Give  some  instances  of  his  power  and  good  fortune. Re- 
late the  story  told  by  Herodotus  of  his  correspondence  with  Amasis,  and 
its  results. —Conclude  the  history  of  Polycrates.— What  poets  did  he 
patronize  ? — What  great  works  did  he  have  constructed  ? 

§  12.  What  revolts  had  Darius  Hystaspes  to  quell  in  the  commence- 
ment of  his  reign  ?— What  expressive  comparison  did  the  Persians  in- 
stitute of  their  first  three  kings?— State  some  important  institutions  of 
Darius  Hystaspes. 

§  13.  What  was  the  firet  great  expedition  and  conquest  which  Darius 
Hystaspes  projected  ?— How  was  his  naval  force  supplied,  and  what  its 
amount?— By  wliat  route  did  he  enter  Scythia ?— What  orders  did  he 
leave  with  the  Greeks  under  his  command? — What  success  had  he  in  his 
invasion  of  Scjthia? — Who  urged  the  Greeks  to  destroy  the  bridge?— 
How  was  this  advice  deprived  of  effect? 

§  U.  What  general  was  left  by  Darius  in  Europe  ?—A\Tiat  conquests 
did  he  effect  ? — What  reward  was  given  to  Histiaius  ? — How  were  his 
plans  of  acquiring  power  subsequently  defeated  ? 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    IONIC    REVOLT. 

§  1.  Whom  did  Darius  leave  to  govern  Asia  Minor,  and  what  was  its 
ca])ital? — Who  represented  llistiacus  at  Miletus? 

§  2.  How  was  Aristagoras  induced  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
Naxos  ? — How  did  he  obtain  aid  for  his  enterprise  ? 

§  3.  What  was  his  plan  against  Naxos,  and  how  was  it  defeated? 

What  then  was  the  result  of  the  undertaking? 

§  4.  What  troubles  pressed  on  Aristagoras  after  his  return  from  Naxos  ? 
— What  method  did  he  devise  to  extricate  himself? — In  what  remark- 
able way  did  he  receive  a  message  from  Histia?us? — How  did  he  effect 
liis  i)ui-j)ose  ? — What  remarkable  person  opposed  his  views  ? 

Note.— Dr.  Smith  and  Dishdp  Thirlwall  ppeak  of  letters  being  branded  by  IliPtlajus 
on  the  head  of  tlie  slave;  Mitford  of  the  writing  beinjjr  trcu-cd  in  an  imielible  atain.  I 
doubt  if  eitlier  of  these  modes  would  be  effectual.  Herodotus  mcs  the  word  eVrtf  e 
from  which  I  conclude  that  the  8kiu  was  punctured^  and  colorinfr-matter  introduced 
into  the  openings.  This  would  be  a  ppecies  of  tattooing.  The  noble  Thracians  used  to 
tattoo  themselves,  as  we  leam  from  Herodotus. 

§  5.  To  what  state  and  to  what  king  of  it  did  Aristagoras  apply  for 
aid  ? — What  arguments  did  he  use  to  ])ei-suade  him  ? — Detail  the  remain- 
ing incidents  of  his  stay  at  Sparta.— Whither  did  he  next  resort? — What 
Kl)ecial  motives  had  the  Athenians  to  aid  the  lonians  ? 

§  G.  What  aid  from  European  Greece  joined  tlic  revolted  lonians? 

Describe  the  progress  and  result  of  the  expedition  of  the  allied  troojjs  into 
the  interior. — Give  the  date  at  which  Sardis  was  thus  bunied. — Wherein 
consisted  the  importance  of  the  event  ? — How  did  Darius  display  hij 
anger? — To  what  cities  did  the  revolt  extend? 

§  7.  How  and  where  did  Aristagoras  perish? — On  what  pretext  did 
Histi«us  gain  permission  to  visit  Ionia? — AVhat  observation  did  Arta- 
phemes  make  ? — Relate  his  sul)seqTient  adventures  and  death. 

§  8.  What  was  the  object  of  Artaphernes  in  the  siege  of  Miletus?— 
What  plan  of  resistance  did  the  lonians  adopt  ? — What  was  the  strength 


IJ 


m2 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IIL 


Chap.  XVIII.    SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


673 


I 


Wl 


©ftlie  opposini?  fleets?— What  skillful  commander  was  placed  oyer  the 
lonians? — ^Whiit  were  his  measures,  and  what  their  result? — Who  be- 
trayed the  Greeks? — What  portion  of  the  tlect  fou^dit  with  courage? — 
Where  did  the  action  take  place  ?— What  geograpliical  change  occurred 

there  ? 

§  U.  In  what  singular  way  did  the  Atlienians  show  their  distress  on 
the  cai)turc  of  Miletus? — ^\Vhat  treatment  did  the  subdued  Greeks  re- 
ceive from  the  Persians? 

CHAl^ER  XVII. 

THE  BATTLE   OF   MAKATJIOX. 

§  1.  Whom  did  Darius  appoint  to  avenge  him  on  the  Athenians? — 

hat  route  did  this  general  pursue? — What  disasters  befidl  his  forces? 

§  2.  What  demand  did  Darius  make  from  the  Greek  cities  while  lire- 
paring  to  renew  his  attempts? — What  were  his  jirobable  motives  ? — How 
were  his  envoys  received  at  the  several  states? 

§3.  Whom  did  Darius  set  over  his  second  Grecian  expedition? — 
What  fom  composed  it  ? — What  instructions  were  given  to  the  com- 
manders?— 11. )w  fiir  was  the  expedition  successful? — On  whiU  part  of 
Attica  di  I  they  land  ? 

§  4.  What  'illustrious  Athenians  were  among  the  generals  at  the 
time  of  the  Persian  invasion  ? — Relate  the  previous  history  of  MILTI- 

§  5.  Why  did  not  the  Spartans  come  to  aid  Athens?— -What  dififer- 
ence  of  opinion  prevailed  among  the  Athenian  generals  ? — How  was  a 
preponderance  gained  by  tlie  more  s})irited  of  them  ? 

§6.  What  state  alone  sent  help? — How  many  did  this  make  the 
Greeks? — ^>Vhat  was  the  probable  number  of  the  Persians? — Describe 
the  plain  of  MARATHON.— What  was  the  arrangement  of  the  Per- 
sians?— By  what  dis|K)sition  did  Miltiadcs  remedy  his  inferiority  of 
numbers?— What  feelings  may  we  suppose  to  have  prevailed  among  the 
Greeks,  and  why? — Uescriba  the  commencement  of  the  battle. — How 
was  the  repulse  of  th*  Athenian  centre  remedied ? — How  far  did  the 
Athenians  pursue? — Alention  the  losses  on  each  side. — Give  the  date 
of  the  battle. 

§  7.  What  attempt  did  the  Persians  make  ? — On  what  did  thoy  ground 
their  hopes  of  snccess? — How  were  they  frustrated? 

§  8.  With  what  feeling  \vas  the  victor}'  at  Marathon  regarded  !\v  the 
Athenians? — ^What  wrnild  have  been  the  ])robablo  result  of  a  victory 
gained  by  the  Persia*? — What  honor  was  paid  to  those  who  fell  at 
Marathon  ? 

NoTTE.— The  yoiinjx  student  would  Tend  with  Iwth  ploa?iirc  nnd  «<lvnnta.t:e  the  lively 
narnitive  of  thi:<  bitttle  in  IVofewor  (Jreiify's  diwen-edly  (Hipular  work,  ''The  FU'tc«ia 
l»ecklve  Battled  of  the  World,  from  Marathon  to  Wnterloo." 

§  1).  What  honors  were  paid  to  Miltiadcs? 

§  10.  What  expedition  did  Miltiadcs  next  project? — What  were  Ms 
motives? — What  his  success? 

§  II.  Who  became  the  accuser  of  Miltiadcs? — To  what  jKjnalty  was 
he  sentenced? — How  did  he  die? 

§  12.  What  circumstance  gives  imfwrtancc  to  the  war  between  Athens 
and  iEgiua  ? — Wliat  mythical  celebrity  had  that  island  ? — Whence  did 
the  ililginetans  acquire  their  wealth  ? — How  did  they  use  it  ? 

§  13.  How  liad  the  ^Eginetans  provoked  Athens  ?— What  motives  led 


its  rulers  to  submit  to  the  Persian  demand  ? — ^What  peculiar  act  of  thb 
Athenians  claims  especial  notice  ? — What  disputes  were  thus  produced  at 
Sparta? — What  Spartan  was  thus  driven  to  Persia? — What  was  the  is- 
sue of  the  expedition  against  ^gina? 

§  14.  What  two  motives  prevailed  with  THEMISTOCLES  to  pro- 
pose the  formation  of  a  fleet  ? — Whence  was  the  money  procured  ? — 
What  observation  is  made  by  Herodotus  on  this  matter  ? 

§  15.  Depict  the  good  and  bad  sides  of  the  character  of  Themistocles. 
— Contrast  with  this  the  conduct  of  ARISTIDES.— What  was  the  result 
of  their  opposition  ? 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE   BATTLES   OF  THERMOPYL-«:   AND  ARTEMISIUM. 

§  1.  What  events  prevented  Darius  from  renewing  his  attempts  against 
Greece  ? — How  was  the  death  of  Darius  advantageous  to  Greece  ? — Who 
was  the  successor  of  Darius  Hystaspes,  and  what  the  new  king's  char- 
acter ? — How  was  Xerxes  induced  tO  invade  Greece  ? 

§  2.  Give  iome  account. of  the  various  tribes  simimoned  by  Xerxes  to 
form  his  armies. — State  some  other  particulars  of  his  preparations. 

§  3.  Describe  the  operations  at  the  Hellespont. — Of  what  absurd  con- 
duct was  Xerxes  guilty  there  ? — What  other  great  work  was  accomplish- 
ed?— Describe  this. — Is  there  any  proof  of  the  fact? 

§  4.  Where  did  Xerxes  pass  the  winter  prior  to  his  attempt  on  Greece  ? 
— Describe  his  advance  from  that  place  to  Abydos. 

§  6.  Give  an  account  of  the  demeanor  of  Xerxes  at  Abydos. — Describe 
the  passage  of  the  Hellespont. — How  does  the  vast  amount  of  the  army 
become  evident  ? 

§  6.  Where  and  how  did  he  number  his  army  ? — How  many  are  the 
fighting  men  said  to  have  been  ? — What  number  is  said  to  have  been 
made  up  in  all? — How  may  we  suppose  an  over-statement  to  have 
arisen? 

§  7.  Describe  the  route  and  progress  of  Xerxes  through  the  country  N. 
of  Greece. 

§  8.  Where  did  the  congress  of  the  Grecian  states  assemble  ? — Which 
were  the  most  prominent  ? — What  states  N.  of  the  Isthmus  joined  to 
resist  the  Persians  ? — What  states  in  the  Peloponnesus  declined  to  join 
in  the  defense  of  Greece? — Detail  the  conduct  of  the  more  distant 
Greeks. 

§  9.  What  instances  of  patriotic  concession  did  the  Athenians  show  ? 
— Describe  the  pass  op  Tempe,  naming  its  river  and  mountains. — Why 
was  not  this  defended  ? 

§  10.  Give  a  description  of  the  nature  and  position  of  the  pass  op 
TiiERMOPYL-ffi. — Whence  has  it  its  name? — What  farther  advantages 
had  it  ? 

§  11.  Who  commanded  the  fleet?— Where  did  it  first  await  the  Per- 
sians ? — How  large  a  force  was  at  first  sent  to  THERMOPYL.^  ? — Of 
whom  was  it  composed,  and  under  whose  orders  ? 

§  12.  How  were  the  Spartans  employed  when  Xerxes  arrived  at  Ther- 
mopylae ? — What  conversation  ensued  ? — How  long  did  the  Persians  re- 
main inactive  ? — What  successive  attacks  were  then  made,  and  with  what 
result  ? 

§  13.  Who  betrayed  the  western  path  ? — Describe  the  way  in  which 
Ibis  information  was  used  by  the  Persians. — What  course  did  LEONI- 

2(; 


§74 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  III. 


Chap.  XX.        SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


675 


f 


DAS  purefie  with  regard  to  himself  and  the  various  Greeks  under  his 
command  ? 

§  14.  Describe  the  engagement  between  the  three  hundred  and  the 
Persians. 

§  15.  What  memorials  recorded  the  exploits  at  Thermoj)yla;  ? 

§  16.  What  force  made  up  the  Greek  fleet?— What  slight  loss  did 
they  sustain  ? — What  mark  of  fear  did  they  show  ? 

§  17.  What  great  disaster  weakened  the  Fei-sian  fleet? — To  what  ex- 
tent of  loss  ? 

§  18.  How  was  the  Greek  fleet  prevented  from  leaving  Artemisium  a 
second  time? — What  measure  did  the  Persians  devise  to  hinder  the  es- 
cape of  the  Greeks? — Describe  the  first  engagement  at  Artemisium  and 
Its  result. 

§  19.  What  farther  loss  befell  the  Persian  fleet  from  the  weather  ? — 
What  accession  did  the  Greeks  gain  ? 

§  20.  Give  an  account  of  the  second  battle  at  Artemisium. — ^Why  did 
the  Greeks  withdraw  ? — ^What  stratagem  did  Themistocles  adopt,  and 
with  what  hopes  ? 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  BATTLE   OF   SALAMIS. 

§  1.  What  plan  did  the  Spartans  chiefly  rely  on  after  the  battle  of 
Thermopylae  ? — How  was  the  folly  of  tliis  manifest  ? 

§  2.  Where  did  the  fleet  stay  after  its  departure  from  Artemisium  ? — 
To  what  places  did  the  Athenians  remove? — What  resj)onses  did  they 
obtain  from  the  oracle  ? — How  did  Cimon  and  the  rich  men  act  ? 

§  3.  What  towns  did  Xerxes  destroy  in  Boeotia  ?— What  was  the  re- 
salt  of  the  attack  on  Delphi  ? 

§  4.  Describe  the  position  of  the  Athenian  Acropolis. — Give  an  ac- 
count of  the  attacks  of  the  Persians  upon  it. — What  was  now  the 
strength  of  the  Persian  fleet? — How  many  shii)S  had  the  Greeks  to  op- 
pose this  ? — What  occurred  in  the  Persian  council  of  war  before  the  bat- 
tle of  SalamLs  ? 

§  5.  How  did  the  first  council  of  the  Grecian  commanders  decide  ? — 
By  what  arguments  and  threats  did  Themistocles  obtain  a  reversal  of 
this  decision  ?— What  farther  intelligence  again  shook  the  confidence  of 
the  Pelo|)onnesians  ? 

§  6.  By  what  artifice  did  Themistocles  oblige  the  Greeks  to  fight  at 
SALAMIS  ?— Where  was  Aristides  just  before  the  battle  ?— Describe 
his  reconciliation  with  Themistocles.— How  were  the  Grecian  command- 
ers at  last  convinced  of  their  being  surrounded? 

§  7.  Describe  the  arrangement  of  the  Persian  fleet  for  the  battle  of 
Salamis.— Where  was  Xerxes  during  the  battle  ?— Specify  the  positions 
of  the  ships  of  the  several  Greek  states. 

§  8.  How  are  the  Greeks  said  to  have  acted  at  the  beginning  of  the 
battle? — How  was  their  courage  said  to  have  been  reanimated ?— Give 
the  best  account  in  your  power  of  the  battle  of  Salamis. — Specify 
the  conduct  of  Artemisia. 

§  9.  At  the  battle  of  Salamis  what  was  the  loss  on  each  side  ?— What 
special  service  did  Aristides  render  during  the  battle  ? — How  did  Xerxes 
treat  the  Phcenician  sailors  that  had  escaped  ? — What  otfect  had  the  de- 
feat at  Salamis  on  the  mind  of  Xerxes  ? — What  arguments  did  Mardo- 
Dius  use  in  addressing  him  ? 


§  10.  What  second  message  was  borne  by  Sicinnus  to  Xerxes  fropi 
Themistocles  ? — What  may  have  been  the  motive  of  the  last  named  i^ 
How  did  he  act  to  the  Islanders  ? 

§  11.  Wliat  nations  and  forces  were  to  be  left  with  Mardonius? — De- 
scribe the  return  of  Xerxes  to  Asia. 

§  12.  On  whom  did  the  Greeks  confer  special  honore  ?— To  what  de- 
ities did  they  make  ofterings  ? — What  occurred  with  regard  to  the  prizes 
for  wisdom  and  conduct  f 

§  13.  At  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Salamis  what  power  had  the  Sicil- 
ian Greeks  to  resist  ? — How  had  the  Carthaginians  a  pretext  for  inter- 
fering ? — Who  were  the  opposing  generals  in  the  batt:.!:  of  Himera  ? 
— What  was  the  result  of  that  engagement  ? 

CHAPTER  XX. 
battles  op  plat^a  and  mtcale. 

§  1.  In  the  spring  following  the  battle  of  Salamis  what  occurred  in 
the  Greek  and  Persian  fleets  respectively  ? 

§  2.  How  did  most  of  their  Grecian  allies  act  toward  the  Persians  ! 
— On  what  measure  did  Mardonius  greatly  rely? 

§  3.  Who  bore  the  proposals  of  Mardonius  to  the  Athenians  ? — What 
was  offered  to  them  ? — How  did  the  Athenians  receive  the  offers  ? — De- 
scribe the  conduct  of  the  Spartans. 

§  4.  How  did  the  Athenians  show  their  resolution  to  maintain  the 
war  ? — How  were  the  Spartans  at  length  roused  from  their  selfish  inac- 
tion ? — What  force  did  they  send  ? — ^Who  commanded  it  ? 

§  5.  What  position  did  Mardonius  occupy? — Show  its  advantages. — 
What  forces  composed  the  Grecian  army  ? — Describe  the  march  of  the 
Greeks. — Where  was  their  first  position  ? — Why  did  they  quit  it  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  second  position  of  the  two  armies.— How  long  did 
they  continue  thus  opposed  to  each  other  ? — What  policy  did  Artabanus 
recommend  ? 

§  7.  What  mark  of  good-will  did  Alexander  show  the  Greeks? 

What  changes  followed  ? — How  were  the  Greeks  induced  to  retreat  ? — 
What  occurred  in  the  attempt  to  effect  this  retreat? — Describe  the  con- 
duct of  Amompharetus. 

§  8.  Describe  the  part  of  the  Battle  op  Plat^a  fought  between  the 
Persians  and  Spartans. — With  whom  were  the  Athenians  meantime 
engaged?— How  many  Persians  withdrew  in  good  order ?— Describe 
the  action  at  the  camp. — What  is  said  to  have  been  the  loss  of  the  Per- 
sians ? 

§  9.  Describe  the  booty  gained  in  the  battle  of  Plataea.— How  was  it 
disposed  of?— What  was  the  date  of  the  battle? 

§  10.  What  occurred  at  Thebes  after  the  battle  of  Plataea  ? 

§11.   Give  some  anecdotes  respecting  individual  Spartans. 

§  12.  What  signal  honors  were  conferred  on  Plataea  and  its  terri- 
torv? 

*  

§  13.  What  battle  in  Asia  was  contemporary  with  that  at  Plataea? — 
Describe  the  position  of  the  Persian  forces  at  Mycale.— Give  the  partic- 
ulars of  the  battle  there. 

§  14.  What  were  the  results,  to  the  islands  and  coast  towns  of  the 
Greeks,  of  the  fiiilui-e  of  the  expedition  of  Xerxes? 

§  15.  Describe  the  subsequent  proceedings  of  the  fleet  of  the  Greeks. 


676 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IY' 


I'! 


■I 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

HISTORY  OF   LITERATURE. 

§  1.  Name  the  three  great  founders  of  Trcujedy. — ^Who  were  the  great 
ZiyWc  poets,  and  what  their  respective  countries  ? 

§  2.  What  various  countries  did  Simonides  visit  ? — Relate  the  legend 
of  his  protection  by  Castor  and  Pollux. — What  celebrated  actions  did 
his  poems  record  ? — Name  the  different  sorts  of  his  poems. — Does  much 
of  them  remain  ? 

§  3.  Where  and  when  was  PINDAR  bom  ? — ^From-what  lyric  writen 
did  he  gain  improvement? — What  celebrated  sovereigns  were  his  pa- 
trons ? — How  did  the  Athenians  show  their  respect  to  him  ? — What  tes- 
timony was  paid  to  his  merit  long  after  his  death  ? — Which  of  his  poems 
remain? — ^What  is  their  characteristic? — What  Latin  poet  especially 
qieaks  of  his  excellence  ? 

§  4.  Give  some  account  of  Ibycus  and  of  Bacchylides. 

§  5,  What  species  of  composition  were  the  Greeks  late  in  cultivating? 
— ^At  what  time  were  the  books  of  Moses  written? 

§  6.  At  what  time  must  we  place  the  earliest  attempts  of  the  Greeks 
in  prose  composition? — iViwwe  the  earliest  Greek  prose-writers. — Give  an 
account  of  what  is  known  of  IJecatceus  and  his  works. — What  can  you 
tell  me  respecting  Charon  of  Lampsacus  ? — What  is  known  of  Hellani* 
ens  of  Mitylene  ? 

§  7.  Where  and  when  was  Herodotus  bom  ? — ^What  dialect  did  he 
Bdopt,  and  why  ? — In  what  island  did  he  sojourn  while  a  young  man  ? 
How  far  did  his  travels  extend  ? — ^Where  did  he  pass  the  latter  part  of 
his  life  ? — Quote  the  story  from  Lucian  respecting  the  publication  of  his 
history. — ^What  great  honor  was  paid  to  his  books  ? — Who  is  said  to  havo 
been  present  ? 

§  8.  What  is  the  subject  of  Herodotns*s  history  ? — ^What  mythological 
subject  does  he  touch  on  ? — Give  a  brief  sketch  of  the  historic  subjects 
in  Herodotns's  book,  and  of  the  way  they  are  introduced. 

§  9.  Show  what  feeling  mutually  subsisted  between  Herodotus  and 
Athens. 

§  10.  Describe  the  pecoliar  excellences  and  deficiencies  of  the  stylo 
of  Herodotus. 


BOOK  IV. 

THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE  PELO- 

PONNESIAN  WAR. 

(RG.  477.404.) 
CHAPTER  XXn. 

VSOH  THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  PERSIANS  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  THE* 

MI8T0CLEB. 

§  1,  After  the  expulsion  of  the  Persians  from  Greece  proper  what 
places  did  they  still  hold  ? — What  force  was  sent  to  dispossess  them,  and 
under  what  coomianders  ?— What  were  the  achievements  of  this  force? 


Chap.  XXIU.    SMITHES  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


677 


§  2.  Describe  the  conduct  ofPausanias. — What  projects  had  he  form- 
cd  ? — How  was  his  design  made  evident  ? 

§  3.  What  circumstances  gave  Athens  the  supremacy  at  sea  ? 

§  4.  What  name  was  given  to  the  league  which  Athens  headed  ? — Of 
what  states  was  it  composed  ? — What  money  was  contributed  ? 

§  5.  Who  succeeded  Aristides  in  the  command  ? — What  were  the 
first  places  he  took  ? — Wherein  consisted  their  importance  ? 

§  6.  Name  the  great  battles  in  the  Persian  war,  and  state  the  share 
that  Athens  had  in  each  battle. — To  what  great  citizens  did  that  city 
particularly  owe  her  eminence  ?~Show  this  by  a  little  detail. 

§  7.  How  was  the  rebuilding  of  the  fortifications  of  Athens  viewed  ? 
— What  species  of  advice  did  the  Spartans  give  ? — Describe  the  artifice 
of  Themistocles  at  this  crisis,  and  its  success. 

§  8.  What  was  the  original  ]X)rt  of  Athens? — What  ports  did  Themis- 
tocles add  to  it  ? — How  did  he  defend  these  ? 

§  9.  What  farther  step  toward  democracy  was  made  at  Athens  during 
the  Persian  war?— Who  became  opponents  of  Themistocles  ?— How  did 
that  statesman  give  offense  ? 

§  10.  What  constitutions  prevailed  at  Athens  and  Sparta  respectively? 
.-Of  what  was  Themistocles  accused ?— Whither  did  he  first  retire? 

§  11.  Was  Pausanias  proved  guilty  of  treason  on  his  first  recall? — In 
what  way  did  he  again  go  out  ? — How  did  he  conduct  himself? — What 
schemes  did  he  form  at  home  ?— Detail  the  mode  of  his  complete  detec- 
tion.— Describe  the  end  of  Pausanias. 

§  12.  How  did  the  fall  ofPausanias  affect  Themistocles  ?— Relate  the 
latter  statesman's  adventures  till  his  arrival  in  Asia  Minor. 

§  13.  Whom  did  Themistocles  find  on  the  throne  of  Persia? — How 
did  the  Persian  king  treat  him?— Wliat  promises  did  Themistocles  make? 
— What  various  statements  are  made  as  to  his  death  ? — ^Draw  the  char- 
acter of  Themistocles. 

§  14.  What  honors  were  paid  to  the  memory  of  Aristides? 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

BISE  AND  GROWTH  OF   THE   ATHENIAN  EMPIRE. — FROM  THE  BATTLE 
OF  EURYMEDON  TO  THE  THIRTY  YEARS*   TRDCE  WITH   SPARTA. 

§  1.  What  great  qualities  had  Cimon  as  a  party  leader? — How  did 
he  increase  his  popularity  ? 

§  2.  What  island  was  the  first  to  resist  the  power  of  Athens? — ^With 
what  result  ? 

§  3.  Where  is  the  Eurymedon? — Describe  the  actions  fought  there 
by  Cimon. — Give  the  date  of  these  battles. 

§  4.  How  did  the  dispute  between  Athens  and  Thasos  arise  ? — Whence 
arose  the  wealth  of  that  island  ? — What  success  had  it  against  Athens  ? 

§  5.  What  induced  Sparta  to  propose  invading  Attica? — ^How  was 
this  purpose  frustrated  ? — Describe  the  causes  and  progress  of  the  revolt 
called  the  Third  Messenian  War. 

§  6.  Detail  the  various  circumstances  which  had  conspired  to  depress 
Sparta  and  raise  Athens. 

§  7.  What  force,  and  under  whose  command,  proceeded  to  the  aid  of 
Sparta  ? — How  was  this  force  treated  ? — What  statesman  was  now  ris- 
ing to  rival  Cimon  at  Athens  ? 

§  8.  Describe  the  parentage,  manners,  and  character  of  PERICLES. 
—With  what  philosophers  did  he  hold  intercourse  ? 


I 


11911 
WO 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IV 


Chap  XXV.      SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


679 


§  9.  Why  was  Pericles  hostile  to  the  court  of  Areopagus? — What 
may  he  regarded  as  among  the  last  measures  which  completed  the  dem^ 
ocratic  power  in  Athens  ? 

§  10.  What  great  dramatist  left  Athens  in  connection  with  political 
itrife  ? — What  befell  Cimon  at  this  time  ? — Who  was  Ephialtcs,  and  how 
did  he  fall  ? 

§  II.  With  what  powers  op()osed  to  Sparta  did  Athens  under  Pericles 
successively  effect  alliance  ? — What  advantages  were  gained  by  the  union 
with  Megara  ? — What  was  the  jjort  of  Megara  ? — What  name  was  given 
to  the  fortifications  counectiug  a  town  with  its  port? — What  was  the 
most  notable  instance  ? 

1 12.  Who  was  Inarus? — What  assistance  did  he  obtain  from  tho 
Athenians  ? — What  was  the  fate  of  this  armament  ? 

§  13.  What  disaster  befell  the  JEginetans  in  their  attempts  against 
Athens  ? — What  was  tho  success  of  the  Corinthians  on  land  ? — Who 
was  the  victorious  Athenian  general  ? — What  was  the  nature  of  tho 
force  under  him  ? 

I  14.  Describe  the  Loxo  Wall8  at  Athens. 

§  15.  What  pretext  did  the  Spartans  find,  after  suppressing  the  Messe- 
nian  revolt,  for  invading  continental  Greece  ? — What  was  the  real  object 
of  this  invasion? — Describe  its  progress  and  the  amount  of  its  success. — 
Name,  with  its  date,  tho  battle  thus  gained. 

§  16.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Cimon  just  previous  to  the  battle  of 
Tanagra? — When  and  how  was  Cimon  recalled? 

§  17.  By  what  battle  did  the  Athenians  riigain  their  influence  in  Boe- 
otia? — ^What  other  continental  states  did  they  acquire  ? — What  injuries 
did  their  fleet  inflict  on  Laconia  ? — What  western  islands  were  gained 
in  the  same  expedition  ? 

§  18.  At  what  date  was  the  five  years*  truce  concluded  by  Cimon?— 
Describe  the  circumstances  under  which  Cimon  died. — What  success 
bad  the  fleet  which  had  been  under  his  command  ? 

§  19.  What  are  said  to  have  been  the  terms  of  the  pacification  with 
Persia? — Show  on  the  map  the  points  that  limited  the  progress  of  the 
Persian  war-ships. — How  far  is  this  pacification  confirmed  in  historj'  ? 

§  20.  By  what  measures  did  Athens  make  the  subjection  of  her  allies 
more  complete  ? — When  her  power  was  greatest,  what  continental  states 
were  under  her  control  ? 

§21.  How  did  Athens  lose  her  predominance  in  Boeotia? — ^Who 
made  an  attempt  to  recover  it,  and  with  what  success  ? — What  other 
states  threw  off  her  yoke  soon  after? 

§  22.  What  important  island  did  Pericles  recover? — ^What  was  tl»« 
date  and  what  the  terms  of  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce  ? 

NOTK.— We  may  take  thl«  opportunity  of  callinnr  the  ptiulent's  attention  to  the  date 
aa  414,  as  the  vEim  or  PKUiCLEa  The  three  tfimilar  figures  make  it  eapy  to  remem- 
ber, and  the  empire  of  Athens— her  great  glory  in  arms,  in  arts,  in  taste,  in  literature 
—her  enterprising  spirit  an»l  great  energy,  render  this  epoch  one  of  (he  moat  remark- 
tble  in  the  histoiy  of  mankind. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FBOM  THB   THIKTT  YEAKS'  TKUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CORINTH 

AND  CORCYRA. 

§  1.  Who  succeeded  Cimon  in  the  lead  of  the  aristocracy  at  Athens? 
—Wherein  did  he  fall  short  of  the  characters  of  Aristides  and  Cimon? 
—What  arrangements  did  the  party  adopt,  and  with  what  result  ? 


Nont — The  jtolitieian  Thtin/dides  was  the  son  of  Melesim;  the  gbeat  uistobiaji 

was  TlIUCYDIDES,  TUB  SON  OF  OLOBUS. 

§  2.  What  were  the  opiiosing  opinions  of  Pericles  and  the  Aristocratia 
party  ? 

§  3.  How  did  Pericles  obtain  the  sole  direction  of  affairs  at  Athens? 
— ^To  what  elevation  did  he  i)ropose  to  rai:>e  his  country  ? — Describe  tho 
chief  erections  raised  in  the  Acropolis  of  Athens  during  Pericles'  ad- 
ministration.— What  otlier  great  sacred  buildings  did  he  commence  ? — 
What  defensive  work  was  built  by  his  direction? — Was  his  political 
scheme  equally  successful  ? 

§  4.  Distinguish  the  two  kinds  of  settlements  made  by  the  Athenians. 
— Describe  the  nature  of  a  KXijpovxia. — What  territories  were  chiefly 
thus  occupied  ? — What  were  the  two  chief  colonies  settled  by  Pericles  ? 
^Where  were  these  respectively  ? 

§  5.  What  increase  had  been  made  in  the  contribution  of  the  Athe- 
nian allies? — To  what  purposes  was  it  applied? — Of  what  otlier  wrongs 
had  the  subject  states  to  complain  ? — Which  of  the  islands  for  some  time 
retained  a  nominal  independence  ? — Can  any  thing  be  said  in  extenua- 
tion of  the  conduct  of  Athens? 

§  G.  How  did  the  quarrel  between  Athens  and  Samos  arise  ? — Detail 
the  chief  events  and  the  final  result  of  the  contest  thus  produced. — Why 
did  not  the  Peloponnesians  interfere  to  aid  Samos  ? — What  other  city 
was  subjugated  at  the  same  time  ? 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

CAUSES  OF  THE  TELOPONNESIAN  WAR. 

§  1.  Describe  the  position  of  Epidamnus. — How  did  its  affairs  pro- 
duce a  disi)ute  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra? — Where  is  Corcyra?-^ 
What  now  called,  and  to  what  power  subject? — Which  state  gained  tho 
first  decisive  advantages? 

§  2.  What  preparations  did  Corinth  make  to  regain  her  power  ?-^ 
To  whom  did  the  Corcyraians  apply  ? — Describe  the  debate  on  the  sub- 
ject before  the  Athenian  assembly. — What  resolution  did  that  assembly 
adoi)t  ? 

§  3.  Show  the  superiority  of  the  naval  tactics  of  the  Athenians. — De- 
scribe the  action  between  the  Corey ra^an  and  Corinthian  fleets. — How 
were  the  Corinthians  prevented  from  renewiug  their  attacks  ? — How  did 
the  Corinthians  treat  their  prisoners  ? 

§  4.  What  offense  had  Perdiccas  of  Macedon  received  from  the  Athe- 
nians?— What  measures  did  he  take  to  obtain  revenge? — What  success 
had  the  Athenians  against  the  Potida;ans  and  Corinthians  ? 

§  5.  What  complaints  did  the  Megarians  and  the  ^ginetans  make 
in  the  congress  of  Peloponnesians  against  Athens  ? — Describe  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Corinthian  envoy. — By  what  arguments  did  the  embassa- 
dor from  Athens  defend  his  country's  conduct? — Describe  what  followed 
in  the  Lacedemonian  assembly. 

§  6.  What  support  did  the  Peloponnesians  gain  from  religion  ? — ^At 
what  date  did  these  events  take  place  ? 

§  7.  What  was  the  firet  demand  of  the  Peloponnesians  on  the  Athe. 
nians  ? — What  was  its  object,  and  what  the  expectations  of  those  who 
made  it  ? 

§  8.  For  what  was  Aspasia  celebrated? — What  charge  was  brought 
•jsainst  her,  and  who  else  was  included  in  the  charge  ? — How  did  Peri- 


i;i 


1: 


«80 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Boo^rV 


I 


cles  act?— What  various  faults  were  alleged  against  Phidias?— How  did 
the  Athenians  meet  the  charge  of  impiety  made  by  the  Peloponnesians  ? 
§  a.  What  was  the  second  demand  of  the  8partans  ?— What  was  their 
ultimatum?— What  was  the  object  of  this  ?— How  did  the  Athenians  an- 
swer it  ? 

§  10.  What  treacherous  act  preceded  the  declaration  of  war?— De- 
icribe  the  particulars  of  this.— What  was  its  success?— How  did  the  The- 
ban  re-entbrcements  and  the  Platieans  respectively  act  ? 

§11.  When  the  Athenians  heard  of  the  attempt  on  Platffia  what 
measures  did  tliey  adopt?— What  was  the  state  of  men's  minds  at  this 
ejjoch? — ^What  unusual  prodigy  occurred? 

§  12.  Enumerate  the  allies  and  forces  on  the  side  of  Sparta.— State 
what  powers  were  under  Athenian  influence.— What  resources  had 
Athens  already  collected  ? 

§  13.  What  Spartan  was  inclined  to  peace  just  prior  to  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war?— What  messenger  was  sent  to  Athens?— What  resolution 
had  the  Athenians  made  ? 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. — FBOM  THE   COSIMENCEMENT  OP  THE   WAR  TO 
THE   CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION   OF   PLAT^A. 

1 1.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Archidamus  in  the  invasion  of  Attica  — 
What  pohcy  had  Pericles  recommended ?— How  was  it  carried  out?— 
What  famous  j)opular  leader  was  just  rising  ? 

§  2-  Bescribe  the  successes  of  the  larger  naval  armament  of  the  Athe- 
nians.—What  operations  did  their  smaller  squadron  earn-  out? 
^1  ^u  ^T  ^''^  '**®  Megarians  fare  in  the  war  ?— What  remote  alliance 
did  the  Athenians  form?— What  measures  of  reserve  did  they  adopt?— 
What  remarkable  ceremony  took  place  at  Athens  toward  the  end  of  the 
year? 

§4.  What  formidable  disaster  befell  the  Athenians  in  the  second  year 
of  the  war?— Describe  the  ctfect  of  this  on  men's  bodies  and  on  their 
conduct— Mention  some  circumstances  that  show  the  severity  of  the 
visitation.  "^ 

§  5.  In  what  way  did  Pericles  strive  to  divert  the  minds  of  the  people 
ttom  their  despair  ?— How  was  he  treated  on  his  return  ? 

§  6.  What  domestic  losses  did  Pericles  sustain  ?— What  feeling  did  ho 
gbow?— From  what  cause  did  he  die?— What  remark  did  he  make  on 
his  death-bed?— Draw  the  character  of  Pericles,  stating  his  great  mental 
qualities. 

§  7.  How  far  were  the  Lacedaemonians  successful  with  their  ships  ?— 
What  cruel  proceedings  disgraced  the  Peloponnesians  ?— What  retalia- 
tion did  the  Athenians  make  ? 

§  8.  How  did  the  siege  of  Potidaea  terminate  ?— What  terms  were 
gramed  ?— How  did  the  Athenians  regard  this  ? 

§  D.  On  what  measure  did  Archidamus  resolve  ?— What  negotiations 
preceded  the  commencement  of  the  siege  ?— How  were  they  rendered 
unavailable  ?— What  force  occupied  Plataea  ?— Describe  the  first  meas- 
ures of  the  besiegers.— What  etlectual  plans  of  resistance  did  the  Pla- 
taeans  adopt? 

§  10.  Describe  the  besiegers'  walls.- Give  a  minute  account  of  the  e» 
cape  made  by  a  portion  of  the  garrison. 

§  11.  What  promise  did  the  Spartans  make  to  the  survivors  of  the 


Chap.  XXVIII.  SMITH'S  HISTOBY  OF  GREECE. 


681 


Plataean  garrison  ?— Describe  what  was  called  the  trial.— State  how  the 
garrison  and  the  buildings  were  disposed  of. 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PELOPONNESIAN   WAR   CONTINUED. — FROM  THE   SIEGE  OP   PLATiEA  TO 

THE   SEDITION  AT  CORCTRA. 

§  1.  What  remarks  may  be  made  on  the  general  character  of  the 
events  of  the  first  ten  years  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  ? 

§  2.  How  does  the  great  power  of  Sitalces  appear  evident  ? — Against 
what  power  did  he  make  attempts,  and  with  what  success  ? — Describe 
the  exploits  of  Phormio  in  the  third  year. — Give  an  account  of  the  Pe- 
loponnesians' attempt  to  surprise  the  Piraeus,  and  its  consequences. 

§  3.  What  event  menacing  to  the  Athenian  power  occurred  in  the 
fourth  year  of  the  war  ? — Why  were  the  Athenians  unable  to  take  Mity- 
lene  by  surprise? — What  promise  did  the  Peloponnesians  make  the  Mit- 
ylenaeans  ? — What  was  the  condition  of  Athens  at  this  time  ? — How  did 
they  contrive  to  equip  a  fleet  ?  * 

§  4.  Who  was  placed  in  command  of  the  Peloponnesian  squadron  in- 
tended to  relieve  Mitylene  ? — How  was  his  aid  rendered  ineffectual  ? — 
Who  was  the  Lacediemonian  envoy  in  Mitylene  ? — ^What  measure  did 
he  advise,  and  with  what  result? — On  what  conditions  did  Mitylene  sur- 
render ? 

§  5.  Name  some  of  the  persons  of  low  origin  and  pursuits  who  had 
become  speakers  in  the  Athenian  assembly. — Describe  particularly  the 
character  and  conduct  of  Cleon. — Discriminate  the  authorities  on  which 
this  account  rests. — State  the  particulars  of  the  cruel  decree  passed 
against  the  Mitylenaeans  by  Cleon's  influence. 

§  6.  Mention  some  cruel  acts  which  took  place  in  the  Peloponnesian 
war. — How  was  an  assembly  called  to  reverse  the  Mitylenaean  decree  ? 

§  7.  What  arguments  did  Cleon  and  Diodotus  respectively  put  forth 
for  and  against  the  reversal  of  the  decree  ? — How  was  the  sentence  of 
the  Athenian  assembly  conveyed  in  time  ? — How  were  the  people  and 
the  town  of  Mitylene  treated  ? — What  were  the  cause  and  manner  of  the 
death  of  Paches  ? 

§  8.  How  did  the  dissensions  in  Corcyra  begin,  and  what  were  the 
opposing  parties?— What  attempts  did  the  Oligarchs  make,  and  how 
were  they  frustrated  ? — Describe  the  conduct  of  the  rival  naval  com- 
manders.— Give  some  account  of  the  cruelties  of  the  triumphant  Demo- 
crats. 

§  9.  Give  some  account  of  the  reflections  of  Thucydides  on  the  state 
of  the  times  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PELOPONNESIAN   WAR   CONTINUED.— FROM  THE   SEDITION  AT  CORCTRA 

TO  THE   PEACE   OP  NICIAS. 

§  1.  What  prevented  the  invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians  in 
the  sixth  year  of  the  war  ? — Name  and  describe  the  religious  proceedings 
pursued  by  the  Athenians. 

§  2.  Who  became  commander  of  the  Spartans  in  the  seventh  year?— 
What  obliged  him  to  leave  Attica  ? — Describe  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  Athenians  fortified  a  post  at  Pylos. — Who  commanded  it,  and 
what  force  had  he  ? 

2  G* 


683 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IV. 


§  3.  Give  a  rongb  sketch  of  the  plan  on  p.  309,  and  indicate  the  more 
important  positions  on  it. — State  the  measures  adopted  by  the  various 
portions  of  the  Peloponnesian  armaments  to  drive  the  Atlienians  from 
JPylos. — Describe  the  measures  of  the  Athenian  commanders  for  defense. 
— Relate  the  particulars  and  result  of  the  first  Spartan  attack. 

§  4.  Of  what  omission  had  the  Spartans  been  guilty? — Describe,  with 
its  result,  the  naval  engagement. — What  extreme  measures  were  adopted 
by  the  Spartans  to  save  their  men  on  Sphacteria  ? 

§  5.  What  terms  did  Cleon  cause  the  Athenians  to  demand  of  the 
Spartan  envoys  from  Fylos? — ^What  was  the  result  thereof? 

§  6.  Under  what  circumstances  did  Demosthenes  send  from  Pylos  to 
Athens  for  new  assistance  ? — What  measures  had  he  himself  adopted? 

§  7.  Describe  what  occurred  at  Athens  on  the  arrival  of  Demosthenes* 
message. — What  force  had  Cleon,  and  what  did  he  undertake  ? 

§  8.  What  circumstances,  intentional  and  accidental,  favored  Cleon's 
enterprise  ? — What  force  did  Demosthenes  employ  against  the  Spartans 
in  Sp[;iacteria  ? — Describe  the  circumstances  which  resulted  in  their  sur- 
render. 

§  9.  What  advantages  might  the  Athenians  have  derived  from  their 
capture  at  Sphacteria? 

§  10.  What  was  the  conduct  of  Eurvmcdon  at  Corcyra? — What  new 
cruelties  took  place  there  ? — To  what  acts  have  they  been  compared  ? 

§  11.  What  successes  did  Nicias  gain  in  the  eighth  year? — What  very 
crnel  act  of  treachery  and  ingratitude  did  the  Spartans  commit  at  this 
time? 

§  12.  How  far  were  the  Athenians  successful  against  Megara  ? — ^By 
whom  was  their  complete  success  prevented  ? — Relate  the  adventures 
which  preceded  the  battle  of  Delium. — Describe  the  position  of  Delium. 
— ^What  were  the  forces  and  arrangements  on  each  side  in  that  battle  ? 
—Give  the  particulars  and  result  of  the  engagement — Name  two  distin- 
guished Athenians  who  fought  there. — How  did  these  two  act? 

§  13.  How  were  the  Spartans  induced  to  send  Brasidas  to  Thrace? — 
What  force  had  he? — Describe  his  march  thither. — What  excellent 
qualities  had  Brasidas? — What  towns  in  Thrace  did  he  successively 
take? — Wliat  great  Greek  writer  had  a  share  in  these  events? — De- 
scribe what  happened  to  this  writer. 

§  14.  How  was  the  truce  of  the  ninth  year  prevented  from  ending  in  a 
general  pacification? 

§  15.  Describe  the  events  which  resulted  in  the  deaths  of  Cleon  and 
Brasidas. 

§  16.  What  statesmen  negotiated  the  truce  between  Sparta  and  Ath- 
ens?— How  long  was  the  truce  to  last? — At  what  date  was  it  made? — 
What  were  its  terms  ? — In  what  light  did  the  Peloponnesian  allies  view 
it? 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

PELOPONXESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED. — FROM   THE   PEACE   OF  MCIAS  TO 
THE   EXPEDITION  OF   THE  ATII£NI.iNS   TO   SICILY. 

§  1.  What  State  did  the  disappointed  allies  of  Sparta  attempt  to  raise 
to  the  head  of  Greece  ? 

§  2.  What  causes  of  difference  arose  between  Athens  and  Sparta  just 
after  the  truce  of  Nicias  ? 

§  8.  Give  some  account  of  the  origin  and  family  of  Alcibiades.-^ 


Chap.  XXX.      SMITIPS  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


688 


Describe  his  character. — Give  some  anecdotes  of  his  capricious  con- 
duct. 

§  4.  What  offense  had  the  Spartan  government  given  Alcibiades? — 
What  plan  of  jjolicy  did  he  adopt  to  thwart  Sparta  ? — What  embassies 
resulted  from  this? — What  treacherous  and  dishonorable  trick  did  Al- 
cibiades devise  to  embroil  Athens  and  Sparta? — Describe  some  subse- 
quent events  connected  with  the  alliances  of  the  Greek  states. 

§  5.  Describe  the  ap|)earance  made  by  the  Athenians,  and  the  suc- 
cesses of  Alcibiades  at  the  Olympic  festival. — Why  did  this  sui-prise  the 
Peloponnesians  ? — How  may  it  have  been  accomplished  ? 

§  6.  What  alliances  and  successes  did  Alcibiades  gain  in  the  Pelo- 
I>onnesu8  ? 

§  7.  How  was  the  Argive  army  saved  from  destruction  in  b.c.  418? — 

In  what  way  did  Alcibiades  prevent  a  permanent  peace  between  Argos 

and  Sparta  ? — Describe  the  first  battle  of  Mantinea. — State  the  result. 

Note.— 7Vj«  most  important  battle  of  Mantinea  toas  fought  in  b.c.  362 :  an  account 
of  it  will  be  found  in  chap.  xl.  of  Dr.  Smith's  History. 

§  8.  What  revolutions  occurred  at  Argos  at  this  time  ? — How  were 
they  occasioned  ? — What  were  the  relations  of  Sparta  and  Athens  after 
the  truce  of  Nicias  ? 

§  9.  Which  were  the  last  islands  added  by  Athens  to  her  empire  ? — 
How  did  the  conquerors  treat  their  new  acquisitions  ? 

§  10.  What  cities  in  Sicily  were  combined  in  opposing  alliances  early 
in  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  ? — Which  of  these  had  applied  to 
Athens,  and  when  ? — What  expeditions  had  Athens  in  the  early  years 
of  the  Peloponnesian  war  sent  to  Sicily  ? — What  had  resulted  from  these  ? 

§  11.  What  Sicilian  state  asked  aid  from  Athens  in  416  B.C.  ? — What 
arguments  did  the  envoys  use  ? — Who  supported  them,  and  from  what 
motives  ? — How  were  the  Athenians  misled  as  to  the  wealth  of  Egesta  ? 

§  12.  W^hat  generals  were  fii-st  appointed  to  command  the  Great 
Sicilian  Expedition  of  Athens  ? — Wliat  views  had  Nicias  relative  to 
the  enterprise  ? — How  were  his  attempts  to  stop  it  baffled  ? 

§  13.  Describe  the  feelings  and  exertions  with  which  the  Athenians 
prepared  for  their  Sicilian  expedition. — Who  disapproved  the  under^ 
taking  ? 

§  14.  What  outrage  produced  alarm  at  Athens  just  prior  to  the  Sicil- 
ian expedition  ? — How  may  we  account  for  the  ten-or  it  occasioned  ? — 
How  did  the  Athenians  act  to  Alcibiades  on  the  occasion  ? — What  ad- 
vantage did  his  enemies  thus  gain  ? 

§  15.  Describe  the  state  of  the  armament  intended  against  Syracuse. 
—Also  the  scene  that  marked  its  departure. 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

PELOPOSNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED. — THE    SICILIAN  EXPEDITION  CON- 
TINUED. 

§  1 .  Specify  the  force  of  the  Sicilian  armament,  and  its  several  kinds 
of  ships  and  troops. 

§  2.  What  reception  did  it  meet  with  in  the  several  towns  of  Italy? — 
With  what  impressions  did  the  Syracusans  receive  the  news  of  the  ex- 
pedition ? 

§  3.  Wliat  news  did  the  swift  vessels  bring  back  from  Egesta  ? — WTii^ 
several  proposals  did  each  of  the  Athenian  generals  make  ? 

§  4.  Which  of  these  plans  was  followed? — With  what  success? 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IV. 


Chap.  XXXU.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


685 


§  5.  What  measures  were  taken  against  Alcibiades  after  his  departure 
for  Syracuse  ?— In  what  state  of  feeling  was  Athens? 

§  6.  What  was  the  principal  charge  alleged  against  Alcibiades  ?— In 
what  way  was  he  taken  ?— How  did  he  escape  ? 

§  T.  What  were  the  first  proceedings  and  achievements  of  Nicias  aftei 
the  departure  of  Alcibiades  ?— How  did  he  gain  a  landing  at  Syracuse, 
and  where  did  he  winter  ? 

§  8.  What  preparations  did  the  Syracusans  make  during  the  wintef 
of  B.C.  415? — What  was  the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  at  Sparta? 

I  9.  Describe  the  city,  the  harbors,  and  the  principal  positions  at  Syr. 
acuse,  constructing  a  rough  map  similar  to  the  one  on  p.  337.— Tract 
on  the  map  lines  showinj;  the  principal  fortifications. 

§  10.  What  important  position  did  Nicias  occupy  ?— What  works  did 
he  plan  and  execute  ?— What  were  the  first  attempts  of  the  Syracusans 
to  counteract  these  ?— How  did  Lamachus  fall,  and  what  eflfect  had  liis 
loss? 

§  11.  What  Spartan  commander  was  sent  into  Ttalv,  and  with  what 
foix-e  ?— Describe  his  progress  till  he  had  reached  SjTacuse.— What 
message  did  he  send  Nicias  ?— What  defensive  works  did  he  construct? 
— What  additional  force  did  he  receive  ? —What  course  did  Nicias  adopt, 
and  what  was  the  posture  of  his  affairs  ? 

§  12.  How  did  the  Athenians  act  on  the  receipt  of  Nicias'  dispatches 
from  Syracuse  ?— What  injurious  and  annoying  plan  did  the  Spanans 
adopt  in  Attica  on  their  actively  renewing  the  war? — What  was  then 
the  position  of  affairs  in  Athens  ?— What  marks  of  extraordinary  spirit 
did  the  Athenians  notwithstanding  display  ? 

§  13.  What  were  the  results  of  the  first  naval  engagement  at  Syra- 
cuse?—What  improvements  did  the  Syracusans  make  in  their  ships?— 
With  what  result  was  the  second  sea-battle  fought  ? 

§  14.  Describe  the  force  brought  by  Demosthenes.— What  measures 
did  he  attempt  ?— What  plans  did  he  recommend  ?— Why  were  they 
severally  rejected  ?— What  efforts  were  made  on  each  side  for  a  final 
naval  encounter  ? 

§  15.  Give  a  particular  description  of  the  last  naval  battle,  stating  the 
force  on  each  side,  and  the  issue  of  the  combat. 

§  16.  What  was  the  plan  formed  by  the  Athenian  generals  for  their 
^cape  ?— By  what  artifice  was  it  delaved  ?— Describe  the  departure  of 
the  Athenian  army  from  its  encampment.— Relate  Uie  incidents  of  their 
march  for  the  first  five  days. 

J  §  17-  Describe,  with  the  circumstances  which  preceded  it,  the  surren- 
der of  Nicias.— How  were  the  prisonera  treated  ?— What  was  the  fate  of 
the  generals  ? 

§18.  Give  an  account  of  the  character  of  Nicias.— Describe  the  merit* 
of  Demosthenes  as  a  general.— Do  you  remember  a  great  exploit  of  his 
m  the  former  part  of  this  history  ?  or 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

IIOM  THE  END  OF  THE   SICILIAN  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  OVERTHBOW  OP 

THE   FOUR   HUNDRED   AT  ATHENS. 

§  1.  How  is  intelligence  of  the  Athenian  defeat  at  Svracuse  said  to 
have  reached  Athens?— How  was  the  news  received ?— Describe  the 
condition  of  Athens  at  that  time.— What  event  most  depressed  the 
Athemans  ?  ^ 


§  2.  What  measures  were  adopted  for  defense  ? 

§  3.  What  various  states  began  to  rise  against  Athens?— How  was 
the  revolt  at  Chios  effected  ?— What  other  states  followed  the  example? 

§  4.  How  did  the  Athenians  find  funds  for  a  fleet  ?— What  were  the 
terms  of  the  bargain  between  the  Spartans  and  Persians  ?— Relate  the 
particulars  of  the  revolution  at  Samos. 

§  5.  What  successes  cheered  the  Athenians  ?— How  did  Tissaphemes 
act  toward  tho  Spartans  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  conduct  of  Alcibiades  at  this  juncture,  and  his  ad- 
vice to  the  Persian  satraps. 

§  7.  What  proposals  did  Alcibiades  make  in  order  to  obtain  his  return 
to  Athens? — What  measures  were  taken  to  carry  out  his  views? 

§  8.  Who  opposed  and  who  supported  the  establishment  of  an  oligarchy 
at  Athens  ? — How  was  it  effected  ? 

§  9.  How  did  Alcibiades  hide  his  deception  in  promising  Persian 
help? — What  new  bargain  was  made  between  Sparta  and  the  Persian 
satraps  ? 

§  10.  How  was  the  oligarchical  movement  defeated  at  Samos? — In 
what  way  did  the  oligarchs  at  Athens  assail  the  democracy  ? 

§  11.  Where  was  the  meeting  convened  to  change  the  cuustitution  ?-^ 
Enumerate  and  describe  the  changes. 

§  12.  Describe  the  conduct  of  the  new  government  at  Athens. — Re- 
cord its  negotiations  with  the  Spartans,  and  their  success. 

§  13.  What  communications  took  place  between  the  Four  Hundred 
and  the  fleet  at  Samos  ? — Who  were  the  leaders  of  the  counter-revolution 
there  ? — How  was  Alcibiades  restored,  and  what  were  his  first  proceed- 
ings? 

§  14.  How  were  the  envoys  of  the  Four  Hundred  received  by  the  fleet 
at  Samos  ? — What  message  was  sent  back  ? 

§  15.  What  leaders  among  the  Four  Hundred  were  opposed  to  each 
other  ?— In  what  policy  ?— What  was  the  fate  of  Phrynichus  ? 

§  16.  Describe  the  circumstances  under  which  the  Athenians  lort 
Euboea. 

§  17.  Wherein  lay  the  great  importance  of  the  loss  of  Euboea?— In 
the  restoration  of  democracy,  what  modification  was  made  in  the  old 
constitution  ? — What  vengeance  was  inflicted  on  the  Four  Hundred? 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

FROM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OF  iEGOSPOTAMI. 

§  1.  How  was  it  that  the  contest  was  now  altogether  maritime? — 
What  was  the  respective  naval  power  of  the  two  confederacies? — ^In 
what  quarters  was  the  war  successfully  carried  on  ? 

§  2.  Who  were  the  Athenian  and  Spartan  commanders  in  the  battle 
off  Cynossema? — What  remarkable  structure  was  erected  by  the  Eu- 
bo^ans  ? 

§  3.  Where  was  the  next  engagement  ?— Describe  it.— How  was  it 
decided  ? 

§  4.  How  did  Tissaphemes  treat  Alcibiades? — Relate  the  particulars 
of  the  action  in  which  Mindarns  was  slain. 

§  5.  By  what  measures  did  the  Athenians  follow  up  their  victory?— 
What  proposals  of  peace  were  made  ? — How  was  a  treaty  prevented  ? 

§  6.  What  help  did  Pharnabazus  render  the  Spartans  ? 


il 


886 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IV 


§  7.  What  towns  successively  fell  before  the  arms  of  Alcibiades  ? 
§  8.  Describe  the  reception  of  Alcibiades.— What  measures  were  taken 
m  his  favor  ? 

§  9.  What  several  wounds  had  Alcibiades  previously  inflicted  on  his 
country's  power ?~What  measure  did  he  take  to  conciliate  the  priests? 

§  10.  What  two  important  historic  personages  at  this  time  came  into 

notice  ? — ^What  was  the  character  of  Cyrus,  and  what  his  command  ? 

What  were  the  office,  origin,  and  character  of  Lysander  ? 

§  11.  What  occurred  at  the  banquet  where  Cyrus  entertained  Ly- 
•ander  ?  •' 

§  12.  What  conduct  of  Alcibiades  excited  dissatisfaction  ? 
§  13.  What  change  was  made  in  the  command  of  the  Athenian 
forces  ? 

I  14.  Who  succeeded  Lysander  in  command  ?— Describe  the  new 
leader's  conduct. 

§  15.  Describe  the  events  which  placed  Conon  in  a  perilous  position. 

§  16.  State  the  efforts  made  to  relieve  him,  and  the  numbers  of  the 
opposing  fleets. — ^Where  did  the  great  action  take  place  ? 

§  17.  In  what  different  ways  were  the  fleets  drawn  up  for  battle?— 
What  was  the  result  and  what  the  respective  losses  in  the  battle  ?— How 
did  Eteonicus  eftect  his  escape  ? 

§  18.  What  charge  was  brought  against  the  Athenian  commanders  at 
Argmusm  f^What  did  they  allege  in  defense  ?— What  circumstances  ex- 
cited the  people  against  them  ?— What  was  their  fate  ?--Who  refused  to 
condemn  them  ? 

§  19.  How  did  Lysander  again  obtain  the  direction  of  the  Spartan 

fleet? — What  extraordinary  aid  and  power  did  Cyrus   give  him? 

Where  did  he  station  his  fleet? 

§  20.  Where  did  the  Athenian  fleet  take  its  station  ?—Wliat  disad- 
vantages had  this  place  ?— What  was  the  respective  conduct  of  the  Athe- 
nians and  Spartans  ?— What  advice  did  Alcibiades  give  ?— Describe  the 
BATTLE  OF  ^GOSPOTAMI. — At  what  date  was  it  fought  ? 

CHAPTER  XXXin. 

mOM  THE  BATTLE  OP  iGGOSFOTAMI  TO  THE  OVEBTHROW  OF  THE  THIRTY 
TYRANTS   AND  THE   RE>E8TABLISHM£KT  OP   DEMOCRACY   AT  ATHENS. 

§  1.  How  was  intelligence  of  the  defeat  at  -^gospotami  brought  to 
Athens  ? — How  was  the  news  received  ? 

§  2.  How  did  Lysander  follow  up  his  victory  ?— What  was  his  plan 
for  subduing  the  city  of  Athens  ?— What  form  of  government  did  he  set 
Bp  in  the  towns  he  took  ? 

I  8.  What  measures  did  the  Athenians  take  for  their  defense?— De- 
scribe the  first  measures  of  Lysander  against  Athens.— How  did  the 
people  show  their  spirit  ? 

I  4.  How  did  Theramenes  act?— What  may  have  been  his  view  in 
^s?— What  proposals  were  made  in  the  assembly  of  the  Peloponnesian 
confederacy  as  to  the  fate  of  Athens  ?— What  terms  were  allowed  to  the 
city? 

§  5.  At  what  date  did  Lysander  take  possession  of  Athens?— How 
long  then  had  the  war  lasted  ?—DeHcribe  the  wav  the  terms  of  the  capit- 
ulation were  carried  out?— How  long  had  Athens  maintained  her  pow- 
er?— ^What  reflections  are  made  on  her  possession  and  use  of  it? 

§  6.  Give  some  account  of  the  origin  and  character  of  CW/ia5.— De- 


Chap.  XXXIV.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE.  687 

scribe  his  proceedings  for  setting  up  an  oligarchy.— What  name  was 
given  to  this  government  ?  ^  »» 

§  7.  Describe  the  return  of  Lysander  to  Sparta. 

§  8.  Give  some  account  of  the  cruel  tyrannies  of  The  Thirtu  —Ex- 
plain the  particulars  of  the  noble  conduct  of  Socrates,  showing  how  the 
occasion  arose. 

§9.  How  did  the  name  Cothurnus  apply  to  Theramenes  ?— What 
measure  was  taken  by  his  advice  ? 

§  10.  Describe  the  fate  of  Theramenes,  with  the  circumstances  pre- 
ceding and  accompanying  it. 

ftrV*  ^^^  ™^"^  persons  arc  said  to  have  perished  under  The  Thirty  ? 
—What  measures  did  they  take  to  suppress  mental  culture  ? 

§  12.  Where  did  Alcibiades  close  his  days ?— Describe  his  death  — 
Give  your  opinion  of  his  character. 

§  13.  Show  the  great  supremacy  assumed  by  the  Spartans.— What 
honors  were  heaped  on  Lysander  ? 

§  U.  What  illustrious  Athenian  began  the  deliverance  of  his  country 
from  The  Thirty?— What  post  did  he  occupy,  and  what  were  his  first 
successes  ? 

§  15.  By  what  measures  did  Critias  strive  to  secure  his  power? 

§  16.  Describe  the  success  of  Thrasybdlus  at  the  Piraus. 
rrJ  a'^'u-^"  *^®  ^^^^^  ^^  Critias  what  new  tyranny  succeeded  that  of 
The  Ihirty  ?— How  did  the  freedom  of  the  Athenians  find  indirect  aid 
even  among  the  Spartan  authorities  ? 

§  18.  How  was  an  opportunity  given  to  re-establish  the  democracy  at 

§  19.  Describe  the  restoration  of  the  Athenian  democracy.— How  was 
this  event  rendered  memorable  in  a  literary  point  of  view  ? 

§  20.  How  did  the  newly-established  democracy  act  ?— ^What  was  the 
subsequent  position  of  Athens  ? 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHENS,  AND  ATHENIAN  AND  GRECIAN  ART  DURING  THE  PERIOD  OP 

HER  EMPIRE. 

§  1.  How  is  Athens  situated  ?— Name  and  describe  the  chief  emi- 
nences  in  its  position.— What  streams  supply  it  with  water?— Quote 
Milton  s  description.— Draw  a  rough  plan  6f  Athens,  indicating  the 
most  important  positions. 

§  2.  Whence  had  Athens  its  name?-What  were  the  old  names  of 
Its  people?— What  building  was  begun  by  the  Pisistratidae ? 

§  3  What  portion  of  the  structure  of  Athens  was  due  to  Themis- 
tocles?--Describe  the  nature  and  extent  of  his  erections.— Describe  the 
various  long  walls.  v^a^^nuc  mu 

§  4  Give  some  idea  of  the  appearance  of  Athens  and  of  the  structure 
of  its  houses  —What  was  its  population,  and  how  composed  ? 
o.f  Ko  i^*^J^^;ime  should  the  period  of  highest  excellence  of  Athenian 
emiLncrdispT/y^edt''  """""  "'^  '"'  '^""^'^^  of  literature  was  this 
and  pecuH^rkier^  '^  '^'  ''''"'''  sculptors. -State  their  country,  time, 
.f!  ^'i91l^  ^T  account  of  the  history  of  PHIDIAS,  stating  the  time 
hL  wori^?         "'^''''^'  death—What  are  the  characteristics  of 


I 


68S 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  IV. 


Chap.  XXXV.    SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


689 


t 


I  8.  What  is  known  of  Polycletus  ?~What  was  his  most  famous 
work  ? — What  were  the  excellences  and  the  works  of  Myron  ? 

§  9.  What  painter  was  contemporary  with  Phidias  ? — What  works  did 
he  execute  ? — What  excellences  and  deficiencies  marked  his  works  ? 

§  10.  Name  the  other  great  painters  of  the  period. — Mention  some 
circumstances  indicating  the  great  fame  of  Zecxis. — Tell  the  story  of 
the  contest  between  Zeuxis  and  Parrhasius. 

§  11.  What  public  buildings  were  erected  at  Athens  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  Cimon  ? — Describe  the  temple  of  NiV?/  dwrtpos,  stating 
its  position. — Mention  the  dimensions,  style,  and  ornaments  of  the  The- 

8£UM. 

§  12.  Give  a  rough  plan  of  the  Acropolis,  showing  the  site  of  the 
principal  buildings. —Describe  the  appearance  of  the  Acropolis.— When 
and  at  what  cost  were  the  Propyljea  erected  ? — Describe  the  Propylaea. 

I  13.  What  names  had  the  Parthenon  ?— Who  were  its  architects? 
— ^What  its  dimensions  ? — Describe  its  sculptures. 

§  14.  Mention  the  chief  circumstances  in  the  description  of  the  Chrys- 
elephantine statue  of  Athene.— Describe  the  position,  appearance,  and 
proportions  of  the  statue  of  Athene  Promachos. 

§  15.  Describe  the  Erechtheum.— Give  the  legends  respecting  Erech- 
theus. — ^What  objects  of  legendary  interest  were  contained  in  the  Erech- 
theum ? 

§  16.  Describe,  with  their  positions  and  uses,  the  Dionysiac  theatre; 
the  Odeum  of  Pericles;  the  Areopagus;  the  Pnyx;  the  Agora;  the 
Ceramicus ;  the  Lyceum. 

§  17.  What  great  architectural  works  in  the  Peloponnesus  are  de- 
scribed?— Give  an  account  of  the  statue  of  Jupiter  at  Olympia. 

§  18.  What  remarks  are  to  be  made  on  the  temple  at  Phigalia? 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

HISTORY  OF  ATHENIAN  LITERATITRE  DOWN  TO  THE  END  OP  THE 

peloponnesian  war. 

§  1.  Among  which  portion  of  the  Greek  race  did  literature  first  begin? 
— At  what  time  did  the  Athenians  become  literar}-  ? 

§  2.  Among  what  tribe  and  from  what  source  did  dramatic  literature 
begin  ?— Give  the  derivation  of  the  words  Tragedy  and  Comedy. — What 
ig  known  of  Epicharmus  and  his  works? 

§  3.  Who  is  named  as  the  earliest  introducer  of  Comedy  at  Athens  ? 
— ^What  peculiarly  shows  the  Dorian  origin  of  the  Drama  ? — Who  is 
said  to  have  first  introduced  an  actor  into  Tragedy  ?— At  what  date  ? — 
What  tragic  authors  were  before  -^Eschylcs  ? — What  remarkable  anec- 
dote is  recorded  of  one  of  Phrynichus's  dramas  ? — Explain  what  is  meant 
hj  a  trifofjy  and  a  tetralogy. 

§  4.  What  writers  are  respectively  regarded  as  Fathers  of  Epic  Poet- 
ry, of  Tragedy y  and  of  History  ?— Where  and  when  was  iEiSCHYLUS 
bom  ?— Mention  the  chief  events  of  his  life.— What  improvements  did 
he  introduce  into  tragedy  ?— What  are  the  characteristics  of  his  style  ? 
—How  many  tragedies  is  iEschylus  said  to  have  written?— How  many 
Mre  extant  ?— (Note  *,  p.  405.) 

§  5.  Who  succeeded  and  rivaled  JEschylus  ?— When  and  where  wai 
he  bom  ? — Describe  the  peculiar  circumstances  under  which  he  gained 
Ms  first  Tragic  prize. — On  what  political  occasions  did  he  hold  office  ? 
—Record  the  closing  events  of  his  life. — What  improvements  are  due  t« 


him  ? — What  are  the  excellences  of  his  style  ? — How  many  tragedies  did 
SOPHOCLES  write?— How  many  remain ?— (Note  *,  p.  406.) 

§  6.  Where  and  when  was  EURIPIDES  born  ?— What  are  the  chief 
events  of  his  life  and  the  manner  of  his  death  ?— What  marks  of  dramat- 
ic decline  do  his  plays  exhibit?— What  are  his  merits?- How  many 
plays  of  Euripides  are  extant?— Why  is  one  peculiarly  interesting? 

§  7.  Who  are  the  writers  of  the  Old  Attic  Comedy  ? — When  was 
ARISTOPHANES  born?— How  many  of  his  plays  exist?— What  was 
thwsprobable  time  of  his  death  ? — What  was  the  nature  of  the  Old  At- 
tic Comedy  ?— Illustrate  this  by  some  accounts  of  the  plots  of  plays.— 
What  was  the  nature  of  the  Middle  Comedy  ? 

Note.— An  account  of  the  nature  of  the  New  Comedy  and  its  authors  wiU  be  found 
at  the  beginning  of  chap.  xlviiL,  p.  588. 

§  8.  Name  the  three  great  classical  Historians  of  Greece.— When 
where,  and  in  what  rank  was  THUCYDIDES  the  historian  born?— 
How  may  he  be  conveniently  distinguished  from  the  rival  of  Pericles  ? 
{See  note  in  these  Questions  on  Chap.  XXIV.,  §  1.)— State  what  is  known 
of  the  historian's  life. — Give  an  account  of  the  subject  of  his  work.— 
What  are  the  merits  and  faults  of  his  style  ? 

§  9.  About  what  time  was  XENOPHON  bora?— Who  were  his  sev- 
eral instructors  ?— Give  a  brief  sketch  of  his  life.— Name  his  chief  works. 
—What  merits  has  his  style  ?— What  period  does  his  history  describe  ? 
—Give  an  account  of  The  Cyropsedia ;  The  Anabasis ;  The  Memora- 
bilia. 

§  10.  Give  a  brief  account  of  the  course  of  education  in  the  Greek 
states. 

§  11.  What  circumstance  rendered  the  lessons  of  the  Rhetor  and 
Soi)hist  so  important? — Name  some  eminent  men  who  taught  in  the 
most  glorious  time  of  Greek  History.— Distinguish  the  original  from  the 
more  recent  acceptation  of  the  word  Sophist. 

§  12.  Name  the  various  members  of  the  family  of  SOCRATES. 

Recortl  some  of  his  personal  habits  and  peculiarities. — What  events  of 
his  life  are  known  ?— How  did  Socrates  teach  ? — What  erroneous  view 
does  Aristophanes  give  of  the  pursuits  of  Socrates  ? 

§  13.  In  what  two  respects  did  Socrates  differ  from  the  Sophists? — 
What  philosophers  arose  from  among  his  hearers  ? 

§  14.  What  did  the  oracle  say  of  Socrates,  and  what  proof  did  he  ob- 
tain? 

§  15.  At  what  date,  by  whom,  and  on  what  charge  was  Socrates  ac- 
cused ?— How  might  he  possibly  have  escaped  death  ?— How  was  his  lifo 
prolonged  for  some  days  ? — Describe  the  close  of  his  life. 


hi 


090 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  V. 


BOOK    V. 
THE  SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 

(B.C.  403-3T3.) 
CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

THIS  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS  AND  RETREAT  OP 

THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 

§  1.  What  period  of  time  does  Book  V.  embrace  ? — What  states  ^vere 
supreme  daring  this  time  ? — Distinguish  by  their  parentage  the  two  most 
celebrated  characters  named  CYRUS. — In  what  work  of  Xenophon  is 
the  expedition  of  the  younger  Cyrus  related? — Wherein  consisted  the 
importance  of  this  expedition? — ^Recount  the  particulars  of  the  provoca- 
tion Cyrus  received. 

§  2.  On  what  species  of  force  did  Cyrus  chiefly  rely  ? — What  circum- 
stances in  Greece  favored  its  collection  ? — Who  was  the  chief  leader  of 
the  Greeks,  and  what  haH  been  his  previous  position  ? — What  other  cel- 
ebrated Greek  was  among  them  ? 

§  3.  What  was  the  total  amount  of  Greeks  aiding  Cyrus  ?— Describe 
their  route  through  Asia  Minor. — What  occurred  near* and  in  Cilicia? 

§  4.  What  did  Cyrus  profess  to  be  his  intention  when  in  Cilicia  ? — 
How  did  he  prevail  on  the  Greeks  to  proceed  ? — Where  did  the  fleet 
meet  them? — What  additional  force  did  it  bring? — ^Vhat  proceedings  at 
Myriandrus  gained  for  Cyrus  the  love  of  the  Greeks  ? 

§  5.  Where  was  the  first  notice  of  the  real  purpose  of  the  expedition 
given? — How  did  they  cross  the  Euphrates  ?~What  amused  them  in 
the  desert? 

§  6.  What  was  the  probable  strength  of  the  army  of  Artaxerxes  ? — 
What  was  the  purport  of  Cyrus's  address  prior  to  the  battle  ?— Describe 
the  battle  of  Cunaxa.— At  what  date  was  it  fought?— Give  the  partic- 
ulars of  the  death  of  Cyrus. 

§  7.  What  proposals  did  the  Greeks  make  after  the  battle  of  Cunaxa? 
—What  difficulties  encompassed  them  ? — Describe  the  events  previous  to 
their  departure. 

§8.  For  how  long  did  they  march  with  Tissaphemcs ?— What  was 
the  fate  of  Clearchus  ? — Who  perished  with  him  ?— Describe  the  con- 
duct of  Ariaeus. 

I  9.  Describe  the  condition  and  state  of  mind  of  the  Greeks  after  the 
loss  of  their  officers. — Recount  what  occurred  to  Xenophon. — State  how 
he  acted,  with  the  result. 

§  10.  Who  were  the  two  principal  leaders  in  the  retreat  ?— Which 
had  the  greater  influence,  and  how  ? — What  arrangement  was  made  to 
keep  in  check  the  hostile  cavalry  ? — Describe  their  march  to  the  mount- 
ains of  the  Carduchi. 

§  11.  Why  were  they  obliged  to  make  their  way  across  the  mount- 
ains?—How  long  did  this  portion  of  their  journey  take? — What  diffi- 
culties had  they  to  overcome  ? 

§  12.  What  river  did  they  next  cross,  and  how  ? — Into  what  country 
did  this  bring  them  ?— Whence  arose  their  chief  sufferings  here  ?— What 
sort  of  villages  did  they  find  ? 


Chap.  XXXVII.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


691 


§  13.  What  circumstances  first  filled  the  army  with  extreme  joy? — 
How  was  it  testified  ? — What  nations  had  they  still  to  traverse  ? — What 
was  the  first  Greek  city  they  reached  ? 

§  14.  How  did  they  try  to  gain  the  means  of  return  by  sea? — Name 
the  chief  towns  and  tribes  they  had  to  pass  ere  they  reached  Chiysopo- 
lis. — Where  were  they  mustered,  and  what  number'remained  ? 

§  1 5.  What  occasioned  their  crossing  from  Asia  to  Europe  ? — How 
were  they  about  to  revenge  the  deceit  practiced  on  them,  and  what  pre- 
vented their  doing  so? — What  barbarian  king  did  they  serve? — With 
whose  army  was  the  remnant  of  the  Ten  Thousand  finally  incorporated  ? 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

FROM   THE   COMMENCEMENT  OF   THE   SPARTAN    EMPIRE   TO  THE    BATTLE 

OF   CNIDUS. 

§  1.  How  long  had  Sparta  the  entire  lead,  and  how  long  only  partial 
superiority  ? — What  events  and  dates  mark  out  these  divisions  of  time  ? — 
What  affronts  and  dislike  provoked  the  invasion  of  Elis  by  the  Spartans? 
— How  many  campaigns  were  carried  on,  and  with  what  final  result  ? — 
Explain  the  word  theory  as  used  on  p.  435  of  Dr.  Smith's  History. 

§  2.  What  schemes  had  Lysandcr  formed  ? — Describe  the  position 
held  by  the  Spartan  kings. 

§  3.  How  did  Agesilaus  obtain  the  throne  of  Sparta  ? 

§  4.  What  excellences  did  Agesilaus  possess? — What  was  Lysander's 
view  in  the  elevation  of  Agesilaus  ? — What  defects  had  Agesilaus  ? — 
How  were  their  ill  consequences  obviated  ? — ^What  conspiracy  was  sup- 
pressed at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Agesilaus  ? 

§  5.  By  what  arrangements  did  Sparta  govern  her  dependent  states  ? 
— Compare  the  treatment  thus  resulting  with  the  rule  of  Athens? — 
What  effect  had  the  Spartan  conquests  on  the  pecuniary  condition  of 
the  citizens  ? — Did  all  the  Lacedaimohians  liecome  equal  gainei*s  ? 

§  6.  How  did  the  war  in  Asia  Minor  begin  ? — Who  was  the  first 
Spartan  general  there  ? — What  force  had  he  ? — Who  succeeded  him  ? — 
What  were  the  achievements  of  Dercyllidas  ? — What  were  the  demands 
of  the  opposing  powers  ? — Who  now  took  command  of  the  Persian  fleet  ? 

§  7.  Who  were  the  projectors  of  the  invasion  of  Asia  Minor  by  Agesi- 
laus ? — How  did  he  try  to  give  a  legendary  interest  to  his  expedition  ? 
— How  was  this  part  of  his  plan  frustrated  ? 

§8,  At  what  date  did  Af/esilaus  invade  Asia? — IIow  did  Lysander 
act,  and  what  was  the  result  ? 

§  9.  What  did  Agesilaus  accomplish  in  his  first  campaign? — Where 
and  in  what  occupation  did  he  pass  the  winter  ? — What  was  his  metho4 
of  action  and  success  at  tlie  beginning  of  the  second  campaign  ? 

§  10.  What  was  the  fate  of  Tissaphernes  ? — By  whom  procured  ? — 
From  what  motive  ? — Who  succeeded  him  ? — What  arrangement  did  he 
make  with  Agesilaus  ? 

§  11.  What  remarkable  instance  of  their  confidence  did  the  Spartans 
show  Agesilaus  ? — What  island  did  the  Spartans  lose  ? 

§  12.  Describe  the  inteniew  between  Agesilaus  and  Pharnabazus. — 
State  the  conversation  that  occurred  betwixt  them. 

§  13.  Why  did  Agesilaus  leave  Asia? — Give  the  particulars  of  the 
battle  of  Cnldus. — Who  was  the  victorious  and  who  the  defeated  com- 
mander ? — At  what  date  and  season  of  the  year  was  it  fought  ? 

NoTK.— The  battle  of  Cnidus,  being  fought  oflf  the  coast  of  Asia,  is  with  propriety  r* 


II 


«1 


H 


em 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  V. 


«(Mrd«d  to  this  chapter.  Chapter  xxxviiL  reanmea  the  nmrative  of  events  in  Gr«ece : 
the  battle  of  CoritUh  there  mentioned  waa,  perhaps,  a  little  before  that  of  Cnidiin,  while 
that  of  Coronea  was  a  little  kiter.  This  note  is  added  lest  the  reader  should  suppose 
tlM  order  qf  nttrration  to  be  precisely  the  order  of  time. 


THB  COBDrrHIAN  WAR. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

FROM   THE   BATTLE  OF  CNIDUS  TO  THE  PEACB 
OF   AMTALCIDAS. 


§  1.  By  what  Satrap  and  through  whose  agency  was  the  Corinthian 
war  excited  against  Sparta? — What  money  did  he  take? — What  states 
did  he  prevail  upon  ? 

§  2.  How  did  hostilities  begin  between  Sparta  and  the  Thebans? — 
What  was  the  plan  for  invading  Boeotia  ? 

§  3.  What  fourth  power  joined  the  Corinthian  allies  ? — How  and 
where  was  Lysander  slain? — ^What  were  the  farther  results  of  this  en- 
gagement ? 

§  4.  What  farther  accession  did  the  Corinthian  allies  gain  ? — ^What 
name  did  the  war  bear? — Whom  did  the  Ephors  summon  to  conduct  it? 
— Give  an  account  of  the  battle  of  Corinth,  and  its  results. 

§  5.  Who  joined  Agesilaus  on  his  journey  from  Asia  Minor  ? — De- 
scribe his  march. — What  countries  and  mountains  had  he  to  pass? — 
How  did  he  conceal  the  bad  news  which  reached  him  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  battle  of  Coronea  in  its  first  operations. — Detail 
the  conduct  of  the  Thebans. — ^What  was  the  result  of  the  battle  ? — How 
was  the  great  success  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia  made  evident  ? 

§  7.  What  were  the  consequences  of  the  battle  of  Cnidus? — What 
town  and  what  peninsula  were  retained  by  the  Spartans,  and  through 
whose  agency? 

§  8.  What  were  the  exploits  of  the  fleet  under  Conon  in  the  beginning 
of  the  year  393  b.c.  ? — What  very  important  benefit  did  he  confer  on 
his  country  ? — By  what  means  ? 

§  9.  What  mountains  cross  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  ? — What  passes 
cross  them? — What  advantages  for  defense  do  these  passes  aflford? — 
Wliat  political  changes  took  place  at  Corinth  in  392  B.C.  ? — What  ad- 
vantages did  these  obtain  for  the  Spartans  ? 

§  10.  What  successes  against  the  Corinthian  allies  did  Agesilaus 
pain  in  the  summer  of  391  b.c.  ? — What  ettect  had  these  on  the  The- 
bans ? — How  did  Agesilaus  treat  the  Theban  envoys  ? 

§  11.  What  changes  did  Iphicrates  introduce  in  the  arming  of  light 
troops  ? — With  what  object  ? — What  were  the  first  succeases  of  his  tor- 
ffeteers  or  peitastsf — What  circumstances  gave  him  the  opportunity  of  a 
more  important  success? — Give  the  particulars  of  this  exploit. — State 
its  effect  on  Agesilaus  and  the  Theban  envoys. — Describe  the  subse- 
quent conquests  of  Iphicrates. — Why  was  Iphicrates  superseded? 

§  12.  To  what  were  the  first  attempts  of  Antalcidas  in  negotiation  di- 
rected ? — How  far  were  they  successful  ? — How  did  Conon's  public  ca- 
reer end  ? — ^What  was  his  probable  fate  ? — ^What  success  did  Struthas 
gain? 

§  13.  What  circumstances  induced  the  Athenians  to  send  out  Thrasyb- 
ulus? — ^What  successes  had  he? — How  did  he  perish? — What  other 
eminent  Athenian  went  afterward  to  the  Hellespont  ? — What  successes 
had  this  new  commander? 

§  14.  Record  the  particulars  of  the  enterprise  ofTelentais  against  the 
Pineus. 


Chap.  XXXIX.  SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


693 


§  15.  From  what  various  sources  did  the  Spartans  obtain  increasea 
force  ? — What  circumstances  now  disposed  the  Athenians  to  peace  ? — 
What  Satrap  declared  the  J^eace  of  Antalcidas  f— Cite  its  precise  terms. 
— What  state  made  a  temporary  opposition? 

§  16.  What  was  the  date  of  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  ?— Wherein  con- 
sisted its  disgrace  to  Greece? — What  states  are  most  blamable  for  it? — 
What  remarks  were  made  on  it? 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

from  THE  PEACB  OF  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OP  CALLIAS. 

§  1.  What  measures  hostile  to  Thebes  did  the  Spartana  adopt  imme- 
tliiitely  after  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  ? 

§  2.  How  did  they  treat  the  town  of  Mantinea? 

§  3.  Describe  the  position  of  Olynthus. — What  towns  had  joined  and 
which  towns  had  opposed  the  Olynthian  confederacy? — Which  party 
did  Sparta  support,  and  with  what  force? 

§  4.  Describe  the  circumstances  under  which  the  Spartans  seized  the 
Cadmea. — What  was  the  Cadmea,  and  why  so  called? — What  great 
advantage  did  they  thus  gain  ? — How  was  this  act  viewed  ? — In  what 
way  did  the  Spartan  government  proceed  with  regard  to  it  ? 

§  5.  How  long  did  the  Olynthians  resist  the  power  of  Sparta  ? — Who 
concluded  this  war,  and  how  ? — Wherein  was  this  disadvantageous  to 
Grecian  interests  ? — What  other  state  yielded  to  Sparta  about  the  same 
time? 

§  6.  What  was  at  this  time  the  position  of  Sparta  ? 

§  7.  Who  were  the  two  great  leaders  of  Thebes  during  the  time  of  its 
greatest  glory? — Give  some  account  of  the  character  and  conduct  of 
each. — Detail  the  particulars  of  the  conspiracy  by  which  Thebes  was 
freed  from  the  rule  of  the  Spartan  party. — What  part  did  Epaminondas 

§  8.  Under  what  circumstances  and  terms  was  the  Cadmea  evacuated 
by  the  Spartans  ? 

§  9.  With  what  feelings  did  the  Spartans  receive  the  intelligence  of 
the  revolution  at  Thebes?— How  were  the  Athenians  induced  to  ally 
themselves  with  Thebes  ? 

§  10.  Give  an  account  of  the  new  confederacy  formed  in  Greece  after 
the  liberation  of  the  Cadmea. — State  some  of  the  measures  adopted  in 
forming  it. — What  pereons  were  most  active  in  its  formation  ? 

§  11.  What  was  the  force  of  the  new  league? — Describe  the  compo- 
sition and  purpose  of  the  Sacred  Band  at  Thebes. 

§  12.  Give  a  full  account  of  the  excellences  of  Epaminondas's  char- 
acter, and  the  means  by  which  they  were  attained. 

§  13.  Describe  the  attempts  of  the  Spartans  in  their  invasions  of 
Thebes  during  the  first  three  campaigns,  with  their  result. 

§  14.  Give  an  account  of  the  exploits  of  the  Athenian  fleet  in  the  year 
376  B.C. 

§  15.  What  circumstances  caused  the  jealousy  of  Athens  against 
Thebes  ?— Describe  the  exploit  of  Pelopidas  at  Tegyra.— What  successee 
and  attempts  of  the  Thebans  followed  this  victory  ? 

§  16.  In  what  manner  was  the  peace  made  between  Athens  and 
Sparta  broken  ? — Describe  the  adventures  and  fate  of  Mnesippus  in  Coi^ 
cyra. — What  farther  advantages  did  the  Athenians  gain  ? 

§  17.  Wliere  were  the  deputies  to  be  assembled  fur  negotiating  the 
treaty  called  the  l^eaee  of  GuUias  t 


iM 


QUESTIONS  ON 


BookV 


§  18.  At  what  date  was  the  peace  of  Callias  made?— What  were  the 
terras  of  it  ? — Describe  the  dispute  between  Epaminondas  and  Agesilaus 
on  the  occasion* 

CHAFIER  XL. 

THE   SUPREMACY  OF  THEBES. 

1 1.  What  were  the  expectations  of  the  Greeks  as  to  the  issue  of  the 
gtniptglc  between  Sparta  and  Thebes? — Describe  the  march  of  Cleom- 
brotus  into  Boeotia. 

§  2.  What  advantage  had  Cleombrotus  secured  in  his  march  ? — What 
circumstances  discouraged  the  Thebans  ? — What  was  the  manoeuvre  of 
Epaminondas  to  secure  the  victory  ? — Describe  the  battle  of  Leuctra 
and  its  results. — Give  its  date. 

§  3.  How  did  the  Spartan  government  show  its  courage  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Leuctra? 

§  4.  What  were  the  position  and  aims  of  Jason  of  Pherae  ? — What 
course  did  he  advise  the  Thebans  to  adopt  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  ? 

§  5.  What  states  joined  Thebes  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  ? — What 
conditions  respectively  were  granted  by  Thebes  to  Orchomenes  and  to 
Thespiae  ? 

§  G.  What  intentions  had  Jason  of  Pheras  declared  just  prior  to  his 
death  ? — How  did  he  fall  ? 

§  7.  What  policy  did  Athens  adopt  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra? — 
What  Peloponnesian  states  were  raised  up  by  Thebes  against  Sparta  ? — 
Who  was  the  most  active  Areadian  statesman  at  the  time? 

§  8.  How  long  had  the  Messenians  lived  in  exile  ? — With  what  force 
did  Epaminondas  invade  Laconia  in  B.C.  370? — What  extraordinary 
measure  did  the  Spartans  adopt  for  their  defense  ? — To  whose  exertions 
was  the  defense  of  Sparta  owing? 

§  9.  What  town  was  built  to  form  the  capital  of  Arcadia? — Find  it 
on  the  map,  and  describe  its  position. —  What  was  the  new  constitution 
of  Arcadia  ? — Describe  the  position  and  strength  of  the  new  town  of 
Messene. — On  what  charge  was  Epaminondas  arraigned  ? — What  was 
his  reply,  and  what  the  result  ? 

§  10.  On  what  terms  were  Athens  and  Sparta  allied  against  Thebes  ? 
— What  was  their  plan  of  defense? — What  were  the  results  of  the  cam- 
paign of  B.C.  369  ? 

§11.  What  ambitious  views  did  Lycomedes  and  the  Arcadians  form? 
— What  successes  did  they  gain  ? 

§  12.  In  what  battle  were  the  Arcadians  subsequently  defeated? — 
How  did  the  Thebans  regard  this  defeat? — What  was  the  object  and 
what  the  result  of  Pelopidas's  expedition  to  Thessaly  in  B.C.  368  ? — Who 
was  among  the  Macedonian  hostages  ? 

§  13,  What  was  the  object  of  the  third  expedition  made  by  Epami- 
nondas into  the  Peloponnesus? — How  did  he  display  his  moderation?—. 
How  did  the  Thebans  regard  it,  and  what  consequences  followed  their 
proceedings  ? 

§  14.  What  was  the  object  and  what  the  result  of  the  Theban  em- 
bassy to  Persia? — What  representations  did  Antiochus  make  of  the  state 
of  the  Persian  monarchy  ? — How  was  the  Persian  mandate  in  favor  of 
1?hebes  received  by  the  Greeks  ? 

§  15.  Of  what  outrage  was  Alexander  of  Pherae  guilty  ? — ^What  ad 
mntage  did  he  gain  by  it  ? — How  was  the  prisoner  rescued  ? 


Chap.  XLI.        SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


695 


§  16.  Where  was  Oropus?— Under  what  circumstances  did  the  The- 
bans gain  it  ? — What  alliance  unfiivorable  to  Thebes  soon  followed  ? 

§  17.  What  treacherous  attempt  in  Corinth  did  the  Athenians  plan  f 
— With  what  result  ? — What  peace  was  made  in  consequence  ? 

§  18.  What  maritime  conquests  were  made  for  Athens  by  Timotheus  ? 
—What  success  attended  Epaminondas  at  sea  ? 

§  19.  Describe  the  circumstances  under  which  Pelopidas  fell.— How 
was  his  death  avenged  ? 

§  20.  What  occasioned  the  difference  between  Arcadia  and  Elis  ? 

What  powers  supported  each  ?— What  occurred  at  the  time  of  the  cele- 
bration of  the  104rth  Olympiad  ? 

§  21.  What  proceedings  estranged  Mantinea  from  the  Arcadian 
league  ? — What  towns  in  Arcadia  were  respectively  at  the  head  of  the 
Theban  and  Spartan  parties?— What  circumstances  led  to  the  fourth 
expedition  of  Epaminondas  into  the  Peloponnesus  ? 

§  22.  At  what  date  did  Epaminondas  lead  his  last  expedition  into  the 
Peloponnesus? — What  two  bold  attempts  did  he  then  unsuccessfuUv 
make?  ^ 

§  23.  Describe  the  battle-field  of  Mantinea. — Detail  the  occurrences 
at  the  commencement  of  the  battle. — What  was  the  plan  of  Epaminon- 
das ?— What  was  the  result  of  the  battle  ?— Give  the  particulars  of  the 
last  hours  of  Epaminondas's  life. — On  what  terms  was  peace  made? 

§  24.  Give  an  account  of  the  close  of  the  life  of  King  Agesilaus. 

CHAPTER  XLL 

HISTORY   OF   THE   SICILIAN  GREEKS  FROM  THE   DESTRUCTION  OP  THB 
ATHENIAN   ARMAMENT  TO   THE    DEATH   OF   TIMOLEON. 

§  1.  What  is  the  subject  of  Chap.  XLI.  ?— What  period  of  time  dooi 
it  embrace  ?— Notice  briefly  the  events  in  Syracusan  history  from  the  de- 
feat of  the  Athenians  to  the  time  of  the  seizure  of  power  by  Dionvsiuf 
the  elder. — What  event  gave  Dionysius  the  opportunity  of  gaining  pow- 
er ? — How  and  at  what  date  did  he  become  tyrant  of  Syracuse  ? 

§  2.  What  Sicilian  towns  did  he  successively  conquer  ? — What  state 
was  his  most  formidable  opponent  ? — How  was  he  rescued  from  immi- 
nent danger  B.C.  394  ? — What  other  country  besides  Sicily  submitted  to 
his  sway  ? — In  what  condition  was  Syracuse  under  him  ? — What  great 
Grecian  state  profited  by  his  alliance  ? 

§  3.  What  proofs  may  be  cited  of  the  taste  of  Dionysius  for  literature? 
—How  is  he  said  to  have  treated  Plato  ? 

§  4.  What  were  the  merits  and  defects  in  the  character  of  Dionysius? 
—How  long  did  he  hold  power? — Tell  the  stoiy  of  Damocles. — Cite 
Horace's  allusion  to  it. 

§  5.  Who  succeeded  Dionysius  the  elder  ? — Name  the  several  mem- 
bers of  the  family. — How  was  Dion  connected  with  it  ? — What  plans  did 
he  recommend  to  Dionysius  II.  ?— How  did  Dion  fall  into  disfavor?— 
What  were  the  first  measures  taken  against  him  ? 

§  6.  What  farther  outrage  of  Dionysius  II.  stimulated  Dion  to  re- 
venge ? — What  circumstances  ftivored  his  enteqirise  ? — With  what  force 
did  he  land  in  Sicily? — Describe  his  entrance  into  Syracuse. — Where 
was  Dionysius  II.  at  this  time  ? — What  attempts  did  he  make,  and  witl> 
what  success  ? 

§  7.  How  did  Dion  lose  his  popularity  ? — What  was  his  fate? 

§  8.  Into  what  state  did  Sicily  now  fall  ? — What  danger  caused  the 
appeal  to  Corinth  ? 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  VI 


§  9.  Describe  the  character  of  Timoleon. — Recount  his  history  while 
at  Corinth. 

§  10.  What  circumstances  tended  to  dishearten  and  what  to  encour- 
age Timoleon  in  his  attempt  to  deliver  Syracuse  ? — What  various  ene- 
mies had  he  to  encounter  ? — What  force  accompanied  him  ?— In  what 
hands  were  the  various  parts  of  Syracuse? — How  did  he  gain  Ortvpia? 
— Where  and  how  did  Dionysius  II.  pass  the  cloec  of  his  life  ? — What 
great  force  did  Uicctas  summon  to  his  aid  ? — How  were  these  rendered 
useless  to  him? 

§  11.  What  were  the  first  measures  of  Timoleon  when  master  of  Syr- 
acuse?^— What  farther  steps  were  taken  to  promote  the  freedom  and 
welfare  of  the  Syracusans  ? 

§  12.  What  circumstances  preceded  the  battle  of  the  Crimesus? — 
What  were  the  opposing  forces  in  that  battle  ? — What  were  the  result  of 
the  battle  and  the  loss  of  the  Carthaginians  ? 

§  13.  What  farther  successes  attended  the  arms  of  Timoleon? 

§  14.  Describe  the  close  of  Timoleon's  life. 


BOOK  VI. 
THE  MACEDONIAlSr  SUPREMACY. 

(B.a  359-146.) 
CHAPTER  XLII. 

WROM  THE  ACCESSION  OP  PHILIP  TO  THE  END  OP  THE   SACKED  WAR. 

§  1.  Give  a  brief  view  of  the  changes  which  took  place  successively  as 
to  the  possession  of  the  leading  power  among  the  states  of  Greece. 

§  2.  What  are  the  boundaries  of  Macedon  Proper,  and  from  what 
countries  do  they  separate  it ?r- What  are  its  principal  rivers? — ^What 
Wiis  the  probable  origin  of  its  people  ? 

§  3.  From  what  race  did  the  Royal  family  of  Macedon  claim  descent? 
— ^What  king  was  contemporary  with  the  Pisistratidse  ? — At  what  time 
was  Macedon  subject  to  Persia? — What  advantages  did  Archelaus  con- 
fer on  Macedon? — What  towns  were  successively  the  capitals? — Of 
whom  was  the  famons  Philip  son  ? 

Nora.— For  the  part  taken  by  Alexander  of  Macedon  in  the  great  Persian  war 
•gainst  Athens,  see  chap,  xx.,  $9  3  and  7. 

§  4.  What  advantages  did  Philip  gain  by  his  residence  at  Thebes?— 
What  were  the  principal  features  of  Philip's  cliaracter? 

§  5.  At  what  age  and  at  what  date  did  PHILIP  take  on  him  the  gov- 
ernment of  Macedon  ?— In  what  capacity  did  he  first  act  ?— Who  were 
rival  claimants?— What  support  had  each?— How  did  Philip  rid  him- 
self of  them?— What  nations  did  he  then  subdue,  and  how? — How  did 
he  treat  his  nephew  ? 

§  6.  By  what  military  measures  did  Philip  strengthen  his  power?— 
Show  the  strictness  of  his  dicipline. 

§  7.  "Where  was  Amphipolis  ?— Wherein  lay  its  importance  ?— What 
powers  wished  to  possess  it  ?— How  did  Philip  keep  them  quiet?— What 
towns  did  he  successively  gain?— What  fortunate  events  happened  to 
Philip  in  B.C.  366  ?— What  advantages  did  he  gain  cast  of  the  Stry- 
mon? 


CuAi-.  XLIU.     SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


(197 


§  8.  What  states  opposed  Athens  in  the  Social  War  ? — What  causes 
produced  it? — What  generals  commanded  the  Athenians? — What  re- 
sult liad  the  war? 

§  y.  Between  what  powers  did  the  Sacked  War  begin  ? — How  was 
it  occasioned  ? — Who  was  the  first  leader  of  the  Phociaus  ? — What  wero 
his  first  measures  and  successes  ? 

§  10.  What  states  joined  the  Phocians? — ^What  prevented  their  giving 
efficient  help  ? — Whence  did  Philomelas  get  means  to  carry  on  war  ?— 
Who  succeeded  Philomelus? — What  conquests  did  he  make? 

§  II.  Where  did  Philip  lose  his  eye?— What  pretext  had  he  for  in- 
vading Thessaly? — What  was  his  ultimate  success  in  that  country? — 
How  was  he  induced  to  withdraw  from  before  Thermoj  ,iai? 

§  1 2.  By  what  pei-sons  was  public  si)eaking  first  practiced  at  Athens  ? 
— What  occasioned  a  change  in  that  respect? — At  what  time  was  De- 
mosthenes THE  Orator  bom? — In  what  cause  did  he  first  use  his  ora- 
torical skill? — Who  had  been  his  instructor? — What  was  his  success  in 
his  first  attempts  at  public  speaking  ? — What  natural  defects  had  he  ? — 
How  did  he  remedy  these? 

§  13.  In  what  light  did  Demosthenes  regard  Philip? — What  were 
the  object  and  success  of  the  Jirst  PhUytjnc  f — What  gave  occasion  to 
the  Olynthiac  orations  ? 

Note.— The  young  student  should  remark  that,  from  the  forca  and  excellence  of 
the  I'Hiuppics  delivered  by  Demosthenes,  that  Avord  was  afterward  applied  to  the 
speeches  of  the  great  lionian  orator  Cicero  against  Marcus  Antonius,  and  that  it  is 
oficn  used  to  signify  "a  vehement  apccck  rnaae  against  any  person" 

§  U.  AVho  was  the  most  celebrated  opponent  of  the  policy  of  Demos- 
thenes at  Athens  ?— Give  the  character  of  Phocion.— State  his  probable 
motives. — Relate  some  anecdotes  of  him.— At  what  date  did  Philip  take 
Olynthus? — How  did  he  treat  his  conquest  ? 

^  §  15.  Why  was  Philip's  conquest  of  Olynthus  alarming  to  the  Athe- 
niaiis? — Who  succeeded  Onomarchus  in  the  command  of  the  Phocians? 
— What  success  had  he  ? — What  two  leaders  successively  commanded 
them  ?— What  negotiations  took  place  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians 
just  before  the  close  of  the  Sacred  War?— Show  his  great  art  and  du- 
plicity in  treating. 

§  IG.  What  charge  did  Demosthenes  bring  against  ^schines  and  his 
party  ?— Describe  the  way  in  which  Philip  terminated  the  Phocian  or 
Sacred  War.— To  what  treatment  wore  the  Phocians  subjected? — What 
advantages  did  Philip  gain  by  his  termination  of  this  war? 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 

FR03I   THE   END  OF   THE    SACRED   WAR  TO  THE   DEATH  OF   PHILIP. 

§  1.  What  were  the  results  of  the  Sacred  War?— How  was  the  speech 
of  Demosthenes  "  On  the  Peace''  occasioned? — What  was  his  line  of  ar- 
gument in  that  oration  ? 

§  2.  In  what  way  did  Philip  interfere  in  the  aff'airs  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus?— ^Vhat  occasioned  the  second  Philippic  of  Demosthenes? — What 
were  the  occasion  and  result  of  the  sijceches  Uepl  TrapairpiafttiaQ  ? 

§  3.  To  what  countries  did  Philip  next  send  expeditions  ? — What  hos- 
tile acts  against  Macedon  were  done  by  Diopithes  ? 

§  4.  What  were  the  occasion  and  nature  of  Demosthenes'  speech  "  On 
the  Chersonese  f — At  what  date  did  Philip  attack  the  Greek  cities  N.  of 
the  lIellesj>ont? — What  difficulties  did  the  siege  of  Perinihus  present? 

2H 


tM 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  VI. 


§  5.  Describe  the  exploits  of  Phocion  in  Eiiboea. 

§  G.  What  is  the  purport  of  the  extant  letter  of  Philip  to  the  Athe- 
nians?— What  was  the  result  of  the  expedition  of  Chares  to  Byzantium? 
— Describe  the  conduct  and  tlic  success  of  Phocion. — Give  an  accouni 
of  the  expedition  of  Philip  into  Srythia. — What  events  followed  it? 

§  7.  Dcscril)C  the  dif*pute  whicii  arose  in  the  Amjihictyonic  council 
between  vEschines  and  the  Ainpliissian  deputies. — What  decree  resulted 
from  this  ? 

§  8.  What  may  have  been  the  motive  of  iEschines? — How  did  Philip 
l)ecomc  general  of  the  Ainphietifmts  f 

§  9.  By  what  act  did  Pliilij*  disi)lay  his  dcf^igns  ajrainst  Attica  and  Bce. 
otia? — licscrilKJ  wliat  then  occurred  at  Athens. — What  was  the  advicQ 
of  Demosthenes  ? — Record  the  proceedings  at  Thebes. 

§  10.  Where  and  at  what  date  was  fuujiht  the  decisive  Imttle  which 
humbled  Greece  under  Macodon? — Describe  this  battle. — What  monu- 
ment remains  of  it  ? — ^What  charge  is  mode  against  Demosthenes  as  to 
the  battle? — ^What  shows  it  unjust? 

§  11.  How  did  l*hilip  l)ehavc  on  his  victory? — What  reproof  was 
given  him?— AVhat  terms  did  he  grant  Athens? — How  did  he  treat 
Thebes? 

§  13.  What  grand  object  had  Philip  in  view? — Where  did  the  con- 
gress assemble? — What  city  sent  no  deputies? — Describe  Philii)'s  next  ex- 
pedition to  the  Peloponnesus. — What  other  states  now  submitted  to  him  ? 

§  13.  How  did  the  ill-will  between  Phiiii>  and  his  son  Alexander 
arise  ? — Give  the  particulars  of  the  lirst  quarrel. — How  was  a  partial  rec- 
onciliation brought  aljout  ? 

§  14.  What  were  the  date  and  purpose  of  the  expedition  sent  by  Philip 
into  Asia? — Where  and  how  did  Philip  celebrate  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  Cleopatra? — What  dreams  are  said  to  have  portended  his  fall  ? 

§  15.  Descrilie  the  murder  of  Philip. — What  motive  caused  it  ?— Who 
have  been  suspected  as  privy  to  it? — With  what  probability  in  each 
case  ?— At  what  date  did  Philip  fall  ? — What  remarks  are  to  be  made 
on  his  achievements  ? 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 

ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 

§  1.  How  old  was  ALEXANDER  at  the  time  of  Philip's  death  ?— 
Who  were  the  earl}'  instructors  of  Alexander?— With  what  sentiments 
did  they  till  him  ?-'During  what  time  was  he  probably  under  Aristotle  ? 

§  2.  How  did  Demosthenes  act  when  informed  of  Philip's  death  ?— 
What  did  Phocion  remark  resi)ccting  it?— What  measures  did  Demos- 
thenes take  to  insure  success ?— What  states  were  disposed  to  aid  him? 

§  3.  By  what  means  did  Alexander  disconcert  the  views  of  Demos- 
thenes?—What  dignities  held  by  his  father  did  he  gain  ?— Describe  his 
interview  with  Diogenes,  and  record  the  conversation  which  occuiTcd. 

§  4.  Against  what  nations  had  Alexander  next  to  march  ? — Describe 
his  operations  in  each  case. 

§  5.  What  induced  the  Thebans  and  Athenians  again  to  attempt  to 
shake  off  Alexander's  yoke ?— Describe  Alexander's  conduct  and  suc- 
ceis  against  Thebes.— What  loss  of  Thebans  ensued? — By  whom  was 
Thebes  sentenced,  and  how  was  it  treated?— On  what  pretenses?—  * 
What  demand  did  Alexander  make  from  Athens? — How  was  he  ap- 
reaiod?- Tell  the  anecdote  of  Phocion's  self-denial. 


Chap.  XLIV.     SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


69S> 


§  6.  Whom  did  Alexander  leave  as  regent  in  Macedonia,  and  with 
what  force  ? — What  was  the  amount  and  composition  of  his  own  army  ? 
Describe  the  circumstances  which  occasioned  the  weakness  of  the  Per- 
sian empire  ? — What  events  had  previously  shown  this  weakness  ? 

Note.— la  addition  to  the  expedition  of  Cyrus,  the  exploits  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia, 
and  the  observation  of  Antiochud  the  Arcadian,  might  both  liave  been  quoted  aa  shov- 
ing the  weakness  of  Persia.     See  Dr.  Smith's  History,  pp.  440-442,  and  end  of  p.  479. 

§  7.  Describe  Alexander's  passage  into  Asia. — Also  hi»  visit  to  the 
plain  of  Troy. 

§  8.  Where  was  fought  Alexander's  first  great  battle  against  the  Per- 
sians ? — What  forces  opposed  him  ? — What  difficulties  had  he  to  sur- 
mount ? — Dcscriba  the  battle.  — Give  its  date. — How  did  he  act  when  it 
was  ended  ? 

§9.  Name  the  towns  which  successively  yielded  to  Alexander  after 
the  battle  of  the  Granieus. — What  anangemeuts  did  he  make  for  win- 
ter?— Name  tlie  countries,  towns,  moimtains,  and  rivers  which  ho  passed 
at  the  end  of  b.c.  334. — What  remarkable  event  occurred  at  Gordium? 

§  10.  Describe  the  route  by  which  he  entered  Cilicia. — ^What  circum- 
stances endangered  his  lite  in  that  country  ? — lielate  the  anecdote  rela- 
tive to  Alexander  and  his  physician. — What  force  did  Darius  in  person 
bring  against  him? — Describe  the  route  of  Darius. — What  was  now  the 
position  of  Alexander? — Wherein  was  the  great  disadvantage  of  the  po- 
sition of  Darius  ? — Describe  the  disposition  of  his  army. — Who  com- 
manded the  wings  of  the  Macedonians  ? — Describe  Alexander's  conduct 
in  the  battle. — How  did  Darius  act,  and  what  werc  the  consequences  ? — 
What  loss  did  the  Persians  sustain  ? — Descrilxi  the  tent  of  Darius. — 
Who  were  inmates  of  it? — How  did  Alexander  treat  them? 

Note.— The  battle  of  Isaua  is  minutely  and  graphically  described  in  Professor 
Creasy's  work  before  quoted.  In  a  (juotation  tliere  made  from  Napoleon  the  river  is 
erroneously  called  the  Imus  instead  of  the  Pindarus. 

§  11.  What  was  tlic  date  of  the  battle  of  Issus  ?— What  operations 
did  Alexander  next  contemplate,  and  from  what  motive  ?— What  means 
had  Darius  still  left  for  carrying  on  the  war?— What  proposals  did  he 
make  to  Alexander  ?— How  were  tlicy  received  ?— Describe  Alexander's 
conversation  with  the  envoys  from  TYRE.— Describe  the  difficulties  pre- 
sented by  the  position  and  state  of  Tyre.— Recount  the  first  attempts  of 
Alexander  in  besieging  Tyre,  and  the  successful  rcsistance  of  the  Tvt- 
ians. — Describe  the  subsequent  efforts  of  both  sides. — How  was  the  city 
taken  ?— How  long  had  it  resisted  ?— How  were  the  town  and  its  people 
treated? — State  the  second  offers  of  Darius. — How  were  they  received? 

§  12.  Wiiat  town  resisted  Alexander  on  his  march  to  Egypt? — What 
is  the  tradition  given  by  Jose])hus  as  to  Alexander's  visit  to  Jerusalem  ? 
—How  did  Alexander's  treatment  of  the  Egyptians  form  a  contrast  to 

that  of  the  Persians? — Where  did  he  found  the  fiimous  Alexandria? 

For  what  did  that  city  become  renowned  ?— Describe  Alexander's  visit 
to  the  temjde  of  Jupiter  Amnion. 

§  13.  At  what  date  did  Alexander  return  to  Asia  from  Egvpt? 

Where  were  Arbela  and  Gaugamela  ?— From  which  of  these  places  is 
Alexander's  great  battle  named  ? — What  was  the  cliaracter  of  Darius's 
position? — Describe  the  arrangement  of  his  army. — Give  a  proof  of 
Alexander's  remarkable  self-possession. — What  forces  had  he  at  Gauga- 
mela ? — How  did  he  arrange  them  ?— What  mistake  weakened  the  Per- 
fiians  ?— How  was  the  battle  decided  ?— Where  did  the  pursuit  of  the 
army  end  ? — What  wtis  taken  at  Arbela  ? 


700 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  VI 


§  14.  "Whither  did  Alexander  march  after  the  battlu  of  Arbela?— 
How  did  the  Babylonians  receive  him  ?-— Why  was  this  ? — Describe  his 
entry  into  the  city. — What  measures  did  he  adopt  there  ? — Whom  did 
he  place  in  the  various  offices? — What  large  city  next  received  him? — 
What  amount  of  treasure  did  he  gain,  what  interesting  six)ils  did  he 
find,  and  how  did  he  dispose  of  them  ? — What  re-enforcements  joined 
him  at  Susa? — What  difficulties  retarded  his  advance  to  Persepolis? — 
How  were  they  overcome? — What  cities  were  the  various  ca|)itals  and 
residences  of  the  Persian  kings? — What  amount  of  treasure  was  found 
at  Persepolis? — ^What  foolish  act  at  that  place  is  laid  to  Alexander's 
charge  ? 

§  15.  Whither  did  Darius  flee  from  Arbela?— When  did  Alexander 
resume  the  j)ursnit  of  him  ? — What  measures  did  Alexander  adopt  at 
Ecbatana? — Describe  his  pursuit  of  Darius  from  thence. — How  was  Da- 
rius treated  by  Bessus  ? — Describe  his  death,  and  Alexander's  treatment 
of  his  body. 

§  10.  What  is  the  position  of  Hyrcania? — Wh.it  town  was  its  capi- 
tal?— State  the  position  and  ancient  name  of  Herat. — Why  was  Phi- 
lotas  put  to  death  ? — Who  was  slain  at  the  same  time,  and  how? 

§  17.  What  cities  did  Alexander  found  in  u.c.  330? — What  was  tho 
fate  of  Bessus? — What  was  the  ancient  name  of  Samarcandf — Of  what 
country  was  it  the  cajiital  ? — Describe  Alexander's  exploits  in  Sogdiana. 
— What  was  the  country  and  parentage  of  Koxana  ? 

§  1 8.  Describe  the  circumstances  preceding  and  attending  the  death 
©f  Citus. — How  did  Alexander  show  his  grief  for  the  act? 

§  19.  What  was  the  plot  ofllermolaus? — Who  were  put  to  death  for 
it? — Where  and  with  what  force  did  Aiexaudor  cross  the  Indus? — 
What  country  did  he  thus  enter? — Descril»e  the  battle  against  Porup. — 
How  did  that  king  show  his  spirit? — How  did  Alexander  treat  him  ? — 
What  cities  did  he  found  in  India  ? — Why  did  he  discontinue  his  prog- 
ress eastward? — What  river  was  the  limit' of  his  advance? 

§  20.  What  division  did  Alexander  make  of  his  army  in  retnminR 
from  the  Panj-ab? — How  does  the  ancient  ignorance  of  geography  ap- 
pear ? — Descril)c  the  perilous  position  of  Alexander  in  the  town  of  the 
Malli. — Give  an  account  of  the  rest  of  the  voyage  down  the  Indus. — 
What  orders  were  given  to  Nearchns  ? 

§21.  Describe  the  march  through  Gedrosia. — How  did  Alexander 
show  the  equity  of  his  government  ? 

§  22.  What  measures  were  taken  by  Alexander  to  unite  the  various 
races  subject  to  him? — ^What  innovations  caused  discontent? — How  did 
lie  suppress  the  mutiny  ? — What  measures  followed  the  reconciliation? 

§  23.  What  great  festival  was  held  at  Ecbatana  ? — What  honors  were 
shown  to  Hephaistion's  memory? — What  proofs  of  Alexander's  great- 
ness were  displayed  just  before  his  end  at  Babylon  ? — What  vast  designs 
was  he  projecting? — What  occasioned  Alexander's  death? — Give  its 
precise  date. — How  long  were  his  life  and  his  reign? 

§  24.  Do  you  consider  Alexander  properly  desen-cs  to  be  called 
Great? — ^\Vherein  consisted  the  main  difficulty  of  his  exploits? — What 
Aas  the  nature  of  his  motives  ? — What  benefits  did  mankind  derive  froni 
Alexander'a  conqacsts? 


Chat.  XLV.      SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


701 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OP  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF 

IPSUS. 

§  1.  What  was  the  last  act  of  Alexander? — What  proceeding  was 
taken  to  arrange  for  the  government  of  the  empire  ?— To  whom  was  the 
sovereignty  to  belong  ?— State  the  names  of  the  chief  generals,  and  the 
provinces  originally  assigned  them.— What  did  Perdiccas  retain?— 
Where  was  Alexander  buried  ? 

§  2.  What  state  in  Greece  attempted  to  throw  off  Alexander's  yoke 
three  years  after  his  departure  for  Asia  ?— What  was  the  result  of  this  ? 
—Describe  the  dispute  at  Athens  "  On  the  Crown,''  stating  the  various 
persons  concerned,  and  the  result. 

§  3.  Who  was  Harpalus  ?— How  did  he  become  a  favorite  with  Alex- 
ander?— What  employments  were  successively  intrusted  to  him  ? — Why 
did  he  leave  Asia  ? — How  was  he  received  at  Athens  ? — What  eflect  had 
this  on  Demosthenes  ? — Whither  did  he  retire  ? 

§  4.  What  orator  led  the  Anti-Macedonian  party  after  the  exile  of 
Demosthenes  ? — What  states  joined  Athens  on  the  death  of  Alexander  ? 
— Who  became  the  general  ?— Record  the  discussion  with  Phocion. — 
What  was  the  war  called,  and  why  ? 

§  5.  Under  what  circumstances  did  Demosthenes  return  ? — What  was 
the  fate  of  Leosthenes,  and  who  succeeded  him  ? — What  victory  did  An- 
tiphilus  gain  ? — Where  and  when  was  fought  the  deciding  battle  in  the 
Lamian  war  ? — How  did  Antipater  first  weaken  Athens  ? — What  terms 
did  he  at  last  grant  ? 

§  6.  Describe  the  death  of  Ilyperides  and  that  of  Demosthenes. — 
Where  did  it  occur  ? 

§  7.  What  position  did  Perdiccas  hold  ? — What  ambitious  project  had 
he  formed? — What  stejis  did  he  take  for  its  accomplishment? — Who 
conspired  against  him? — How  did  Perdiccas  perish? 

§  8.  What  re-distribution  of  poAver  was  made  at  Triparadisus  ? — 
Who  succeeded  Antipater  as  regent  ? — Who  took  offense  at  this  ? — How 
did  Polysperchon  attempt  to  conciliate  the  Greek  states  ? — Why  and  to 
whom  did  Phocion  flee  ? — Describe  his  subsequent  fate. 

§  9.  What  ill  successes  did  Polysperchon  suffer? — Whom  did  Cas- 
sander  make  ruler  of  Athens? — Who  was  Eurydice? — With  whom  did 
she  ally  herself? — How  did  she  and  Philip  Arrhidaits  perish? — What 
was  the  fate  of  Olympias  ? — Who  rebuilt  Thebes  ? 

§  10.  What  generals  combined  against  Antigonus? — What  success 
attended  the  war  which  resulted  ? — What  became  of  Roxana  and  her 
son  ? 

§11.  Who  was  Demetrius  Poliorceies  ? — How  long  did  Demetrius  cf 
Phalerus  rule  Athens? — To  what  did  he  owe  his  elevation? — For  what 
was  he  distinguished? — How  did  he  at  first  rule? — How  did  he  lose  his 
popularity? — Who  deprived  him  of  the  government? — How  did  Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes  please  the  Athenians? — What  honors  did  they  bestow 
on  him  and  on  Antigonus? 

§  12.  Where  did  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  defeat  Ptolemy  ? — What  made 
this  battle  remarkable  ? — What  title  did  the  generals  now  assume? — De- 
scribe the  attempts  of  Demetrius  on  Rhodes. 

§  13.  What  success  meantime   attended   Cassander? — ^Where   and 


fm 


QUESTIONS  ON 


Book  VI. 


Chap.  XL VII.    SMITH'S  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


703 


wben  did  his  opponents  defeat  Antigonns? — What  became  of  the  capital 
of  So  eucus  ? — What  possessions  did  Lysimachus  gain  ? 

CHAPTER  XLVI. 

rEOM  THE   BATTLE  OF  IP8U8   TO  THE   CONQUEST  OP   GREECE   BY  THE 

BOMANS. 

§  1.  What  faihires  did  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  successively  meet  with? 
—What  circumstances  increased  his  power?— At  what  date  did  he  take 
Athens? — How  did  he  treat  the  city? 

§  2.  Who  succeeded  Cassander  on  the  throne  of  Macedon  ? — What 
two  claimants  next  disputed  the  throne  ? — What  princes  did  they  sum- 
mon to  their  aid? — How  did  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  gain  Madedon  ? — 
How  lonjj  did  he  reign  there  ? — When,  where,  and  how  did  his  life  end  ? 

§  3.  What  extent  of  dominion  did  Lysimachus  ultimately  gain  ? — 
Why  did  Ptolemy  Cerannus  leave  Ej^pt  ? — What  crime  did  he  commit 
at  the  court  of  Lysimachus? — Where,  when,  and  how  did  Lysimachus 
fall? — Who  then  divided  Alexander's  empire  between  them? 

§  4.  What  was  the  fate  of  Selencus? — Who  divided  his  dominions? — 
W^ho  slew  Ptolemy  Cerannus  ?— Where  did  the  invading  Celts  establish 
themselves  ? 

§  5.  Who  established  himself  on  the  throne  of  Macedon  in  b.c.  278? 
— Describa  the  death  of  PyiThus. — About  what  date  did  Antigonus  Go- 
maim  take  Athens  ? 

§  6.  What  had  been  the  objects  of  the  old  Achaian  League  ?— What 
statesman  raised  the  new  league  into  importance  ? — At  what  date  ? — 
What  was  the  constitution  of  the  Achaian  league  ?^What  states  suc- 
cessively joined  it  ? 

.  §  7.  Into  what  condition  did  Sparta  come,  and  through  what  means  ? 
^What  king  attempted  a  reformation? — What  was  his  fate?— Who 
was  subsequently  more  successful  ?— What  occasioned  the  C/eomenic 
War r— After  Antigonus  Gonatas  what  two  kings  successively  ruled 
Macedon  ? — Who  were  coramandera  on  the  two  sides  in  the  battle  op 
Bellasia  ? — At  what  date  and  with  what  result  was  that  battle  fought  ? 

§  8.  How  do  we  nsnally  distinguish  that  Philip  of  Macedon  who 
fought  against  the  Romans  ?— What  is  known  of  the  iEtolian  league  in 
early  times?— What  extent  of  power  did  this  league  gain  after  the  death 
of  Alexander  the  Great  ? 

§  y.  What  occasioned  the  alliance  between  Philip  and  the  Achieans? 
—Why  and  when  did  he  make  jjcace  with  the  ^tolians? 

§  10.  What  were  the  terms  of  the  treaty  between  Philip  and  Han- 
nibal ?— What  towns  did  Philip  attempt  to  take  ?— With  what  object  ? 
—With  what  success  ?— How  and  when  did  Aratus  perish?— What  con- 
quests did  the  Romans  make  for  the  jEtolians  ? 

§  II.  Who  is  called  the  last  of  the  Greeks  ?— Where  was  he  born?— 
What  offices  did  he  successively  gain  ? — ^What  improvements  did  he  in- 
troduce ?— What  victory  did  he  gain  ? 

I  12.  At  what  date  did  the  Macedonian  war  with  Home  begin  ? — 
When  and  where  was  fought  the  great  battle  which  humbled  Philip  ?— 
Who  was  the  Roman  commander  ? — ^Vhat  tenns  did  the  Romans  pro- 
fess to  grant  to  Philip  and  to  the  Greek  states  ? 

§  13.  What  states  did  the  ^tolians  strive  to  fipitc  against  the  Ro- 
mans?—Where  was  Antiochus  defeated  by  them?— What  terms  were 
allowed  the  jEtolians? 


§  U.  How  did  Philopoemen  treat  Sparta?— How  and  at  what  date 
and  age  did  Philopcemen  die  ?— Who  avenged  his  death  ? 

Note.— It  may  help  the  young  student's  memory  to  observe  that  Hannibai-  his  an- 
tagonist the  elder  S<uiuo  Afuigancs,  and  Piiiloi'ikmen,  all  died  in  the  same  yeitr. 

§  15.  Who  was  the  last  king  of  Macedon  ?— How  long  did  he  remain 
ftt  peace  with  Rome? — What  alliances  did  he  form?— On  what  ac- 
counts did  the  Romans  declare  war  against  him  ?— What  success  had 
Perseus  at  tirst?— In  what  great  battle  was  he  defeated  ?— Give  the  date 
and  some  particulars  of  this  battle.— Who  was  the  successful  com- 
mander? 

§  16.  Of  what  ba83  conduct  was  Callicrates  guilt\' ?— What  was  the 
consequence  ?— How  did  the  Romans  treat  the  northwestern  Greek 
states  ? 

§  1 7.  How  did  the  quarrel  between  Athens  and  Oropus  arise  ? — What 
noted  Athenian  philosophers  went  as  embassadors  to  Rome  ? — On  what 
ground  did  Diaeus  induce  the  Achaeans  to  attack  Sparta  ? 

§  18.  What  decision  of  the  Romans  created  a  riot  at  Corinth? — Who 
were  the  two  last  Strategi  of  the  Achaeans  ?— Who  gained  the  last  bat- 
tle fought  by  the  Greeks  against  Rome?— At  what  date  was  Corinth 
taken  ? — Under  what  name  did  Greece  become  a  lioman  province  ? 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 

HISTORY  OF   GRECIAN  ART   FROM   THE   END  OF  THE  PELOPONNE8IAN 

WAR    TO    ITS   DECLINE. 

§  1.  What  remarkable  difference  existed  in  the  two  schools  of  Attic 
Bculpture  ?— What  gods  were  respectively  the  favorite  subjects  of  each 
school  ? 

§  2.  Where  was  Scopas  born,  and  when  did  he  flourish  ?— What 
works  are  attributed  to  him  ? 

§  3.  In  what  resjiccts  did  Praxiteles  excel  ?— Wliat  were  his  most  fa- 
mous works  ? 

§  4.  What  were  the  characteristics  of  the  Sicvonian  school  of  sculp- 
ture ?— Who  were  its  chief  artists ?— When  (.lid  Euphranor  flourish?— 
What  works  did  he  execute  ?— When  did  Lysippus  flourish  ?— What 
works  arc  attributed  to  him  ? 

§  5.  Who  were  the  painters  of  the  Sicvonian  school  ?— What  were  the 

merits  of  APELLES? — Whence  arose  the  ])roverb  ".Ve  sutor,"  etc.  ? 

What  testimony  was  given  by  Alexander  to  his  merit  ? 

§  6.  What  changes  marked  the  architecture  of  Alexander's  age? — 
What  cities  were  instances  of  this? — Name  and  describe  some  architec- 
tural works  of  this  age. 

§  7.  What  causes  tended  to  the  decline  of  Grecian  art  after  Alexan- 
der's age? — What  Rhodian  was  famous  as  a  sculptor? — Describe  his 
chief  work. — What  artists  i>roduced  the  group  of  the  Laoroonf — Do  you 
know  in  what  poet  the  legend  represented  is  narrated  ?— Name  some 
other  famous  extant  works  of  the  period. 

§  8.  What  conquests  caused  the  removal  of  Greek  works  to  Rome  ?— 
Show  how  vast  their  number  was. 


I 


im 


QUESTIONS,  ETC. 


Book  Vt 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

OBECIAII  LITERATURE   FROM   THE   END  OP   THE   PELOFONNE8IAN   WAR 

TO  THE    LATEST   PERIO0. 

§  1.  Name  some  trajjic  writers  later  than  the  three  most  renoM'ncd. 
•—Who  were  the  most  distinguished  writera  of  the  MuiUle  Cmnedy  f — 
When  did  the  New  Comedy  begin  ? — What  were  its  iHJculiarities  ? — Who 
were  its  most  famous  writers? — Give  an  account  of  the  origin  of  ME- 
NANDER. — How  did  ho  die  ? — How  many  plays  did  he  write? — How 
may  wc  form  a  knowledge  of  their  merits  ? 

§  2.  What  circumstances  made  eloquence  so  important  at  Athens  ?— 
—What  want  of  equity  and  legality  is  evident  in  the  Atlienian  courts? 

§  3.  Name  with  their  countries  the  first  famous  teachere  of  Rhetoric. 

§  4.  Who  are  the  ten  oratore  of  the  Alexandrian  canon  ? — What  is 
known  of  Antiphmi's  history  and  works? — What  is  told  of  Andocides  f — 
For  what  is  the  style  of  Ltfsias  famous? — When  and  how  did  Isocrates 
die? — What  is  the  subject  of  the  speeches  of  Isnus? — Give  an  account 
of  the  life  and  works  of  uEsciiines. — What  have  you  farther  to  remark 
of  DEMOiSTHIiNES?^ — Which  arc  his  most  famous  public  and  private 
speeches  ? 

§5.  Who  was  the  most  distinguished  disciple  of  Socrates? — What 
was  his  descent  ? — What  countries  did  he  visit  ? — Where  did  he  teach  ? 
— Wlio  were  among  his  hearers  ? 

§  6.  Can  you  explain  what  is  meant  when  PLATO  is  called  a  realist  f 
—What  works  contain  his  political  views  ? 

§  7.  What  were  the  minor  schools  founded  by  the  hearers  of  Socrates? 
—What  were  the  notions  of  Aris^/^ms  and  the  Cyrenaic  sect  ? — Who 
founded  the  Cynic  sect? — What  different  derivations  have  been  given 
for  the  name  ? 

§  8.  Name  with  their  founders  the  four  principal  schools  of  Greek 
Philosophers. — Who  succeeded  Plato? — What  division  is  made  of  the 
AcAOEMiCL%HS  ? — To  what  did  their  teaching  at  last  tend  ? 

§9.  Where  was  ARISTOTLE  l>om? — Give  some  particulars  of  his 
earlier  histoiT. — Where  did  he  teach  at  Athens? — Wliat  distinction  was 
made  in  his  lectures? — What  is  related  of  his  ixjrsonal  appearance? — ■ 
On  what  subjects  did  he  write  ? 

§  10.  Wlience  was  the  Stoic  sect  named? — What  Roman  writers  of 
the  Stoic  sect  have  left  works  still  extant.' — Where  was  EncuRis  born? 
— What  did  he  teach  ? — What  Latin  ;»oe/«  sets  forth  his  notions  ? 

§  11.  After  the  death  of  Alexander  what  city  became  famous  for  lit- 
erature?— Name  some  of  the  cXntf  critics  of  the  Alexandrine  schools. — 
What  were  invented  there  ? — Name  also  some  jtoets  of  that  age  and 
place. 

§  12.  Name  with  th«ir  works  some  of  the  more  recent  Greek  his- 
torians. 

§  13.  What  are  the  moat  valmfde  writings  ia  Greek? — Name  some  of 
the  Greek  Christian  Fathers. — When  and  how  were  the  GrecJk  language 
and  litetaturc  made  known  to  Western  Europe  i 


THE  END. 


VALUABLE  AND  INTERESmG  WORKS 


FOR 


PUBLIC  &  PRIYATE  LIBRARIES, 

Published  by  HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  New  York. 


Fw  a  full  Lvtt  of  Books  suitable  for  Libraries  published  by  H  \rpeti  & 
Brothkrs,  see  Harpek'8  Catalogue,  which  may  be  had  gratuitouslv 
on  apphcatwn  to  the  publislters  personally,  or  by  letter  enclosina  Nine 
Cents  in  Postage  stamps. 

Harpek  &  Brotiierb  teill  send  their  publications  by  maiL  postaae  vre- 
paid,  on  receipt  of  the  price.  ^v       j   v,^ 


MACAULAY'S  ENGLAND.  The  History  of  England  from  the  Ac- 
cession of  James  II.  By  Thomas  Babixoton  Macaulay.  New 
Edition,  from  new  Electrotype  Plates.  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  La- 
bels, Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  5  vols,  in  a  Box,  f  10  00  per  set. 
Sold  only  in  Sets.  Cheap  Edition,  5  vols,  in  a  Box,  12mo.  Cloth. 
$2  50;  Sheep,  $3  75.  '  »  . 

MACAULAY'S  LIFE  AND  LETTERS.  The  Life  and  Letters  of 
Lord  Macaulay.  By  his  Nephew,  G.  Otto  Trevelyan,  M.P.  With 
Portrait  on  Steel.  Complete  in  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  Uncut  Ed^^es 
and  Gilt  Tops,  $5  00;  Sheep,  $6  00;  Half  Calf,  $9  50.  Popular 
Edition,  two  vols,  in  one,  12rao,  Cloth,  $1  75. 

HUME'S  ENGLAND.  The  History  of  England,  from  the  Invasion 
of  Juhus  Ciesar  to  the  Abdication  of  James  II.,  1688.  By  David 
Hume.  New  and  Elegant  Library  Edition,  from  new  Electrotype 
Plates.  6  vols,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  Labels,  Uncut 
Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $12  00.  Sold  only  in  Sets.  Popular  Edition, 
6  vols,  in  a  Box,  12mo,  Cloth,  $3  00 ;  Sheep,  $4  50. 

GIBBON'S  ROME.  The  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Ro- 
man Empire.  By  Edward  Gibbon.  With  Notes  bv  Dean  Milman, 
M.  GuizoT,  and  Dr.  William  Smith.  New  Edition,  "from  new  Elec- 
trotype Plates.  6  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  Labels,  Uncut  Edges 
and  Gilt  Tops,  $12  00.  Sold  only  in  Sets.  Popular  Edition,  6  vols, 
in  a  Box,  12 mo,  Cloth,  $3  00 ;  Sheep,  $4  50. 

HILDRETH'S  UNITED  STATES.  History  of  the  United  States. 
First  Series  :  From  the  Discovery  of  the  Continent  to  the  Organi- 
zation of  the  Government  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  Second 
Series  :  From  the  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  to  the  End 
of  the  Sixteenth  Congress.  By  Richard  Hildreth.  Popular  Edi- 
tion, 6  vols,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  Labels,  Uncut  Edges 
and  Gilt  Tops,  $12  00.     Sold  only  in  Sets. 


3        Valttable  WorJb  for  PuUie  and  Private  Libraries. 


ValnabU  Wo)'ks  for  Public  and  Private  Libraries. 


o 


MOTLEY'S  DUTCH  REPUBLIC.  The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Repub- 
Kc  A  History.  By  John  Lothrop  Motley,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.  \Vi  i 
a  Portrait  of  William  of  Orange.  Cheap  Edition,  3  vols,  in  a  Box, 
8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  Labels,  Uncut  Etl<;cs  and  Gilt  Tops,  $6  00. 
Sold  only  in  Sets.  Original  Library  Edition,  3  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth, 
$10  50  ;  Sheep,  $12  00;  Half  Calf,  $1'7  25. 

MOTLEY'S  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  History  of  the  United 
Netherlands :  from  the  Death  of  William  the  Silent  to  the  Twelve 
Years'  Trace— 1584-1600.  With  a  full  View  of  the  English-Dutch 
Struggle  against  Spain,  and  of  the  Origin  and  Destruction  of  the 
Spanish  Armada.  By  John  Lothrop  Motley,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.  Por- 
traits. Cheap  Edition,  4  vols,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  La- 
bels, Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $8  00.  Sold  only  in  Sets.  Origi- 
nal Librarv  Edition,  4  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $14  00;  Sheep,  $16  00; 
Half  Calf,  $23  00. 

MOTLEY'S  LIFE  AND  DEATH  OF  JOHN  OF  BARNEVELD. 
The  Life  and  Death  of  John  of  Baracveld,  Advocate  of  Holland : 
with  a  View  of  the  Primary  Causes  and  Movements  of  "  The  Thir- 
ty Years'  War."  By  John  Lothrop  Motley,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.  Illus- 
trated.  Cheap  Edition,  2  vols,  in  a  Box,  8vo,  Cloth,  with  Paper  La- 
bels, Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $4  00.  Sold  only  in  Sets.  Origi- 
nal Librarv  Edition,  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $7  00 ;  Sheep,  $8  00 ;  Half 
Calf,  $11 '50. 

GEDDES'S  HISTORY  OF  JOHN  DE  WITT.  History  of  the  Ad- 
ministration of  John  De  Witt,  Grand  Pensionary  of  Holland.  By 
James  Geddes.  Vol.  L  — 1623-1654.  With  a  Portrait.  8vo, 
Cloth,  $2  50. 

SKETCHES  AND  STUDIES  IN  SOUTHERN  EUROPE.  By 
John  Addington  Symonds.    In  Two  Volumes.     Post  8vo,  Cloth, 

$4  00. 

SYMONDS'S  GREEK  POETS.  Studies  of  the  Greek  Poets.  By 
John  Addington  Symonds.    2  vols.,  Square  16mo,  Cloth,  $3  50. 

BENJAMIN'S  CONTEMPORARY  ART.  Contemporary  Art  in  Eu- 
rope.    By  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin.    Illustrated.     8vo,  Cloth,  $3  60. 

BENJAMIN'S  ART  IN  AMERICA.  Art  in  America.  By  S.  G. 
W.  Benjamin.    Illustrated.    8vo,  Cloth,  $4  00. 

HUDSON'S  HISTORY  OF  JOURNALISM.  Journalism  in  the 
United  States,  from  1690  to  1872.  By  Frederic  Hudson.  8vo, 
Cloth,  $5  00;  Half  Calf,  $7  25. 

JEFFERSON'S  LIFE.  The  Domestic  Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson :  Com- 
piled  from  Family  Letters  and  Reminiscences,  by  his  Great-grand- 
daughter, Sarah  N.  Randolph.  Illustrated.  Crown  8vo,  Cloth ,  $2  50. 


KINGLAKE'S  CRIMEAN  WAR.  The  Invasion  of  the  Crimea:  its 
Origin,  and  an  Account  of  its  Progress  down  to  the  Death  of  Lord 
Raglan.  By  Alexander  William  Kinglake.  With  Maps  and 
Plans.     Three  Volumes  now  ready.     12mo,  Cloth,  $2  00  per  vol. 

LAMB'S  COMPLETE  WORKS.  The  Works  of  Charles  Lamb. 
Comprising  his  Letters,  Poems,  Essays  of  Elia,  Essays  upon  Shak- 
speare,  Hogarth,  etc.,  and  a  Sketch  of  his  Life,  with  the  Final  Me- 
morials, bv  T.  NooN  Talfourd.  With  Portrait.  2  vols.,  12mo, 
Cloth,  $3  00. 

LAWRENCE'S  HISTORICAL  STUDIES.  Historical  Studies.  By 
Eugene  Lawrence.  Containing  the  following  Essays :  The  Bish- 
ops of  Rome. — Leo  and  Luther. — Loyola  and  the  Jesuits. — Ecu- 
menical Councils. — The  Vaudois. — The  Huguenots. — The  Church 
of  Jerusalem. — Dominic  and  the  Inquisition. — The  Conquest  of 
Ireland. — The  Greek  Church.  8vo,  Cloth,  Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt 
Tops,  $3  00. 

LOSSING'S  FIELD-BOOK  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  Pictorial 
Field-Book  of  the  Revolution :  or,  Illustrations  by  Pen  and  Pencil 
of  the  History,  Biography,  Scenery,  Relics,  and  Traditions  of  the 
War  for  Independence.  Bv  Benson  J.  Lossing.  2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth, 
$14  00;  Sheep  or  Roan,  $15  00;  Half  Calf,  $18  00. 

LOSSING'S  FIELD-BOOK  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  Pictorial 
Field-Book  of  the  War  of  1812;  or,  Illustrations  by  Pen  and  Pen- 
cil of  the  History,  Biography,  Scenery,  Relics,  and  Traditions  of  the 
last  War  for  American  Independence.  By  Benson  J.  Lossing. 
With  several  hundred  Engravings  on  Wood  by  Lossing  and  Barritt, 
chiefly  from  Original  Sketches  by  the  Author.  1088  pages,  8vo, 
Cloth,  $7  00;  Sheep,  $8  50;  Roan,  $9  00;  Half  Calf,  $10  00. 

FORSTER'S  LIFE  OF  DEAN  SWIFT.  The  Eariy  Life  of  Jonathan 
Swift  (1667-1711).  By  John  Forster.  With  Portrait.  8vo, 
Cloth,  Uncut  Edges  and  Gilt  Tops,  $2  50. 

GREEN'S  ENGLISH  PEOPLE.  History  of  the  English  People. 
Bv  John  Richard  Green,  M.A.  3  volumes  readv.  8vo,  Cloth, 
$2  50  per  volume. 

SHORT'S  NORTH  AMERICANS  OF  ANTIQUITY.  The  North 
Americans  of  Antiquity.  Their  Origin,  Migrations,  and  Type  of 
Civilization  Considered.  By  John  T.  Short.  Illustrated.  8vo, 
Cloth,  $3  00. 

SQUIER'S  PERU.    Peru 
the  Land  of  the  Incas. 


Incidents  of  Travel  and  Exploration  in 
By  E.  George  Squier,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  late 


U.  S.  Commissioner  to  Peru.   With  Illustrations.    8vo,  Cloth,  $5  00. 

MYERS'S  LOST  EMPIRES.  Remains  of  Lost  Empires :  Sketches 
of  the  Ruins  of  Palmvra,  Nineveh,  Babylon,  and  Persepolis.  By 
P.  V.  N.  Myers.     Illustrated.     8vo,  Cloth,  $3  50. 


4         Valmhle  Works  for  Public  and  Primte  Libraries. 


HALLAM'S  MIDDLE  AGES.  View  of  the  State  of  Europe  during 
the  Middle  Ages.    By  Henry  Hallam.    8vo,  Cloth,  $2  00:  Sheep, 

$2  50. 

HALLAM'S  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  The 
Constitutional  History  of  England,  from  the  Accession  of  Henry 
VIL  to  the  Death  of  George  II.  Bv  Henry  Hallam.  8vo,  Cloth. 
$2  00;  Sheep,  $2  50. 

HALLAM^S  LITERATURE.  Litroduction  to  the  Literature  of  Eu- 
rope during  the  Fifteenth,  Sixteenth,  and  Seventeenth  Centuries. 
By  Henry  Hallam.     2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $4  00;  Sheep,  $5  00. 

SCHWEINFURTH'S  heart  of  AFRICA.  The  Heart  of  Africa. 
Three  Years'  Travels  and  Adventures  in  the  Unexplored  Regions 
of  the  Centre  of  Africa— from  1868  to  1871.  By  Dr.  Georo 
ScHWEiNFURTH.  Translated  by  Ellen  E.  Frewer.  With  an  Intro- 
duction by  WiNwooD  Reade.  *  Illustrated  by  about  130  Wood-cuts 
from  Drawings  made  by  the  Author,  and  with  two  Maps.  2  vols.. 
8vo,  aoth,  #8  00. 

M'CLINTOCK  &  STRONG'S  CYCLOPAEDIA.  Cyclopjcdia  of  Bib- 
lical, Theological,  and  Ecclesiastical  Literature.  Prepared  by  the 
ReT.  John  M'Clintock,  D.D.,  and  James  Strong,  S.T.D.  9  vols,  now 
readi/.  Royal  8vo.  Price  per  vol.,  Cloth,  $5  00 ;  Sheep,  $6  00 ; 
Half  Morocco,  J^8  00.    {JSdd  %  Submiption.) 

MOHAMMED  AND  MOHAMMEDANISM :  Lectures'  Delivered  at 
the  Royal  Institution  of  Great  Britain  in  February  and  March,  1874. 
By  R.  BoswoRTii  Smith,  M.A.,  Assistant  Master  "in  Harrow  School ; 
late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford.  With  an  Appendix  contain- 
ing Emanuel  Deutsch's  Article  on  "  Islam."    12mo,  Cloth,  $1  50. 

MOSHEIM'S  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY,  Ancient  and  Modern ; 
in  which  the  Rise,  Progress,  and  Variation  of  Church  Power  are 
considered  in  their  connection  with  the  State  of  Learning  and  Phi- 
losophy, and  the  Political  History  of  Europe  during  tliat  Period. 
Translated,  with  Notes,  etc.,  by  A.  Maclaine,  D.D.  Continued  to 
1826,  by  C.  Coote,  LL.D.     2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  4  00 ;  Sheep,  $5  (X). 

HARPER'S  NEW  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY.     Literal  Translations. 

The  following  volumes  are  now  ready.     12rao,  Cloth,  f  1  60  each. 

Cesar.— Virgil.— Sallust.— Horace. — Cicero's  Orations.— Cice- 
ro's OrncEs,  etc.— Cicero  on  Oratory  and  Orators.— Tacitus 
(  2  vols. ).—  Terence.  —  Sophocles.-  Juvenal.  —  Xenophon.— 
Homer's  Iliad. — Homer's  Odyssey. — Herodotus. — Demosthenes 
(2  vols.). — Thucydides. — JilscHYLUs.  —  Euripides  (2  vols.). — 
LivY  (2  vols.).— Plato  [Select  Dialogues]. 

NICHOLS'S  ART  EDUCATION.  Art  Education  applied  to  Indus- 
try.  By  George  Ward  Nichols.  Illustrated.  8vo,  Cloth.  $4  00 : 
Half  Calf,  $6  25. 


-,«»»««.» taut  «r^  . 


I  *■! 


^1,H 


-5 


«v> 


fcW 


l+t  sTor  v^    Cjf 


Cr 


tc  ec< 


REPLACEMENT 


0^-C 


inri9 


